Some areas of this topic are filled out, some more and some less than might be deemed desirable or necessary. This is a result of information available or else a judgment call made by myself as to importance. Without attempting to include every last possible detail, it could not be avoided. As much as I have tried to be thorough there are bound to be gaps in the record as presented here, which taken individually and by themselves might not have been impossible to fill. However, insufficiency of time and resources prevented me from be completely exhaustive which respect to what would otherwise have been possible to include. Even so, enough information is contained here so that the work should still be useful to historians and scholars of this subject.

Some skirmishes are included in the Calendar with no more information than a date, name and county. Except in the case of some engagements that are mentioned in pension statements, I have insisted that an action at least fulfill all three of these criteria if it is to be listed. Initially I was not going to include such skirmishes at all, but changed this when I considered that they could still be a starting point for others who perhaps might be better situated than I have been to uncover further information on these events.

The movements of light troops such as those of Lee and Washington during the Guilford Court House and Ninety-Six campaigns, are difficult, if not impossible, to record. There is often a similar problem with the movements of militia. Consequently, presentation of these is necessarily somewhat restricted. While a more specific recording of cavalry, small detachment, and militia movements is desirable, as a rule, it simply has not always been possible to provide as much as one might wish.

Similarly, it is very difficult to keep track of militia strengths since often times the men would come and go as they pleased. For this and other reasons, there were militia presences and minor skirmishes well beyond what has been recorded here. And while a search through pension statements and contemporary periodicals may be able to bring many more skirmishes to light, a full and accurate listing is probably impossible. The numbers given for a given force are sometimes derived from reconnaissance reports of the enemy, an officer’s casual statement in a letter to a very distant superior, or a secondary source which gives no reference. Understandably, such evidence should not always be given full credit for accuracy, yet many times it is all the information there is to go on with respect to the numbers in question, or for that matter data in general.

Most of the time, troop strengths do not necessarily include officers, non commissioned officers (NCOs), supernumeraries, musicians, and instead only count "Rank and File," that is individual privates and corporals.

To get the full total number of effectives for a rank and file unit or force: in the case of the British add 17.5%, in the case of the Americans add 28%. To obtain the rank and file strength from the total force of effectives, subtract the 17.5 or 28. These percentages come from the work of Hoffman Nickerson, as cited in Boatner.

Promotions and the exact date they took place it was not always possible to find out. It is prudent then to be aware that ranks given for officers in histories do not always s reflect the person’s rank when they served in the war. This problem, for example, is found in Lee or Tarleton where someone might be mentioned as a captain, or a major, who at the time of the fighting was a lieutenant or a captain (respectively,) or vice versa. Also Lieutenant Colonels are very often referred to as Colonels, and one has to be careful in not mixing up the two. With respect to militia officers, it is highly probable that someone listed as being a colonel was actually a lieutenant colonel, only information was not conveniently to be had to clarify this.

There are occasionally lacunae in other points of data and reference, which for lack of available sources, it was not possible to fill. This does not mean that such missing information is nowhere available only that I did not know of or have access to it. Some information was deliberately omitted, perhaps unwisely, as being too trivial or else thought to be something which could be inferred from other information already presented. This was deemed necessary to avoid overload. Most of this more detailed and elaborate information in question usually was to be found in the sources cited, most especially Showman-Conrad's Nathanael Greene Papers which has proved indispensable, particularly with respect to the military strengths and movements of 1781. Military historians and scholars who study this period and theater of the Revolutionary war owe Mr. Showman, Mr. Conrad, and their assistants great thanks for clearing up much that was previously obscure or muddled.

In a work of this kind, which covers so much and various information, it is well to make a few preliminary historical remarks and observations in order to account for both significant and interesting facts, which might otherwise be unknown, overlooked, or not properly appreciated in the course of reading the main text. Additional data of this kind is also found in many of the footnotes.

To begin, the following are some fairly general and random points that deserve to be mentioned.

* An astonishingly large number of major Carolina and Georgia military leaders, either themselves or their parents, had emigrated to South Carolina and North Carolina from Virginia and Pennsylvania sometime just prior to the war. A few had even been born in England, such as William Richardson Davie and James Jackson. Sumter and many of his regimental commanders were originally from Virginia. Pickens, William Lee Davidson, and Edward Lacey were born in Pennsylvania, while Elijah Clark, the Georgian, had come from North Carolina. Of all the prominent leaders among the southern militia and partisans, only Marion was an authentic South Carolinian.

* Many names of the cities and towns mentioned are spelled differently today, than they were in the late 18th century. Charleston, for example, was “Charles town,” Hillsboro “Hillsborough,” Orangeburg “Orangeburgh,” and Winnsboro “Winnsborough” or “Wynnesborough.” Most of the time, the older version will be used in this work. In some rare instances there are towns and other geographical locations and features that have names entirely different from that which they had back then, for instance, Cross Creek is now Fayetteville, and Drowning Creek is now Lumber River.

* The British and loyalists often tended, due in part to lack of training aiming and or excessive powder in their cartridges, to over shoot their targets. Firing downhill would only increase the likelihood of the ball going higher than the intended point of impact. This phenomenon of overshooting is mentioned specifically as occurring at King’s Mountain and in the Guilford Court House campaign. By contrast, the Continentals and a small number of the whig militia were generally sparing of powder and lead, and thus were compelled to make more economical use of their shots. Lawrence E. Babits addresses the topic of overshooting more precisely in his Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Cowpens, pages 14-15.

* In times of heavy rains, fords, and even ferries, could become difficult, highly dangerous, or impossible to cross or use.

* Prior to an important march, troops would usually be doled out provisions, which they were sometimes instructed to cook in advance of that march.

* During the warmer times of the year, armies would often march during the evening, night, or very early morning to avoid the sweltering heat.

