Confederate Veteran Magazine Articles

I am attempting to compile as much information as possible from newspapers regarding Confederate Veterans.

The Confederate Veteran Magazine  records are large many having over 100 pages. 1909 alone Ihas somewhere around 1200 pages. The magazine is by month and year in PDF format.  If you do not have ADOBE ACROBAT you will need to down load the file to view the records (see Adobe below).

Once you open the PDF file you can use the search feature to search all the pages instead of trying to find your ancestors by reading the whole magazine.  Good luck.. Margie

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Confederate Veteran, Vol. IV, No. 9, Nashville, Tenn., September, 1896.



Miss Louisa B. Poppenheim

Character and Career of the Confederate President.

An able and entertaining paper written and read by an old soldier's daughter, Miss Louisa B. Poppenheim, one of the Maids of Honor of the South Carolina Division, United Confederate Veterans, at the Richmond, Va., Reunion, 1896, before the Daughters of the Confederacy of Charleston, S. C., and published by request of that organization:

The human soul always finds language a weak mode of expressing great love, high admiration and deep veneration, and it naturally shrinks from attempting to put into any form whatever its thoughts on its noblest ideals. Still, to think or speak of a great soul at all is a means of elevating even ordinary men, and "great men taken up in any way are profitable company." "We cannot look, however imperfectly, upon a great man without gaining something. He is the living light fountain which it is good and pleasant to be near." In the skies of the Southern hemisphere there is a constellation, sending its dazzling beams out into the silent night, which is known as the Southern Cross. We of the South have our constellation of heroes, the light of whose great names shines out over the whole world and makes men of all nations better and purer when they contemplate such heroic souls dominated by a devotion to duty which could have been developed only in a Christian civilization.

Today we will try to get nearer to one of these great men, and in an imperfect, though loving way, attempt to do honor to a man whom we should look upon, not as an unsuccessful leader of a "wrong" cause, but as a stainless, incomparable patriot, whose conduct was such that the people whom he represented can face the whole world with pride in the name, as a man of blameless integrity and of spotless character. Jefferson Davis, a statesman and patriot, conspicuous in American history, was born in Christian County, Kentucky, June 3, 1808, of a Georgian father who had served as a Revolutionary Captain of Infantry at the siege of Savannah. At the age of sixteen, through the influence of Mr. Calhoun, he entered West Point and graduated in 1828.

Entering active service with the rank of Lieutenant of Infantry, he served on the Northwestern frontier until 1833, when he was transferred to a regiment of dragoons.

In 1835 he married the daughter of Col. Zachary Taylor, from her aunt's house, near Louisville, Ky. After his marriage he moved to Warren County, Mississippi, where he occupied himself in cotton planting until 1846.


When hostilities with Mexico commenced a Regiment of Mississippi volunteers was organized at Vicksburg and Mr. Davis was elected its Colonel.

On accepting this command he requested from the General Government one thousand percussion rifles for his regiment. These arms, as yet, had not been introduced into the United States Army and Gen. Scott is said to have preferred the old flint lock, and even advised that six of Davis' companies be supplied with them. This Col. Davis refused to agree to, the percussion rifles were given his troops, and thus the well-known "Mississippi Rifles" was introduced into the United States service.

While waiting for transportation for his troops up the Rio Grande, Col. Davis wrote a manual of tactics suitable for his new rifle, and even taught his Officers personally the use of this manual. It was the usual joke of the regiment to call out at these lessons: "There goes the Colonel with the awkward squad."

Davis and his Mississippians took an active part in the memorable siege of Monterey, and he was appointed by Gen. Taylor as one of the three commissioners to arrange for its capitulation.

The United States Government being dissatisfied with the terms of this capitulation, most of the troops then in Mexico were sent to Gen. Scott at Vera Cruz, leaving Taylor in a hostile country with only one battery of light artillery, a squadron of dragoons and Davis' Regiment of Mississippians.

It was with this handful of men under Bragg, Geo. H. Thomas and Davis that Taylor won the celebrated battle of Buena Vista and forced Santa Anna to retire from the field.

The news of this brilliant victory was received with the greatest enthusiasm in the United States, and Taylor's political success was secured by this military glory In this battle Davis, though severely wounded, remained in the saddle all day and as a result of this enthusiasm was sent home on crutches. His riflemen stood nobly by their intrepid Colonel all through this trying fight, and it was here that they executed that celebrated "V" movement which was afterwards imitated at the battle of Inkerman by Sir Colin Campbell and his troops.

Before Col. Davis returned to Mississippi, President Polk appointed him Brigadier General of volunteers of Mississippi, an honor which he at once declined, as he maintained that volunteers were militia, and as such their officers must be appointed by the State. Here he showed, as in all his subsequent acts, his consistent adherence to the principle of State's sovereignty.


In 1847, on his return to his home, the Governor of Mississippi appointed him to fill out the unexpired term of Speights in the United States Senate.

After serving this term he was elected to represent Mississippi in the National Assembly from 1851 to his resignation, on the secession of that State, in 1861.

At this time orators and oratory ruled the hour. The United States Senate in 1850 was at the acme of its glory. It was in its calmiest days. Never before at one time did so many illustrious men sit in the highest council of the nation. In that body of giants as it was then, with Webster, Clay and Calhoun leading its debates, we find with Mr. Davis, Chase, of Ohio; Houston, of Texas; Bell, of Tennessee; Douglas, of Illinois; Sumner, of Massachusetts; anti Toombs, of Georgia.

John Savage gives in his "Living Representative Men" the following incident which occurred during Mr. Davis' first speech in the Senate, and which shows what men of another generation thought of this remarkable man. John Quincy Adams had a habit of always observing new members. He would sit near them on the occasion of their Congressional debut, eyeing and attentively listening if the speech pleased him, but quickly departing if it did not.

When Davis arose in the House, the ax-President took a seat near by. Davis proceeded; Adams did not move. The one continued speaking, the other listening. At the close of the speech the "Old Man Eloquent" crossed over to some friends and said: "That young man, gentlemen, will make his mark yet, mind me!" Prescott, the historian, in his letters. in which he presented some reminiscences of the Senate of 1850, says: "He (Davis) impressed me more by dignity of manner and speech with what a model Senator should be than any other I have heard address the Senate."

The entire period of his connection with the Senate, from 1847-61, was pregnant with the fate of a nation, and during this time he stood in that august body the equal of giant intellects and grappled with the power and skill of a master the great ideas and events of those momentous times.

It has been remarked of Mr. Davis' style as a speaker that it was orderly rather than ornate. This is true, for Mr. Davis' speeches afford poor examples of rhetorical brilliancy. But for clear logic and convincing argument, apt illustration, bold and original imagery and genuine pathos, they are unsurpassed by any delivered in the American Senate.


As a writer of terse, chaste, vigorous, classic English he had few equals and his reports, letters, messages, proclamations, and last his great book, "The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government," all show a clearness and beauty of style which proclaim him a cultured and broadly endowed scholar, ripe in experience and knowledge. After the death of Mr. Calhoun he was incomparably the ablest exponent of States' rights, and even during the life time of that great publicist, Mr. Davis shared the labors and responsibilities of leadership with him. Like Mr. Calhoun, Davis gave little evidence of capacity or taste for mere party tactics. His was a broader and more philosophical mind, and the great principles at stake were the questions which entirely absorbed his attention.


His reputation as a soldier gave special weight to his opinion in the Senate on questions relating to the army, and at once he was made chairman of the committee on military affairs. In contrast with Mr. Douglas, he bitterly opposed the Clay compromise of 1850. In 1853 he was induced, after having been offered the position twice, to become Secretary of War under Franklin Pierce.

"Men who are characterized as theorists or abstractionists when entrusted with public office are often the most practical and judicious administrators. It was so with Hamilton in matters of finance, and it was eminently so with Calhoun and Davis, both abstractionists and both by general admission among the most successful administrators that ever presided over the War Department.

The American Cyclopedia says of Mr. Davis: "His administration of the War Department was marked by energy and ability and was highly popular with the army. He proposed or carried into effect the following: A revision of the army regulations; the introduction of camels into America; the introduction of light infantry or rifle tactics; the manufacture of rifled muskets and pistols, and the use of the minie ball; the addition of four regiments to the army; the augmentation of the seacoast and frontier defences, a system of exploration in the Western part of the continent for geographical purposes, and the determination of the best route for a railroad to the Pacific. This railroad he advocated as a military necessity for means of transportation of troops to preserve the Pacific slope as apart of the Union."

President Pierce's Cabinet is remarkable as being the only Cabinet in the history of the country that remained intact throughout the entire Presidential term. Ex-Judge Campbell, of Philadelphia, Postmaster General under Pierce, says: "Jefferson Davis was one of the best educated men whom I ever came in contact with; and Caleb Cushing, who was in the Cabinet with him, was the most highly cultured man of his time."

When Mr. Davis' term of office as Secretary of War expired, in 1857, he was at once returned to the Senate from his State.

On October 10, 1858, introduced by Caleb Cushing, Mr. Davis, in behalf of the Democratic party, addressed an audience in Faneuil Hall, Boston.

In 1860 he introduced his States' Rights Resolutions, which provoked a debate of great bitterness on the part of Mr. Douglas.

Mr. Davis was frequently spoken of for the Presidency, and at the meeting of the Democratic Convention at Charleston, in 1860, he received a large vote for the nomination. Benjamin Butler, of Massachusetts, voting for him on one hundred and eighty-nine ballots. He did not wish the nomination, and so anxious was he for harmony in the Democratic party that he persuaded, by his own personal influence, both Breckinridge and Bell to agree to withdraw from the canvass provided Douglas would do the same.

By this means he hoped to get the three elements to unite on one man, but unfortunately Mr. Douglas refused to withdraw. The four candidates entered the field and Mr. Davis' fears were realized. He then tried to effect a compromise to permit the State to remain in the Union, and as a member of the committee of the Senate to whom was referred the famous Crittenden Compromise, he avowed himself willing to accept that or any other plan that the opposing factions could agree upon. This compromise failed because the Northern Republicans opposed every effort that was made for peace. In speaking of the transactions of Stephen Douglas, he always referred to Jefferson Davis as one who sought means for conciliation. After this failure to agree, Mississippi seceded from the Union. Mr. Davis did not hesitate to obey her mandate or to follow her lead. and on the 21st of January, 1861, he delivered his famous "Farewell to the Senate."

The theory of the right of a State to secede had almost universally been accepted up to the year 1861. Even at that time the New York Tribune says: "If the cotton States wish to withdraw from the Union, they should be allowed to do so," and that Any attempt to compel them to remain by force would be contrary to the principles of the Declaration of Independence and to the fundamental ideas upon which human liberty is based. If the Declaration of Independence justified the secession from the British Empire of three million subjects in 1776, it was not seen why it should not justify the secession of five million Southerners from the Union in 1861." Again: Sooner than compromise with the South and abandon the Chicago platform" they would "let the Union slide." Now on the other side, Mr. Davis has been accused by some writers of having been anxious to dismember the Union. Although he always believed in the right of secession, he considered it an extreme measure, one to be resorted to only where all else had failed.

We have seen how he struggled for a compromise, and so modest were his views that in the conference in which the Governor, the Legislature of Mississippi, her Senators and Representatives in Congress took part. Mr. Davis stood alone in opposing any separate State action. At that time people thought him "too slow," if not really opposed to secession altogether.

He, on his part, did not think the issue should be precipitated as long as there was any chance for a peaceable settlement of the question. The majority of this State Convention, however, opposed him, and he then said he would abide by whatever action the Convention representing the sovereignty of the State of Mississippi might think proper to take. In a letter to Franklin Pierce, January 20,1861, Mr. Davis says: "Civil war has only horror for me, but whatever circumstances may demand shall be met as a duty and I trust be so discharged that you will not be ashamed of our former connection or cease to be my friend."

In his "Farewell to the Senate," he said, in speaking of the secession of Mississippi: "I do think she has justifiable cause and I approve of her act." Also he remarks: "Nullification and secession, so often confounded, are indeed antagonistic principles. Mr. Calhoun advocated nullification because it preserved the Union. Secession belongs to a different class of remedies and is justified upon the basis that the States are sovereign. You may make war on a foreign State, but there are no laws of the United States to be executed within the limits of a seceded State." He closes his address by saying: "I am sure I feel no hostility toward you, Senators from the North, and I hope for peaceable relations with you though we must part."

Confederate Veteran, Vol. IV, No. 10, Nashville, Tenn., October, 1896.



Miss Louisa B. Poppenheim

Conclusion of sketch from September VETERAN:

On January 24th, after delivering his "Farewell," Mr. Davis returned to Mississippi as Major General and Commander-in-chief of the volunteer forces of that State, and while organizing these forces the Provisional Congress at Montgomery unanimously elected him President of the Confederate States. He had expressed himself as preferring to serve in the army, but he at once sacrificed his own personal preference and took the helm of State. He was inaugurated at Montgomery on February 18, 1861. In his inaugural address he said: "You will see many errors to forgive, many deficiencies to tolerate, but you shall not find in me either a want of zeal or fidelity to the cause that is to me highest in hope and of most enduring affection."

After his inauguration he proceeded at once to form his Cabinet. This, he said, was an easy matter for him, as he was bound only by a consideration for the public welfare, having no political rivalries to satisfy. The result was that no member of his Cabinet bore any close personal relationship to him, and, in fact, two of them he had never known previous to this official connection.

No one not intimately acquainted with the history of the several executive departments of the Confederate Government can ever appreciate the Herculean task that these men had undertaken. It was certainly a case of making bricks without straw.

The magnitude of the undertaking was unprecedented in history, and the spirit and ability with which its directors entered upon their duty is nothing short of marvelous. In the organization of the army, too, there were many obstacles to be overcome.

The Southern people are characteristically an individual people. It was a hard lesson to teach them that a disciplined army must not be made of men who had surrendered their freedom of will. Then again our soldiers were citizens, and as such exerted a powerful political influence by their communication with their respective homes.

At the beginning of hostilities arms were the greatest need felt. Men volunteered in large numbers, but the Government could not properly equip them for service, and finally there were State rivalries and jealousies to be propitiated in the organizations of brigades and the assignment of officers.

When we consider these difficulties, together with the wonderful energy and ingenuity displayed in the construction of powder mills, the building of arsenals and the boring and changing of guns, we stand back abashed at the temerity of these men. Each one grows more heroic, and we begin to understand how deep and strong must have been their love for constitutional liberty when they dared grapple with such difficulties for its sake. This building up of a nation in a day reads like a fairy tale, and we realize with justifiable pride that this fair South of ours held in her midst sons who would have been a glory to any nation and any time. Thrice happy are we, Daughters of the Confederacy, in being able to claim them for our own.

And the leader of all these vast enterprises, the man to whom they all turned for guidance and support, never once shirked the responsibility that fell to him. Weighed down by care, distressed by adverse criticism and dissatisfaction at home, he still adhered to the guiding principle of his life and duty always found him responding to her call.

In November, 1861, Mr. Davis was elected President of the permanent Government of the Confederate States, and was inaugurated at Richmond, Va., February 22, 1862. His Cabinet was the same under the permanent Government as under the provisional.


Mr. Davis has been blamed for many of his official acts, but no man has ever been able to face him with any charge of unfaithfulness to the cause or his State, or one which would reflect on him. As a pure-minded, stainless patriot, the Hon. B. H. Hill says: "I would be ashamed of my own unworthiness if I did not venerate Lee; I would scorn my own nature if I did not love Dixie; I would question my own integrity and patriotism if I did not honor and admire both. There are some who affect to praise Lee and condemn Davis, but of all such Lee himself would be ashamed."

Though Mr. Davis has been most severely criticized for his determined upholding of Albert Sidney Johnston, his attitude towards that great soldier was ably vindicated by the battle of Shiloh, and his judgment in the selection of a soldier was indisputably upheld by his unswerving friendship for Gen. R. E. Lee after his West Virginia campaign. At this time Gen. Lee was severely censured by the newspapers, and nearly all of the officers on the South Carolina and Georgia coast signed a protest against his being placed in that important command. Mr. Davis, however, knew the man he was dealing with and stood firm to his own judgment in the matter.

When, after the battle of Gettysburg, Lee asked ro be removed from command on account of the adverse criticism of the press, Davis said, in a letter replying to him: "Were you capable of stooping to it you could easily surround yourself with those who would fill the press with your laudations and seek to exalt you for what you have not done, rather than detract from the achievements which wild make vou and your army the subject of history and the object of the world's admiration for generations to come. To ask me to substitute you by some one in my judgment more fit to command or who would possess more of the confidence of the army or of the reflecting men of the country, is to demand an impossibility."


Mr. Davis has also been accused of having been responsible for the sufferings at Andersonville. It has been proven, however, by indisputable authority, both Confederate and Federal, "that the mortality in Southern prisons was over three per cent. Less than the mortality in Northern prisons; that after medicine had been declared contraband of war the Federal Government refused the proposition of Judge Ould that each Government should send its own surgeons with medicines and hospital stores for soldiers in prison; that the Federal Government also declined a proposition to send medicine to its own men in Southern prisons without being required to allow the Confederates the same privilege; that it refused to allow the Confederate Government to buy medicine for gold, cotton or tobacco, although it offered to pledge its honor that these medical stores should be used for Federal prisoners only; that it refused to exchange sick and wounded, and neglected, from August to December, 1864, to agree to Judge Ould's proposition to send transports to Savannah and receive, without equivalent, from ten to fifteen thousand Federal prisoners, and finally that when Judge Ould did agree upon an exchange with Gen. Butler, Gen. Grant refused to approve it and Mr. Stanton, United States Secretary of War, repudiated it.

Mr. Davis' courage in the face of disaster was wonderful. Note the ring of hopefulness even in his last message to Congress, March, 1865:

"While stating to you that our country is in danger, I desire also to state my deliberate conviction that it is within our power to avert the calamities which menace us, and to secure the triumph of the sacred cause for which so much sacrifice has been made, so much suffering endured and so many precious lives lost. This result is to be obtained through fortitude, by courage, by constancy in enduring the sacrifices still needed; in a word, by the prompt and resolute devotion of the whole resources of men and money, in the Confederacy to the achievement of our liberties and independence."

After this message, events hurried the life of the Confederacy to its close. On April and the Confederate Cabinet moved from Richmond to Danville, Va., and then to Greensboro, N. C., where it consulted with Gens. Joseph E Johnston and Beam regard. After this conference the Cabinet moved farther South, and finally disbanded at Washington, Ga. Mr. Davis now determined to join his family, who were traveling in Georgia, and he was eventually captured while with them by the Fourth Michigan Cavalry early on the morning of May 10, 1865. at Irwinsville, Ga.


At this time the indignities to Mr. Davis began. The party was robbed and the President treated with such uncalled for insolence that Governor Lubbock, of Texas, one of the party, says in a personal letter: "I became so indignant and so completely unstrung and exasperated that I called upon the officers to protect him from insult, threatening to kill the parties engaged in such conduct."

As a prisoner he was conducted to Fortress Monroe and there imprisoned for two years.

Whatever may have been the animosities that Mr. Davis incited as Chief Magistrate of the Confederacy, whatever may have been the criticism of his executive acts, these were all blotted out by the noble. dignified and uncomplaining attitude which he preserved during this cruel test. Adversity showed him as he really was, a wise, considerate, conscientious man, one who could suffer for conscience sake, and who, when he believed a thing to be right, followed it to the bitter end even if it took him through a dark valley and over a toilsome road.

When first incarcerated he was put in irons (an indignity unheard of in the history of the treatment of State prisoners). The details of this early prison life are simply and plainly told by Lieut. Col. John Craven, post surgeon at Fortress Monroe. This Federal surgeon speaks of Mr. Davis during this fearful ordeal in terms of the highest respect, and it was through his intervention that the distinguished prisoner was relieved of his shackles and received such creature comforts as were the means of preserving his life and reason. In his book published in 1866, he writes: "Before history takes up the pen to record her final judgment, the world will be willing to conclude that the man who was our most prominent foe was not utterly bad—had, in fact, great redeeming virtues—and that no movement so vast and eliciting such intense devotion on the part of its partisans as the late Southern rebellion could have grown up into such gigantic proportions without containing many elements of truth and good which it may profit future ages to study attentively."


Mr. Davis was always anxious and willing to be brought to trial. In fact, the chief aim of his life while in prison was to preserve himself so as to be able to go before the Courts and to vindicate his own cause and that of his people before the whole world. When eventually an attempt was made to bring him to trial, no trained perjurer, could implicate him.

There were three charges brought against him. The first attempted was, "Complicity in the Assassination of President Lincoln." This failed. The next charge was, "Cruelty to prisoners. " This, too, failed. The third charge was "Treason."

In this last charge the first grand jury of whites and blacks ever empaneled in this country found an indictment of treason against Jefferson Davis and R. E. Lee. Gen. Grant "squashed" the indictment against Gen. Lee by maintaining that his parole protected him. In the case of Mr. Davis the authorities at Washington and Chief Justice Chase himself decided that the charge of "treason" could not be maintained. Mr. Davis, still anxious for trial, was finally admitted to bail and was never afterwards brought before the Court.

In 1867, after having made an arrangement by which he was to have sixty days notice whenever the United States Courts required his presence, he went to Europe to live. After a year's residence abroad, during which time he was offered an interview with Louis Napoleon, (an honor which he declined), he returned to Memphis to accept the presidency of a life insurance company in that City.


About this time he bought Beauvoir from his old friend, Mrs. Dorsey, and before he had fully paid for it she died, leaving him her sole legatee. From 1876-79 he devoted his life to the preparation of his classic defense of the South, "The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government."

He was seldom seen in public life during his latter days. He presided at the Lee memorial meeting in Richmond in November, 1870, and spoke at the Convention held at Montgomery White Sulphur Springs, Va., in August, 1874, to organize the Southern Historical Society. Again, he spoke at the unveiling of the monument to "Stonewall" Jackson in New Orleans, at tbe meeting of the Southern Historical Society in New Orleans, at the unveiling of the monument to Albert Sidney Johnston in New Orleans, and at the laying of the corner-stone of the Confederate Monument in Montgomery. Mr. Davis' health had always been uncertain and the sufferings and trials of his latter days would have completely overcome a man of less stubborn will or weaker character. His was a clear case of the power of the spiritual over the material. He was spared, however, to a ripe odd age and was able to outlive envy, silence calmly and to advocate with his pen the people he so dearly loved.

This great work done, he was laid to rest, followed by the love and admiration of a nation who looked upon him as their great and noble "leader," a man who had preserved for them a stainless and honorable name.

He died disfanchised, denied the simplest political privileges of a man, but the principles for which he suffered defeat and clung to till death still live and are today strong in the hearts of all men who believe in and consider what constitutional liberty is. It has been an extremely interesting task to me to find out what the wise and good of our own times have said of this soldier of three wars, this statesman who wore the mantle that Calhoun laid down, and this brilliant member of a notoriously brilliant Cabinet of the United States.


In 1886, Mr. Benj. Williams, of Massachusetts, wrote in the Lowell Sun: "When Mr. Davis was a prisoner, subjected to the grossest indignities, his proud spirit remained unbroken and never since the subjugation of his people has he abated in the least his assertion of the cause for which they struggled. The seduction of power or interest may move lesser men; that matters not to him; the cause of the Confederacy as a fixed moral and constitutional principle, unaffected by the triumph of physical force, he asserts today as unequivocally as when he was seated in its executive chair at Richmond. Now, when we consider all this—what Mr. Davis has been and, most of all, what he is today, in the moral greatness of his position—can we wonder that his people turn aside from time-servers and self-seekers and from the common-place chaff of life and render to him that spontaneous and grateful homage which is his due? The Confederacy fell, but not until she had achieved immortal fame. Few great established nations in all time have ever exhibited capacity and direction in government equal to hers, sustained, as she was, by the iron will and fixed persistence of the extraordinary man who was her chief."


On January 25, 1890, in an address before the Virginia Legislature, Senator Daniels said of him: "No public man was ever subject to sterner ordeals of character or closer scrutiny of conduct. He was in the public gaze for nearly half a century. Proud, high-minded, sensitive, self-willed, but not self-centered; self-assertive for his cause, but never for his own advancement; aggressive and imperious as are nearly all men fit for leadership; with the sturdy virtues that command respect, but without the same diplomacies that conciliate hostility, he was one of those characters that naturally makes warm friends and bitter enemies; a veritable man, terribly in earnest, such as Carlyle loved to count among the heroes.

"I can recall no public man who, in the midst of such shifting and perplexing scenes of strife, maintained so firmly the constancy of his principles and who, despite the shower of darts that hurtled around his head, triumphed so completely over every dishonorable imputation.

"It was fortunate for the South, for America and for humanity, that at the head of the South in war was a true type of its honor, character and history; a man whose clear rectitude preserved every complication from impeachment of bad faith, a patriot whose love of law and liberty were paramount to all expediencies. A publicist whose intellectual power and attainments made him the peer of any statesman who has ever championed the rights of commonwealths in debate or stood at the helm when the ship of State encountered the tempest of civil commotion. Had a less sober-minded and less strong than he been in his place, the Confederacy would not only have gone down in material ruin; it would have been buried in disgrace."


History will do justice to the man, and it only remains for us who now stand at the end of his century to fully appreciate the grandeur and nobility of his character; to honor his unswerving devotion to principle and to venerate his dignity in adversity.

Then we will show ourselves able to discriminate between him who enjoys and him who deserves success, and will be true to our duty as lovers of all those virtues which make up the patriot and hero.

"The world does not to-day think less of Warren because he fell at Bunker Hill a red-handed colonial rebel, fighting the old flag of his sovereign even before his people became secessionists from the Crown; not because his yeomen were beaten in the battle.

"Oliver Cromwell is a proud name in English history, though the English Republic which he founded was almost as short-lived as the Confederacy and was soon buried under the re-established throne of the Stuarts. And we but forecast the judgment of years to come when we pronounce that Jefferson Davis was great and pure as a statesman, man and patriot."

Confederate Veteran, Vol. IV, No. 11, Nashville, Tenn., November, 1896.



Washington Evening Star

His Comment on Men and Measures in August, 1862.

Copied from the "Washington Evening Star":

United States Commissioner A. J. Williams, of Cleveland, Ohio, a member of the Loyal Legion, recently gave out for publication the following letter written by Gen. Sherman to his brother, Senator John Sherman, in 1862.

MEMPHIS, TENN., Aug. 13, 1862.

My dear brother: I have not written to you for so long that I suppose you think I have dropped the correspondence. For six weeks I was marching along the road from Corinth to Memphis, mending roads, building bridges, and all sorts of work. At last I got here and found the city contributing gold' arms, powder, salt and everything the enemy wanted. It was a smart trick on their part thus to give up Memphis that the desire of gain to our Northern merchants should supply them with the things needed in war.

I stopped this at once and declared gold, silver, treasury notes and salt as much contraband of war, as powder. I have one man under sentence of death for smuggling arms across the lines, and hope Mr. Lincoln will approve it. But the mercenary spirit of our people is too much and my orders are reversed and I am ordered to encourage the trade in cotton, and all orders prohibiting gold, silver and notes to be paid for it are annulled by orders from Washington. Grant promptly ratified my order, and all military men here saw at once that gold spent for cotton went to the purchase of arms and munitions of war. But what are the lives of our soldiers to the profits of the merchants?

After a whole year of bungling, the country has at last discovered that we want more men. All knew it last fall as well as now; but it was not popular. Now 1,300,000 men are required when 700,000 was deemed absurd before. It will take time to work up these raw recruits and they will reach us in October, when we should be in Jackson, Meridian and Vicksburg. Still, I must not growl. I have purposely put back, and have no right to criticize, save that I am glad the papers have at last found out we are at war and have a formidable enemy to combat.

Of course I approve the confiscation act, and would be willing to revolutionize the government so as to amend that article of the Constitution which forbids the forfeiture of land to the heirs. My full belief is, we must colonize the country de novo, beginning with Kentucky and Tennessee, and should remove 4,000,000 of our people at once south of the Ohio River, taking the farms and plantations of the Rebels. I deplore the war as much as ever, but if the thing has to be done, let the means be adequate.

Don't expect to overrun such a country or subdue such a people in one, two or five years. It is the task of half a century. Although our army is thus far South it cannot stir from our garrisons. Our men are killed and captured within sight of our lines.

I have two divisions here—mine and Hurlbut's— about 13,000 men; I am building a strong fort, and think this is to be one of the depots and bases of operations for future movements.

The loss of Halleck is almost fatal; we have no one to replace him. Instead of having one head we have live or six, all independent of each other.

I expect our enemy will mass their troops and fall upon our detachments before new reinforcements come. I cannot learn that there are any large bodies of men near us here.

There are detachments at Holly Springs and Senatobia, the present terminal of the railroads from the South, and all the people of the country are armed as guerrillas. Curtis is at Helena, eighty miles south, and Grant at Corinth. Bragg's Army from Tripoli has moved to Chattanooga and proposes to march on to Nashville, Lexington and Cincinnati. They will have about 75,000 men. Buell is near Huntsville with about 30,000, and I suppose detachments of the new levies can be put in Kentucky from Ohio and Indiana in time.

The weather is very hot and Bragg can't move his forces very fast; but I fear he will give trouble. My own opinion is we ought not to venture too much into the interior until the river is safely in our possession, when we could land at any point and strike inland. To attempt to hold all the South would demand an army too large even to think of.

We must colonize and settle as we go South, for in Missouri there is as much strife as ever.

Enemies must be killed or transported to some other country.

Your affectionate brother,



Confederate Veteran, Vol. V, No. 6, Nashville, Tenn., June, 1897.



Col. E. C. McDowell, Nashville, Tenn.

Early in the spring of 1863 I was ordered to Alexander's Battalion of Artillery as ordnance officer, having passed the examination of the board as second lieutenant in the fall of 1862, while employed at the Richmond Arsenal, and where I remained until I received my commission and orders as above.

This battalion had gained renown under Col. (afterwards lieutenant-general) Stephen D. Lee, especially at the second battle of Manassas and at Sharpsburg. This renown was increased under the command of Col. E. Porter Alexander, who was afterwards brigadier-general and chief of artillery of Longstreet's Corps. He graduated number three at West Point, and was in the engineer corps of the United States Army. He was very highly esteemed in the Confederate service, and was consulted oftener by Gen. Lee than was any other artillery officer.

Col. Frank Huger was the major, and he afterwards succeeded to the command. He was also a graduate of West Point. Both of our field officers were therefore highly educated, as well as experienced soldiers. I was very fortunate to be under such officers, and recollections of my military life are full of admiration of their abilities and amenities.

The battalion was composed of six batteries-four Virginia, one South Carolina, and one Louisiana- while the general composition of a battalion was only four batteries. This battalion and the more noted Washington Artillery, of New Orleans, with four batteries, composed the Reserve Artillery of Longstreet's Corps, Army of Northern Virginia. We were called "Reserve" because we were not specially attached to any division, but kept for use whenever and wherever wanted; hence the battalion explanation that we were called "Reserve," because never in reserve. With this battalion I was destined to serve through the campaigns of Chancellorsville, Gettysburg, to Chickamauga, Knoxville, and East Tennessee and back to Virginia for the Wilderness, Spottsylvania Courthouse and the campaign to Petersburg, when I was promote(i and made captain and assistant to the chief ordnance officer of the Army of Northern Virginia, on duty at headquarters, where I served to Appomattox Courthouse. I reported at the winter quarters of the battalion at Carmel Church, Caroline County, on the Richmond, Fredericksburg, and Potomac Railroad.

On the 29th of April marching orders were received, and we left camp at I P.M., and, by way of the telegraph and mine roads, we reached the Tabernacle Church, at the junction of the plank road about 10 A.M. the next dav, where we remained all day, waiting for orders.

The next day! May 1, Gen. Stonewall Jackson appeared, and as he was conferring with Col. Alexander I had an opportunity of closely observing him, it being the first time that I had seen him. And here I must remark that he was not called "Stonewall" in the army, but always and only "Old Jack," although he was then only thirty-nine years old. He wore his new uniform, given to him by Gen. Jeb Stuart, and, the visor of his cap being pulled far down over his eves, I remember the keen look which he gave under it as he asked questions and gave his orders. He was fatally wounded at dusk the next evening.

We commenced to advance both on the turnpike and plank road in the early afternoon, and drove the enemy back until we were about one and one-half miles from Chancellorsville House, the two roads being about three-quarters of a mile apart at our position, but meeting at Chancellorsville. We spent the night here, and Gens. Lee and Jackson bivouacked close by. It is related that in this bivouac, sitting on two empty U. S. cracker boxes, Gen. Jackson proposed and Gen. Lee approved the famous flank march by which the victory was gained.

Early the next morning we were in this march, and at one point we were drawn aside to let the infantry pass. The men had been in winter quarters and had accumulated much "plunder," which they were trying to carry, lout the dav was a warm one and they were pushed to the utmost. The officers were continually calling out, "Close up, men! close up!" and enforced the order. As they passed us in a dogtrot many of these poor fellows stepped aside, jerked off their knapsacks or bundles, hastily selected a few precious things, and, abandoning their cherished possessions, ran on to resume their places. This flank march was from ten to twelve miles, and the troops were to make that and fight the battle at the end of it without any food, except what each mall could eat as he marched. We were interrupted in the march by shells from a battery of the enemy at an exposed place, but the simple expedient of marching around the hill, instead of over it, seemed to be sufficient to satisfy their curiosity.

Fitz Lee's Cavalry, with the Stonewall Brigade, under Gen. Paxton (who was killed the next day), with two of our batteries under Maj. Huger. were detached from the march and posted across the plank road, which again leaves the turnpike, on which was the enemy's line of battle. I remained with this command, and about six o'clock Jackson's attack was delivered on the flank of the enemy on the turnpike, about a mile to the left of our position. In a few minutes we saw the rout, a confused mass of men, horses, wagons, and guns streaming down the turnpike at top speed in a real panic. We were within a good artillery distance and temptation to fire into the flank of that rout was almost irresistible, and Capt. Parker, almost with tears in his eyes, pleaded with Gen. Fitz Lee for the privilege; but he forbade it, as our own victorious troops could be expected to follow at any moment, and our shells would make no distinction.

We staved there all night, and early the next morning I went up to the turnpike and followed it down to find Col. Alexander. I found hint at Hazel Grove, where thirty guns were concentrated, firing on Fair-view and Chancellorsville, and a tremendous battle was in progress. Col. Hamlin (U. S.) says that the fire from these guns determined the fate of the campaign. A shell from one of them struck a pillar in the porch of the Chancellorsville House and knocked down and temporarily disabled Gen. Hooker. The fire of the guns was stopped to let the infantry advance, and they stormed the lines at Fairview directly in our front. I remember Maj. "Willie" Pegram, of Richmond, with the fire of battle shining from his eves through his spectacles. saving to Col. Alexander: "A glorious day, Colonel, a glorious day!" It was a beautiful, bright, May Sunday morning and as I listened to him I thought of the contrast between the day and the work. We then rode over to Fairview and Chancellorsville and examined the strong position of the enemy and viewed the dubs is of the battlefield. We then marched down to Salem Church (about seven miles) toward Fredericksburg, but when we got there the battle was over, Sedgwick having been stopped in his advance.

The next day, May 4, our battalion was divided. Four batteries, under Maj. Huger, supported Gen. Anderson in his attack in the evening upon Sedgwick, in which he (Sedgwick) was defeated and driven toward Banks Ford, but we were not actively engaged. I was with this detachment, and was much interested in the preparations for the advance of the infantry and the ensuing battle. As it was supposed that Sedgwick would retreat over the river at night, two of our batteries were taken to a position which commanded it, and points marked for night firing. I went with them, and at nightfall I laid down very near the guns and went to sleep. Incredible as it may seem, I was not awakened by the fire of those guns, which, of course, literally shook the ground. I had been going then four days almost without sleep and with very little to eat, and I never before knew how a tired-out soldier could sleep. The enemy's supplies were our principal resource, and I remember how good the hot coffee was which one of Moody's "Madison Tips" gave me, waking me up for the purpose, and the material for which had come from the haversack of one of the dead soldiers of the enemy lying around us.

The next dav, May 5, the battalion went by the river road toward the line to which Hoover had been driven, back of Chancellorsville and resting on the river, and which he had fortified. I was taken by Col. Alexander to the Hayden House, on the high bank, a half-mile from the river, and shown a position to which I was to conduct a detachment after nightfall, to dig pits for our battalion, which was to enfilade the enemy's line the next morning. When I had brought the detachment near the point I was surprised to see camp fires and men, evidently the enemy, moving around them. and in the darkness of night it looked as if they were in the position which we were to occupv. Inexperienced as I was I did not know what to do, but, judging that it would be better to lose one man than a whole detachment, I halted it, and crept forward until I found that thev were across the river, though very near, on a bend of it. Unfortunately, therefore, much time was lost, and the pits were not as deep as they ought to have been. During the day preparations had been made for a final assault on what was left of Hooker's Army in front of us, but a heavy rainstorm came up and a general movement could not be made, and the enemy retreated across the river during the night. But the next morning the battalion had a grand artillery duel with the enemy across the river at very short range. One of the first shells from the enemv went through the roof of the Hayden House, and some of the inmates left it with agonizing screams. It was always distressing to us to see our civilian people under fire, especially women and children, and often they were exposed to it.

On April 30 Gen. Hooker had announced to his army that the operations so far "have determined that our enemy must either ingloriously fly or come out from behind their defenses and give us battle on our own ground, where certain destruction awaits them."

On May 6 Gen. Hooker said in general orders to his army: "If we have not accomplished all that was expected, the reasons are well known to the army. In Withdrawing from the South bank of the Rappahannock before delivering a general battle to our adversaries the army has given renewed evidence of its confidence in itself." This is what he said, but Josh Billings might say: "It sounds mighty like sarcasm."

This ended the five days of the active work on one battlefield, in which Jordan's Battery, of our battalion, had fired the first and the last gun; five days and nights together, in which we were nearly always moving or fighting, or in momentary expectation of one or the other. It will be seen that in this one battle there were four distinct battlefields on which we fought, without counting the incidental skirmishing and we marched more than thirty miles during the time, not counting any march tow it. This a ill give only a faint idea of the exactions of our warfare.

Of course the live Yankees gave me many a scare in this battle, but the worst came from a dead one. I went out to look for an India rubber blanket. They were plentiful on the ground, but wet and muddy, as we had had heavy rains; but finally I saw one which was tied to some muskets stuck in the ground by their bayonets, making a shelter for a dead soldier lying beneath; and this one, of course, was dry and clean. So I dismounted, and was untying it, when the supposed corpse opened his eyes and said reproachfully: "I ain't dead yet." I was dreadfully startled, but managed to say, "Excuse me, sir; I thought you were dead," mounted my horse, and rode away.

Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 9 Nashville, Tenn., September, 1898.



Chaplain Norman Fox, Seventy-Seventh N. Y. V.

On the evening of May 10, at Spottsylvania, under the leadership of Gen. Upton, a column of a dozen selected regiments, including my own, all of the Sixth Corps (Sedgwick's), made a charge; and, although the movement was unsuccessful in the end, they held for a time a portion of the Confederate. works.

Among the wounded brought to the rear was a boy in gray, Private Thomas J. Roberts, of Company I, Twelfth Georgia. We lifted him from the ambulance, and, having spread a blanket on the grass and laid him on it, I called a surgeon. A minie ball had struck him in the groin, and but a slight examination was enough to show that the wound was fatal. He was a mere boy, and I can still see his really beautiful face as he lifted his dark, lustrous eyes to mine. It was little that I could do for him, but I spoke such words of comfort as I could command. He showed fortitude and cheerfulness for one in so sad a situation, and he to'd me about his friends at home, speaking also of those from his own family circle who had already been killed in the war. While we were talking he asked for a drink of water. I brought it, and as I raised him to a sitting posture, so that he could drink, he leaned his head forward upon my shoulder, and without a struggle was dead. We could give him only the rude burial of a soldier, but over his grave was lifted the prayer that the God of all comfort would tenderly support those far away who would wait in vain the return of the boy of their love and hopes.

Often since that night have I thought of that Southern soldier lad who died actually in my arms, as if in a mother's embrace, and I pen this reminiscence that possibly it may make known to some surviving comrade or dear one that in his last hour what little could be done for him was tenderly performed.

More than one of those of my regiment who, being wounded, fell into the hands of the enemy spoke afterwards of kindnesses shown them by Southern soldiers. Thanks, noble Confederate veterans, for acts of tenderness to those whom the stern fortunes of war cast at your feet. Your names may be unknown to the Northern mothers and sisters of those to whom you showed kindness, but their prayers have gone up to God for you all the same. You yourself may have forgotten your gentle deeds, deeming them little things, but God's angels have kept the records of them all.

Morristown, N. J., September 4, 1898.

Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 11 Nashville, Tenn., November, 1898.



Gen. Stephen D. Lee

Gen. Stephen D. Lee, Agricultural and Mechanical College, Miss., replies to criticism of an address by him:

Dear Comrade: In the September number of the VETERAN Comrade C. R. Orr has an article headed "Jealous of Well-Earned Honors," in which he takes exception to some remarks made by myself in presenting the flag of the Forty-Second Georgia Regiment at the reunion at Atlanta. The remarks were of a general character, and intended merely to. be complimentary to a gallant regiment which had done good service at the battle of Chickasaw Bayou, under my command. I was certainly unfortunate in my language if I conveyed the idea that the Forty-Second Georgia alone was entitled to all the credit for the victory gained at Chickasaw Bayou. My intent was to recall the gallant services of that regiment under my command in that particular battle. Several flags were presented at the same time, one to the Thirty-Ninth North Carolina Regiment by Gen. Gordon in which he stated that that regiment had been in fifty-seven engagements and "had won fifty-six of them." Certainly Gen. Gordon did not intend to convey the idea that that regiment had done all the fighting and won all the glory of fifty-seven battlefields.

The official report is the one which always makes up the record, and I refer Comrade Orr to Vol. 17, Part 1, Series 1, in the record of the Union and Confederate armies, published by the government, to be found on pages 680-684. My report says: "About 9 A.M. (December 29, 1862) he (the enemy) attempted to throw a pontoon bridge over the lake to my left; as soon as the attempt to pontoon the lake was discovered my line of battle was pushed to the left by two regiments, to throw them in front of the threatened point. The two regiments were the Forty-Second Georgia and Twenty-Eighth Louisiana. About 10 A.M. a furious cannonade was opened on my position by the enemy. He at the same arranged his infantry to storm my position. At II A.M. his artillery fire ceased, and his infantry, 6,000 strong, moved gallantly up under our artillery fire (eight guns), crossing the dry lake at two points, one being in front of vacated pits and the other 200 yards from my line. Here our fire was so terrible that they broke, but in a few moments they rallied again, sending a force to my left flank. This force was soon met by the Twenty-Eighth Louisiana, Col. Allen Thomas, and the Forty-Second Georgia, Col. R. J. Henderson (sent to the left in the morning), and handsomely repulsed. Our fire was so severe that the enemy lay down to avoid it."

In the same volume the following is found in Col. Allen Thomas' report, who commanded the two regiments, the Twenty-Eighth Louisiana and the Forty-Second Georgia: "At about 11 A. M. I observed the enemy crossing the bayou in large force and forming line of battle with evident intention of storming our works. At the same time he threw out a force across the fence to your left (S. D. Lee's), opposite my extreme right, for the purpose of turning your flank. I immediately advanced the remaining companies of the Twenty-Eighth Louisiana and Forty-Second Georgia, and compelled the enemy to retire with considerable slaughter. By this time you had completely routed his column which had attacked your center." This explains the gallant action of the Forty-Second Georgia, which I alluded to in presenting the flag. My report further says: "The troops under my command behaved with great gallantry, officers and men. Besides the regiments already mentioned for gallantry I would mention the Third, Thirtieth, and Eightieth (Sixty-Second) Tennessee Regiments, occupying the pits where the enemy made his most formidable attack. They displayed coolness and gallantry, and their fire was terrific." Further in the report, among the officers mentioned by name I find Col. C. J. Clack, James J. Turner, Third and Thirtieth Tennessee, and Col. J. A. Rowan, Eightieth (Sixty-Second) Tennessee.

I was in a position to see the effect of the fire from the center of my line of battle where the Tennessee regiments were, and also the fire from the Forty-Second Georgia and Twenty-Eighth Louisiana to the left of the Tennessee regiments. The fire of these two latter regiments into the flank of the enemy, which was deploying to their right (to my left), and to the left of the Tennessee regiments, was the decisive and culminating feature of the battle. The terrible fire of the regiments in the center, coupled with the equally terrible fire of the two regiments named taking the enemy's troops in the flank in the act of deploying, was so terrific that the entire body of Federal troops lay on the ground.

The loss to the enemy was 200 dead on the field, 21 commissioned officers and 311 noncommissioned officers and privates were taken prisoners, four stands of colors and 500 stands of arms were captured. My report puts down their loss at about 1,000. Reports of the Medical Department of the Federal army place their loss at over 1,700 killed, wounded, and prisoners.

I hope that Comrade Orr will be pleased with these extracts from the official reports, and that he will generously consider, if he thinks the Third Tennessee bore the brunt of the fight, that there were other regiments on the field entitled to some credit also. He says further that the Third and Thirtieth Tennessee, with the aid of some artillery, did about all the fighting. These two gallant regiments did splendid fighting, but he is in error when he thinks they "did about all" of it. My report will show that all the regiments and artillery engaged were entitled to full credit for that splendid victory. Certainly the prevention of pontoons being thrown across the lake to my left, and the firing into the flank of the enemy in the act of deploying was a most important feature of that battle. I would not do wrong to any Confederate command of soldiers if I knew it. I am proud of being a Confederate soldier myself, and I am proud of being a comrade of the gallant men not only of the Third and Thirtieth Tennessee, but of all the commands I had the honor to serve with.

Confederate Veteran, Vol. VII, No. 1 Nashville, Tenn., January, 1899.



Charlie Wells

Ex-Sheriff Charlie Wells tells a remarkable story of what occurred while the Seventh Georgia Regiment was campaigning in the Valley of Virginia. The hero of the wonderful feat is Capt. James L. Bell, a popular conductor who daily takes his train in and out of Atlanta on the West Point road. The story is strictly true, and is known to all the surviving members 'of the Seventh Georgia regiment. It illustrates how whole bodies of well-disciplined men are liable to sudden and uncontrollable panics.

During Gen. Grant's advance on Richmond the Seventh Georgia regiment, after a day of hard and almost incessant fighting, found itself on the confines of a large field, across the center of which ran a straight deep ravine. The exigencies of the battle had, in a measure, separated the regiment from other commands on either flank, and, although the firing was incessant about them, no enemy was visible in their front. They had just repulsed an attack made by the Nineteenth Wisconsin regiment and a portion of a New York regiment. The latter had fallen back through the field and were lost to view. Dusk was fast gathering. The men of the Seventh were weary with a long day's fighting and were taking a needed rest. It was with these surroundings that Sergt. Bell thought he would reconnoiter, and, climbing over the works, he moved stealthily across the field and obliqued so as to meet the ravine at its head. Here he beheld a sight which almost paralyzed him. The ravine was full of Federals, and he had run full upon them. To retreat would have been dangerous. It was one man against hundreds, and Sergt. Bell determined in a moment to capture the regiment and take the colors with his own hands. Without a moment's pause he dashed boldly forward, firing his musket full into the ranks of the enemy, crying: "Surrender! Throw down your arms!" The Seventh Georgia heard the cries and shot, and dashed across the field, but too late to rob the gallant Bell of the honor achieved by his daring act. Bell had captured them single-handed, and had in his possession the colors of the Nineteenth Wisconsin Regiment. The captured regiment was sent to the rear amid great laughter, and Sergt. Bell became the hero of the hour.

It was the opinion of many that had the regiment appeared across the field it would have been saluted with a volley and an obstinate fight would have ensued; but the sudden apparition of a single wild figure darting out of the gloom, yelling and firing into their midst, so disconcerted them that they yielded to a genuine panic and were prisoners almost before they knew it. When Sergt. Bell dashed at them at the end of the ravine one man arose up and surrendered, then another and another, and in less than two minutes they were all prisoners.

Capt. Bell is a hale, handsome man of about fifty-five, with grizzled hair and mustache. He is as modest as he is brave, and this story comes from the lips of his comrades who were with him and who witnessed the remarkable feat on that October day. In 1884, in conversation with a friend, Capt. Bell expressed a great desire to know the fate of the gallant color bearer whom he had met on the field of battle so long ago.

The friend, without informing him of his intention, inserted in a Wisconsin paper a little notice to the effect that the color bearer of the Nineteenth Wisconsin regiment, if still alive, would please confer with James L. Bell, Atlanta, Ga. The notice brought from Barraboo, Wis., the following, by Phillips Cheek, Jr.:

"Your card received, and I should have replied ere this, but was at Minneapolis at the National Encampment of the G. A. R., in command of the Department of Wisconsin; hence the delay. John Fallen, sometimes called Fowler, was color bearer of Company A, Nineteenth Wisconsin Infantry. He was captured with his regiment at Fair Oaks, Va, From there he was sent to Libby and Belle Isle, afterwards to Salisbury, N. C., where he remained until they were all released. By the aid of comrades he got home, but was so reduced that his friends did not recognize him, and was mentally an imbecile. He remained so for two months before he was able to recognize his mother. From that time, as a farmer, he did what he could to support his family. The people were very kind to him, and elected him Treasurer of the town of Freedom, Wis., each year for five years, which helped him financially. In May, 1881, he was attacked by a disease which carried him to the other shore. As evidence that he was esteemed, the G. A. R. post of Freedom, Wis., is called 'John Fallen Post.' His early death was the result of imprisonment in the Confederacy. My only brother was a member of this company, and was killed in August, 1864, in the trenches before Petersburg. It is a source of gratification to us, his relatives and friends, to have testimony of his gallant foe of the Seventh Georgia regiment to his gallantry as a soldier. His officers all speak of him as one that could be trusted under the most trying circumstances. I have often heard him tell of the capture of his regiment, and that 'there was no getting out of it.'"

Capt. Bell, whose feelings were deeply aroused by this unexpected reminder of the thrilling episode of Fair Oaks, replied from Atlanta, Gal, August 30, 1884, to Mr. Cheek as follows:

'The bravery of John Fallen is indelibly stamped on my memory. I met him once and spoke to him only to learn his name, but the flight of years can never efface the gallantry he displayed at his capture. He says 'there was no getting out of it,' which was true; but that made no difference; he was game all the same. I never doubted but that John Fallen would come to the front, for he was made of the right kind of stuff. To the Western soldiers credit belongs for the hardest and best fighting of the war. . . . It is with pleasure that I learn that his name is to be perpetuated by having a G. A. R. post named for him. Please tell the members of that post of a Confederate soldier's admiration for the bravery of their honored namesake."

Application was made for a furlough for Sergt. James L. Bell, Company K, Seventh Georgia Regiment, dated at Fair Oaks, Va., November 30, 1864, in the following language:

"This is to ask leave of absence for thirty days on behalf of Sergt. James L. Bell, Company K, Seventh Georgia Regiment, to visit his home in Atlanta, Ga, because of his having advanced four hundred yards in front of his command, capturing the colors of the Nineteenth Wisconsin regiment, and causing the surrender of many officers and men. For this and other cts of gallantry I respectfully ask that this application be granted.

"THOMAS WILSON, Lieut. Commanding Co. K.

This application was indorsed as follows: "J. F. Kiser, Major Commanding Seventh Georgia Regiment; G. T. Anderson, Brigadier General; C. W. Fields, Major General Commanding Division; Respectfully approved and forwarded for special gallantry-James B. Longstreet, General Commanding Corps."

"Respectfully approved and returned."


Confederate Veteran, Vol. VII, No. 1 Nashville, Tenn., January, 1899.



Elder J. H. Milburn, Fulton, Ky.

Recently I took a hack at Muskogee, Indian Territory, en route to Tahlequah, the capital of the Cherokee Nation. The balmy weather, the beautiful pastures, skirts of timber, and interesting scenery made the drive pleasant. Near Muskogee we passed the Baptist Indian University. Thence for some miles fine farms intervened. We reached the ferry on the Arkansas river opposite the mouth of Grand River and a little below the mouth of the Verligre. Traveling two or three miles farther through fine farms on one hand, and cane from two to twelve feet high on the other, we arrived at the old, historic town of Fort Gibson. We spent the afternoon in walking over the old town and long since abandoned United States fort.

This old fort was founded by Gen. Arbuckle in 1820, when this now great government of ours was in a transition period. On the heights of Fort Gibson events interesting and novel occurred before the irresistible progress of the white man and when the Indian held unquestioned dominion. Having been a Confederate soldier caused me to look upon the scenes with keener relish, perhaps, than otherwise I should have done. With what peculiar interest the writer looked at the old, dilapidated, two-story double-roomed, hewed-log structure with windows and fireplace above and cellar walled with stone beneath and massive stone chimneys, in which Jefferson Davis made his headquarters when United States commander of this old fort, may be imagined. Just east of this antiquated building was a large, deep, square cistern walled with stone, which still retains water. All about the place there seemed a grand requiem which will sound along the corridors of time as long as men have honest convictions and the courage to stand for them. From this scene we passed to a humble two-room cottage in which Jefferson Davis' family lived and in which he spent the greater part of his honeymoon with his first wife, the handsome daughter of Gen. Taylor. This once-honored though humble home is now occupied by a family of Indians. The old United States barracks are made of stone and cost probably about $roo,ooo. This building and other stone buildings reared at a later date are yet in a reasonably good state of preservation. We walked over the old drill and parade grounds on which Jefferson Davis drilled and disciplined soldiers who, together with himself and others, won honors at Monterey and other fields of carnage.

The United States cemetery is about one mile distant from old Fort Gibson, in which are the remains of soldiers who died while in the service of their country. The cemetery is inclosed by a stone wall. Within the inclosure is a nice residence, the home of the keeper of the place. Old Fort Gibson, which cost the government altogether very nearly $1,000,000, is now rendered worthless.

Additional interest gathers around these scenes and incidents, especially to Tennesseeans and Texans, because it was to this outpost of the United States that Sam Houston retired with sad heart when he learned that his bride loved another man. At Fort Gibson Gov. Houston married a Cherokee Indian lady, who subsequently died, leaving no children. When Gen. Taylor, commander in chief of the United States forces, whose headquarters were at Fort Smith, Ark., and Jefferson Davis, at Fort Gibson, Indian Territory, took up their line of march to Mexico, Sam Houston went with Mr. Davis. Returning to Texas at the close of the Mexican war, Mr. Houston entered upon the political arena and was subsequently elected Governor of the great State of Texas.

Confederate Veteran, Vol. VII, No. 5 Nashville, Tenn., May, 1899.




Current Literature for September, 1898, contains the following very interesting points concerning the life of Theodore O'Hara, author of "Bivouac of the Dead:"

Theodore O'Hara, one of the few poets whose title to immortality rests on a single poem, but on that account is none the less secure, was born in Danville, Ky., February 11, 1820. The family subsequently lived in Frankfort. Theodore was a very precocious child, and with him study was a passion. He studied at Bardstown, in Kentucky, and there became noted as an accomplished scholar. He afterwards studied law with John C. Breckinridge as a fellow-student. In 1845 he held a position in the Treasury Department at Washington, but soon afterwards joined the United States army, with the rank of captain. He served with distinction through the Mexican war, and rose to the rank of major. He afterwards practiced law in Washington until 1851, when he joined other Kentuckians in assisting Lopez, who was trying to liberate Cuba. He was at one time editor in chief of the Mobile Register, and at another editor of the Louisville Times.

At the breaking out of the civil war he cast his fortunes with the South, and was placed in command of the Twelfth Alabama Regiment. Later he served on the staff of Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston, and was with him at Shiloh and caught the great chief in his arms when the bullet had done its deadly work. He was afterwards chief of staff to his lifelong friend, Gen. John C. Breckinridge. He died on a plantation in Alabama in 1867, and was buried at Columbus, Ga. In 1874 his remains, together with those of Gens. Greenup and Madison, and several distinguished officers of the Mexican war, were reinterred in the State cemetery at Frankfort, Ky.


The muffled drum's sad roll has beat

The soldier's last tattoo;

No more on life's parade shall meet

The brave and daring few.

On Fame's eternal camping ground

Their silent tents are spread,

And Glory guards with solemn round

The bivouac of the dead.

No rumor of the foe's advance

Now swells upon the wind;

No troubled thought at midnight haunts

Of loved ones left behind;

No vision of the morrow's strife

The warrior's dream alarms;

No braying horn nor screaming fife

At dawn shall call to arms.

Their shivered swords are red with rust,

Their plumed heads are bowed;

Their haughty banner, trailed in dust,

Is now their martial shroud;

And plenteous funeral tears have washed

The red stains from each brow.

And their proud forms in battle gashed

Are free from anguish now.

The neighing steed, the flashing blade,

The trumpet's stirring blast,

The charge, the dreadful cannonade.

The din and shout are past;

No war's wild note, nor glory's peal,

Shall thrill with fierce delight

Those breasts that nevermore shall feel

The rapture of the fight.

Like the dread Northern hurricane

That sweeps his broad plateau,

Flushed with the triumph yet to gain,

Came down the serried foe.

Our Heroes felt the shock, and leapt

To meet them on the plain;

And long the pitying sky hath wept

Above our gallant slain.

Sons of our consecrated ground,

Ye must not slumber there,

Where stranger steps and tongues resound

Along the heedless air.

Your own proud land's heroic soil

Shall be your fitter grave,

She claims from war his richest spoil---

The ashes of her brave.

So 'neath their parent turf they rest,

Far from the gory field.

Borne to a Spartan mother's, breast

On many a bloody shield.

The sunshine of their native sky

Smiles sadly on them here,

And kindred hearts and eyes watch by

The heroes' sepulcher.

Rest on, embalmed and sainted dead!

Dear as the blood you gave,

No impious footsteps here shall tread

The herbage of your grave;

Nor shall your glory be forgot

While Fame her record keeps,

Or Honor points the hallowed spot

Where Valor proudly sleeps.

Yon marble minstrel's voiceful stone

In deathless song shall tell,

When many a vanished age hath flown,

The story how ye fell;

Nor wreck nor change, nor winter's blight,

Nor time's remorseless doom

Shall dim one ray of holy light

That gilds your glorious tomb


Confederate Veteran, Vol. VIII, No. 5 Nashville, Tenn., May, 1900.



Gen. W. L. Cabell, now of Dallas, Texas

When the Confederate army, commanded by Gen. Beauregard, at Manassas and the Federal army confronted each other it was seen that the Confederate flag (stars and bars) and the stars and stripes at a distance looked so much alike that it was hard to distinguish one from the other. Gen. Beauregard, thinking that serious mistakes might be made in recognizing our troops, after the battle of July 18 at Blackburn Ford ordered that a small red badge should be worn on the left shoulder by our troops, and, as I was chief quartermaster, ordered me to purchase a large amount of red flannel and to distribute a supply to each regiment. I did so, and a number of regiments placed badges on their left shoulder.

During the battle of Bull Run it was discovered that a great number of Federal soldiers were wearing a similar red badge. I saw these badges on a number of prisoners we captured that day.

Gens. Johnston and Beauregard met at Fairfax C. M. in the latter part of August or early September, and determined to have a battle flag for every regiment or detached command that could easily be recognized and easily carried. I was telegraphed to go to them at once at Fairfax C. H. Both Gen. Beauregard and Gen. Johnston were in Beauregard's office discussing the kind of flag that should be adopted. Gen. Johnston's design was in the shape of an ellipse, red flag with a blue St. Andrew's cross, white stars on the cross to represent the different Southern States. No white border of any kind was attached to this cross. Gen. Beauregard's design was a rectangle, red with blue St. Andrew's cross and white stars similar to Gen. Johnston's. Both were thoroughly examined by all of us. After we had fully discussed the two styles taking into consideration the cost of material and the care of making the same, it was decided that the elliptical flag would be harder to make, that it would take more cloth, and that it could not be seen as plain at a distance as the rectangular flag drawn and suggested by Gen. Beauregard, so the latter was adopted. Gen. Johnston yielded promptly to the reasons given by Gen. Beauregard and myself. No one was present but us three. No one knew about this flag but us until an order was issued adopting the "Beauregard flag," as it was called. He directed me, as chief quartermaster, to have the flags made as soon as it could be done.

I immediately issued an address to the good ladies of the South to give me their red and blue silk dresses and to send them to Capt. Collin McRae Selph, quartermaster at Richmond, Va. where he was assisted by two elegant young ladies-the two Misses Carey, of Baltimore--- Mrs. Gen. Henningsen, of Savannah, and Mrs. Judge Hopkins, of Alabama. The Misses Carey made battle flags for Gens. Beauregard, Van Dorn, and (I think) J. E. Johnston. They made Gen. Beauregard's headquarters flag out of their own silk dresses. It is in Memorial Hall, New Orleans, with a statement of its history by Gen. Beauregard. Gen. Van Dorn's flag was made of heavier material, but was very pretty. Capt. Selph had a number of these flags made and sent to me at Manassas, and they were distributed by order of Gen. Beauregard. One flag I had made for the Washington Artillery, and they- have it yet. My wife, who was in Richmond, made a beautiful flag out of her own silk dress and sent it to a cousin of hers who commanded an Arkansas regiment. This flag was lost at Elk Horn, but was recaptured by a Missouri Division under Gen. Henry Little. It being impossible to get silk enough to make the great number of flags needed, I had a number made out of blue and red cotton cloth. I then issued a circular letter to the quartermasters of every regiment and brigade in the army to make the flags, and to use any blue and red cloth suitable that they could get. Gens. Beauregard and Johnston being good draftsmen, drew their own designs.

The statements going the rounds that this battle flag was first designed by a Federal prisoner is false. There is no truth in it. No living soul except Gens. Beauregard and Johnston and myself knew anything about this flag until the order was issued direct to me to have them made as soon as it could be done.

Confederate Veteran, Vol. VIII, No. 6 Nashville, Tenn., June, 1900.



Biscoe Hindman, Commander in Chief, issues General Order No. l. in which he states:

It is with a feeling of deep responsibility that I hereby assume command of the United Sons of Confederate Veterans. When I think of the high objects of our Confederation; of our duty in perpetuating the proud records of our soldier fathers and of their gray-clad comrades whom we love so well; of our devotion to the sweet memories of our mothers, and of all those Spartan women of the South, who must share the honors with the old heroes themselves; and last, and above all else, of our everlasting pride in the power of our nation and eternal love for our country and our flag the feeling of responsibility becomes likened to one of consecration.

We have seen after many years the flower of respect between the sections deepen into one of esteem, and finally blossom into the strength and fullness of brotherly love and national patriotism. And we have come to know that among all the starry gems set in the azure field of "Old Glory," none sparkle with purer patriotism or greater brilliancy than those of the Sunny South. Under that flag many of you first saw the light of day and the strength and glory of our great republic. We place it above wealth and preferment, we love it better than life itself. Our love for it began in the cradle and will end only in the grave. There was a time when our Union was shaken with the shock of contending armies and bathed in the blood of our best and bravest men. But that time has long since passed away, and the few remaining scars of conflict disappeared forever within the nation's defenders, young soldiers and old veterans alike, from all over her broad lands, marched shoulder to shoulder to drive the Spanish tyrant from the Western Hemisphere, and to raise the flag of freedom over an oppressed and down-trodden people. But you and I, who were strangers to the great conflict between the States, are no better patriots, no truer defenders of the Union to-day, than the fast decreasing gray army which meets once a year in the sweet comradeship of the olden time.

Our fathers fought for State rights, local self-government, separate nationality, and constitutional liberty and no people ever maintained a grander or more glorious struggle. But their Confederation failed, and they accepted the arbitrament of the sword and turned with strong hearts to their desolated and impoverished homes, to take up anew the struggle of life, with the same magnificent courage which they had shown on the battlefield, and which had won for them the admiration of the brave soldiers of the Union and the plaudits of all enlightened nations.

The passing of the war-begrimed remnants of the gray-clad army from the red carnage of the battlefield, from the scenes of glorious victories and terribly contested defeats to build up the ruins of their fortunes and their homes, to associate with manumitted slaves whose ignorance made them the pliant tools of unscrupulous adventurers that always follow in the train of a victorious army presented a problem before which the bravest and stanchest souls might well have trembled.

But these Confederate soldiers were equal to that problem. They had been heroes in battle; they now became heroes in peace. They had been undaunted on the field, but they became grander in their citizenship. With unfaltering steps and superb manhood, and with a courage and a patience beyond the imagination of the human mind, they laid aside their honored gray uniforms to put on the quiet clothing of the citizen, and have served their country and their God with a sublimity that shines resplendent above the fame of war, and stands unsurpassed in all the history of the world.


What supported these men, I ask you, under the great burdens laid upon them? I can hear your answer as it comes swiftly on, "The consciousness of having done their duty." Are we their sons? And shall we not do our duty to their names by rearing monuments to their memories, and establishing in history the plain truth of their proud achievements and imperishable renown? Is it not our obligation and our duty to erect a suitable memorial to the immortal women of the South, to aid in maintaining and establishing soldiers' homes, and to urge all reasonable legislation in the Southern States for these ends and for granting pensions to needy or disabled veterans of the brave army so fast fading away? I speak for you, my comrades, when I say to the old heroes: "We could not escape these responsibilities if we could, and we would not escape them if we could. You knew how to meet cold steel and leaden hail, and you knew how to die! In every station where you have been placed you have sustained yourselves with conspicuous honor. You have endowed us with the proud heritage of your soldier names, and the debt which we owe you is so full of tenderness and love that we shall endeavor to pay it over and over again. You have nobly done your part and are entitled to call on the corporal of the guard for relief. We will grasp you by the hands and take you to our hearts."

Among the most loyal of the nation's defenders are the leaders of the South, who voice the sentiments of their whole people. Our Joe Wheeler and our Fitzhugh Lee have lived to serve both the South and the Union, and have served both causes well, and they now wear the uniforms of generals in the army of the United States. Truly we now have

"One flag, one land, one heart, one hand, one nation evermore."

Commander in Chief Biscoe Hindman also issues Circular Letter No. 1 to the United Sons of C. V.:

My Comrades: We have two committees which I wish to indelibly impress upon you and for which I beg your most thoughtful, earnest, and loyal support: the "Historical Committee" and the "Woman's Memorial Committee." These are of tremendous significance to every true Son and Daughter, and to every battle scarred hero of the South. They are in the keeping of committees of loyal Sons who, I hope, like their chairman, have become imbued with the intensity of love for their work and the fire of enthusiasm for its success. Department Commander James Mann, of Nottoway Va., is Chairman of the Women's Memorial Committee. He writes me that he will give as much time and attention to the work of his committee and his department as he can possibly spare from his private affairs and says that "the Confederation has put its hand to this work, and our standing as an organization, our very life, is dependant upon its successful consummation. That is the work of our organization, and we must show that we are in earnest. We have gathered together on five different occasions and solemnly passed various resolutions, elected our officers, attended the reunion ball, and have then gone home to wait for another reunion: but as an organization we have accomplished practically nothing. Now we have taken upon ourselves the erecting of this memorial. The object could not be more worthy. and we must accomplish results that are in some degree commensurate with its importance. I hope that every camp, both collectively and individually, will send a contribution no matter how small, in order that every member may have a personal interest in the memorial which we shall rear to the memories of our Southern women.

The chairman of our Historical Committee is Col. William F. Jones, Assistant Adjutant General, of Elberton, Ga. He has been so faithful and so zealous in his work as Chairman of the Historical Committee that he is deserving of special mention from the Commanding General, and I hereby publicly thank him for his loyal and efficient work, and commend him to you as worthy of your heartiest encouragement and warmest gratitude. Col. Jones writes to me that if he can possibly arrange for the support of his family and four little children he will devote his exclusive time and attention to the important work of the Historical Committee, as he has decided to resign the Presidency of the Elberton Institute after twenty years' experience in the schoolroom. He also writes: "Let me tell you in all candor that the hundreds of letters that I have received, and the conversations I have had with people from all parts of the South, all emphasize in thunder tones the immediate necessity of prompt, vigorous and intelligent action on our part. Contrast the number of our camps with the number that have been established by the veterans and by the Daughters of the Confederacy. We should report at least one thousand camps when we meet at Memphis next year; but if things rock along as heretofore, we shall do well to hold what we have. You have a heavy task before you if you do your duty. That you will discharge it faithfully and well, I have no doubt."

I shall do my duty, my comrades, and I believe you will do yours. You have had able and loyal Commanding Generals, but has the Confederation supported them as they should have done? Without the strength and support of his men, the commander alone cannot win a battle. I feel that you are awakening to the responsibilities and duties of our organization. Though the suggestion of Col. Jones involves great labor and numerous obstacles, I accept it and say to you, "Let there be one thousand camps reported in good standing and successful operation next year at Memphis." Will you help me to accomplish such a result? Let every comrade who is in hearty accord with us and who will aid in organizing camps at new places and strengthening those already organized, write me a personal letter and assure me of his sympathy and support. I believe that you will do so, and that you will show yourselves in every way worthy of your illustrious lineage and the proud names you bear.

Confederate Veteran, Vol. VIII, No. 7 Nashville, Tenn., July, 1900.




A sensation occurred at the reunion of Confederate and Federal veterans at Atlanta July 20, which is of concern to all patriots. It occurred at the after-dinner speeches in a great banquet hall.

Col. W. A. Hemphill, General Chairman of the Reunion Committees, had introduced in turn the Commanders of the two great organizations, the Grand Army of the Republic and the United Confederate Veterans. Commander Shaw delivered a remarkable address prepared with typewritten manuscript. It was in the main of excellent spirit, decidedly the best ever uttered by a Grand Army Commander. He is a pleasing speaker, and showed a patriotic fervor much to his credit. As on previous occasions, however, he made significant statements with which Southern men will never concur. At this time he said:

There can be but one idea of American citizenship, one stars and stripes, one bulwark of future national glory, and one line of patriotic teachings for all and by all. In this view the keeping alive of sectional teachings as to the justice and rights of the cause of the South, in the hearts of the children, is all out of order, unwise, unjust, and utterly opposed to the bond by which the great chieftain Lee solemnly bound the cause of the South in his final surrender. I deeply deplore all agencies of this sort, because in honor and in chivalric American manhood and womanhood nothing of this nature should be taught or tolerated for an instant.

When he had finished Gen. Gordon was on his feet instantly. His lips were tightly compressed, and his eyes flashed as they seldom do. He stepped from his chair on to the table, where the preceding speakers had stood, and launched at once into an eloquent defense of the men of the South, who had taken up arms against the Union. Referring to Gen. Shaw's words, he said that for one he could not end would not admit nor teach his children that the cause he had fought for was wrong. He believed under God that both sides were right as they interpreted the Constitution.

Gen. Gordon spoke as seemed he never did before in a defense of the traditions and principles of the South. He paid fine tribute to the address of Gen. Shawl Referring to the above, however, he said:

Whatever may have been my record in the past, whatever may now be my love for the South and her traditions, I claim equal loyalty with Gen. Shaw in his love for the Union and his fidelity to the stars and stripes. When I saw the flag I followed and loved go down at Appomattox my heart would have broken but for my faith in God and his overruling providence.

I love this country. I love every acre of it. In these veins runs the blood of the founders of this republic. My forefathers fought and bled for this country's independence, and I believe no man is more ready to serve it in any emergency than myself. I know that my friend, Gen. Shaw, is equally devoted and true. Every sentence of his eloquent tribute to American manhood, and his every sentiment of loyalty to our fathers' flag, finds an echo in my heart. But when he tells me and my Southern comrades that teaching our children that the cause for which we fought and our comrades died is all wrong, I must earnestly protest. In the name of the future manhood of the South I protest. What are we to teach them? If we cannot teach them that their fathers were right, it follows that these Southern children must be taught that they were wrong. Are we ready for that? For one I am not ready! I never will be ready to have my children taught that I was wrong, or that the cause of my people was unjust and unholy.

When Gen. Gordon had reached this point, he paused. He could not have continued had he desired to do so. There was one long, continuous yell throughout the large building. Resuming, he said:

O, my friends, you were right; but I too was right! We were fighting over principles that we had inherited from our fathers and our fathers' fathers. We were both right, and when we meet in that great beyond we shall both hear: "Well done, thou good and faithful servant."

When Alexander Hamilton wrote and Thomas Jefferson wrote, each his construction of the true meaning of the constitution, there was a conflict of opinion utterly irreconcilable. But shall we insist that the children of one or the disciples of the other shall not be taught that he was right? From that day to this the controversy has been waged in conflicting opinions, which Gen. Shaw has inherited on the one side and I on the other, and for these convictions long and devoutly cherished by each, we were both willing to labor, to fight, and to die.

The decision made by the arbitrament of war was that slavery should no longer exist, that the right of a State to secede should no more be asserted; that there should be on this continent the one great republic and one flag over all forever. But the question of which side was right in the conflict was not settled. No result on the field of battle can ever settle a question of right, and I can no more consent to deny my children the privilege of believing that their father was right than I can consent to write dishonor in my mother's dust.

This little episode is no disturbing element of this reunion. I only rose to state for our men that they were defending principles which they had inherited from their fathers. Who shall say they were wrong?

Let us settle this question now and forever. Let us settle it upon a basis consistent with the self-respect and manhood of both sides. Let us settle it upon a basis consistent with the welfare of the great republic. There is a basis on which we can all stand. It is that monumental truth which history will yet record and heaven reveal at last-namely, that both sides were right because both sides were fighting for the constitution of the fathers as they had been taught to interpret it, and both were right.

Gen. Shaw's address had much in it that concerns Confederates, which may be expected in the next VETERAN It is unfortunate that it cannot appear now.

Confederate Veteran, Vol. VIII, No. 1 Nashville, Tenn., January, 1901.



Judge J. M Dickinson

Judge J. M Dickinson, a Tennessean, but now residing in Chicago, refers to some interesting history set forth in Erwin's "History of Williamson County, Ill." Some extracts are as follows, beginning on page 257:

But among the old liners a strong sympathy for the South was felt. By the 1st of April, 1861, the parties were nearly equally divided, and excitement was running very high. Our leading men were in trouble, and some were noisy and clamorous for Southern rights. In a few days after the inauguration, Peter Keifer made a speech in the courthouse, in which lie said, "Our country must be saved;" but it was understood that "our country" meant the South, by the motion of his hand. Sympathy for "our Southern brethren" became stronger and stronger every day. Propositions for organizing the people into companies and regiments were made. Secession was openly talked of until the 9th day of April, 1861, when it began to take shape. It was just after the fall of Fort Sumter that a party of ten or fifteen men got together in a saloon, in Marion, and agreed to call a public meeting to pass ordinances of secession. They appointed a Committee on Resolutions, who were to report at the public meeting. The call was made for a meeting to be held in the courthouse on Monday, April 15, 1861, to provide for the "public safety." A large crowd came in, and the meeting was called to order, and James D. Manier elected President. He then appointed G. W. Goddard, James M. Washburn, Henry C. Hopper, John M. Cunningham, and William R. Scurlock a comÆmittee to draft resolutions of secession. The saloon committee had the resolutions already prepared, and they were reported and passed with but one dissenting voice, and that was A. T. Benson, and were as follows:

"Resolved: 1. That we, the citizens of Williamson County, firmly believing, from the distracted condition of our county---the same being brought about by the elevation to power of a strictly sectional party---the coercive policy of which toward the seceded States will drive all the border slave States from the Federal Union, and cause them to join the Southern Confederacy.

"2. That, in such event, the interest of the citizens of Southern Illinois imperatively demands at their hands a division of the State. We æhereby pledge ourselves to use all means in our power to effect the same, and attach ourselves to the Southern Confederacy.

"3. That, in our opinion, it is the duty of the present administration to withdraw all the troops of the Federal government that may be stationed in Southern forts, and acknowledge the independence of the Southern Confederacy, believing that such a course would he calculated to restore peace and harmony to our distracted country.

"4. That in view of the fact that it is probable that the present Governor of the State of Illinois will call upon the citizens of the same to take up arms for the purpose of subjecting the people of the South, we hereby enter our protest against such a course, and, as loyal citizens, will refuse, frown down, and forever oppose the same."

These resolutions were written by Henry C. Hopper. The news of this meeting spread rapidly, and by the next morning it had reached Carbondale, and had been telegraphed to Gen. Prentiss, at Cairo. The people of Carbondale, seeing the trouble our people were bringing themselves, sent J. M. Campbell up to Marion on the i6th of April to tell the people to revoke the resolutions. He said they must be repealed, or war would be brought on our own soil and at our own doors. The people were excited badly. A meeting was called to repeal the resolutions, and to meet instanter, but not by the same men who were in the meeting of the 15th. W. J. Allen was called in to address the meeting, which he did at some length. He said that he was for repealing the resolutions, and that others could do as they pleased, but as for him and his house, they would stand still and see the salvation of the Lord.

The resolutions were repealed, and A. T. Benson appointed as a committee of one to convey a copy of the proceedings to Gen. Prentiss. When he arrived at Cairo he found Gen. Prentiss reading the resolutions. He gave him a copy of the proceedings of the meeting of the 16th, and Prentiss said: "I am glad to see them. The resolutions of secession would have caused your folks trouble; but now I hope all will be right."

Those men who held the meeting of the 15th contended that the meeting of the 16th had no right to repeal the resolutions, and that they were not repealed, and that the people must organize. So a meeting. was called for the 27th of April, pursuant to the one of the 15th. The meeting was called to order, and a motion made to"seize the money in the hands of the sheriff to defray the expenses of arming and equipping soldiers for the Southern Army." The fever for organizing into military companies had cooled-off. so that this motion was lost, and the meeting broke up in a row.

Gen. Prentiss had dropped off a company of men at Big Muddy bridge as he was going to Cairo. This was intolerable to our people. The whole country was in a flame. Thorndike Brooks and Harvey Hays raised the whoop in Marion; runners were sent all over the country to tell the people to come into town next morning wit 11 their guns. Next morning a great many people came into town with guns, anxious to know what was wanted with them, when they were told that "the men at the bridge must be whipped away." Most of them turned and went home. Some objected, and said they had no guns, and that the soldiers had good guns: but some few went on to Carbondale. and others tried to get them not to go. At Carbondale they found a noisy crowd assembled for the same purpose. Soon after they met they sent Isaiah Harris up to the bridge, which was four miles north of Carbondale, to spy around. When lie got in sight of the soldiers he saw a cannon, and returned and told them that they could not whip the soldiers. News of these proceedings having reached Gen. Prentiss, at Cairo, an hour before, he sent up another compamy, with more cannon. The train stopped at Carbondale, when the crowd was at its highest and most clam3rous condition. After staying there awhile, she pulled on up to the bridge. At this crisis Gov. Dougherty, W. Tiecker, of Cairo, and Gen. I. N. Hannie, made speeches to the people, and told them to stand by the Union.

Gov. Dougherty said that "the speeches and guns persuaded the people not to attack the bridge." The people of Marion were standing listening for a bloody battle, but they were disappointed. A few straggling crowds came back from Carbondahe, cursing and frothing like wild men. William Cram swore that he could have taken his boys and cleaned out the soldiers, and Brooks and Wheeler called the people cowards and slaves.

On the 24th day of May, 1861, Col. Brooks and Harvey Hayes, despairing of raising an army here, or organizing the .county, formed the design of raising a company and going South. They sent a man to Carbondale to recruit, and they commenced at home. By the next evening they had about thirty names on their list, and had given orders for them to rendezvous at the "Delaware Crossing," on the Saline, six miles south of Marion. They all got to the place about two hours by sun on the 25th day of May, 1861, and the few that came from Carbondale swelled the number to thirty or thirty-five men, mostly under the age of twenty-three years. They started on to Paducah on foot, and walked all night; and next day in the afternoon Robert Kelly went on to Linn's Hotel to have supper prepared for the boys. Their number had now increased to about forty men. Their feet became sore, and all of them laggud behind but six, who went on to get supper, where they were surrounded by one hundred and thirty-five home guards and taken prisoners. A friend to the boys got on his horse, knowing that they were coming into the same trap, and went tip the road to let them know. The home guards left a guard with the six boys and came on up the road to meet the others from Marion, but when they came to the forks of the road, north of Linn's Hotel, supposing the boys had taken the one leading to Brooklyn, started down to the river. The boys went on until they came to the forks of the road, and, seeing by the tracks that the guards had gone the left-hand, they went on rapidly to Linn's Hotel, where they recaptured their six companions, and went on to the river opposite Paducah. Here Kelly had prepared a ferryboat for them, but it had laid there twenty-four hours and the boilers had cooled off. They were in a critical condition; but just then they saw a steamboat, the Old Kentucky, rounding up to Paducah out of the mouth of the Tennessee. and pretty soon she was heading across the Ohio. They hoarded her, and crossed over. They went to Mayfield, Ky.. and joined Company G, One Hundred and Fifty-Fourth Regiment of Tennessee Volunteers, and were in Gen. Cheatham's command.

At the close of the war about half of them returned home. Brooks got to be a lieutenant colonel, and is now a wealthy merchant in Baltimore, Md.


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