* Most of the time, the horses of the Continental cavalry, often being derived from Virginia thoroughbreds, were faster and heartier than those of the British. This made a big difference both on the campaign and in combat. On the campaign, the American cavalry could move longer distances and more quickly without showing strain too early. In a charge in combat, their stronger and heavier horses added additional power to the force of the attack. Lee speaks on this topic a few times in his memoirs.

* In most cases, in order for Continentals to be raised in a given state the British would either have to be absent, or else greatly circumscribed from operating within it borders. One reason for this being the case, is that men who would otherwise become Continentals would be drawn off into the militia first to meet the enemy threat.

* The presence of either British or American regular forces, normally, would tend to encourage their respective militias significantly. Both large and small successes prompted local men to join an army as militia. While this was true of both sides, as the war in the south wore on it became more difficult for the British to make use of this advantage, since the number of southern loyalists willing to fight tended to decrease. In fact by the summer of 1781, some who had initially been loyalists ended up serving with the whigs. When the Continental army was present, this tended to increase whig militia activity. Correspondingly, when their absence became prolonged, as after Charleston and Camden, the number of whig militia who would turn out dropped.

* Both sides would often try to recruit from among the prisoners they might take, and on some occasions, particularly that of a major victory, they succeeded. However, the offer to enlist was not always open to everyone. Sumter, for instance, would only recruit loyalist prisoners whom he thought to be good and responsible men.

* It was common practice to “parole” someone taken prisoner. This meant that the captive was allowed to go free, yet if he were again taken in the fighting he was liable to be executed. This civilized approach for dealing with prisoners had the advantage of sparing the conqueror the task of transporting, housing, and feeding them. Also if the prisoners were wounded, it spared them having to be moved unnecessarily. Though violations of parole did occur, what is perhaps more remarkable is that most of the time they were respected and observed. Paroled prisoners could be exchanged just like regular prisoners, and in such trading had equal status as the latter. This all said, the difference between a paroled captive and one confined could perhaps be likened to that between a promise versus actual payment in hand.

* "In those days there were no post-offices or country stores for the congregating of the people. The flouring mills were the points of assembling, and the roads usually named for the mills to which they led."

* There were two main agricultural harvests in a given year one in early summer and the other in early autumn. These harvests would often draw men from the militia home, and away from the army.

* With armies camping in and passing through them, an area of territory could be exhausted of food and provisions, either for reasons of supply or because of willful destruction. And even if left untouched afterward, that area still might not substantially recover (as to be able to feed an army of 1,000 or more) for many months or even years. What happened above Camden, and around Charlotte in 1780 are good illustrations of this problem.

* Waterways were a very often sought after means of transport as typically wagons, horses and oxen, were scarce, and the roads difficult. However, the British were usually prohibited from using river transport to and from Camden and Cross Creek, due to interdiction by enemy militia and partisans.

There were some exceptions, like Jane Black Thomas, but normally we don’t hear of women being involved in the fighting. The more usual female a soldier might see would be among the camp-followers which included wives, mothers, companions, and children. For the most part they took care of the soldiers, doing many of those routine, yet necessary and essential tasks that made a soldier’s life more livable, including cooking and mending clothes, as well as caring for the sick and wounded. Officers, when they could, regularly corresponded with their wives and daughters. Some times they would include small pictures of what was going on in the war, but mostly they wrote about family matters, such as how the children were doing with their schooling, along with wishes to be together again. Among the historical traditions, there are tales of young ladies in love with British officers. One in particular reportedly died of a broken heart when the officer was forced to leave the province. Emily Geiger became a little folk-tale in the hands of Benson Lossing, with the story of how she was captured by the British, while attempting to deliver an important message from General Greene. Through a bit of slyness she succeeded in destroying the message before it could be found. Another favorite story is how when Greene was at Salisbury in early February 1781, he had stopped at an inn there. Without a dollar to the army chest, he was feeling especially overwrought with the responsibilities and cares that fell under his charge. Elizabeth Maxwell Gillespie Steele, wife of the innkeeper, then gave him a bag of money that represented a substantial part of her savings. Greene, much moved by her generosity, wrote on the back of a portrait of King George in the inn, “Oh George, hide thy face and mourn!” He then left the picture facing the wall. What is claimed to be the portrait (which happens to be a print by the way) still exists in the hands of Thyatira Presbyterian Church in Millbridge, Rowan County. While we unfortunately don’t have the leisure to inquire into the specific historicity of this anecdote, we can, on the other hand, safely say that the story about Nancy Hart, the Georgia woman, who, almost single-handedly, captured or killed a group of 6 tories who had invaded her home, probably didn’t happen. There was indeed a real Nancy Hart. However modern scholarship tends to take the view that the tale itself was bit of 19th century story-telling that became popular at that time.

Whig was the common term used to describe those militia and others supporting the American cause. Given the important implications of the Revolutionary War, the name derived from an old political faction might sound rather odd and trivial. Nevertheless, this was the title they most used. However, towards early 1781, “American” or “republican,” came to be gradually more adopted, where not specified otherwise. To the British, however, these militia were most all of the time “Rebels” (or “rebels,” depending on the temperament of the individual speaking of them.)

William Johnson, Nathanael Greene’s early biographer states, "(B)oth the regulars and militia were for ever fluctuating in number; for, the continentals of the Virginia line, having been enlisted for various periods of service, and calculating their time from the date of enlistment, were continually claiming their discharges; and their commander had the mortification of seeing daily his best troops drop off in detail. As to the militia, most generally, being volunteers they came and went when they pleased; or being summoned into service for a short time, one half of their term was consumed in marching and countermarching, and they could never be calculated upon for a week together."

Terms of enlistment for militia might range from weeks to months. By state law the South Carolina militiaman’s tour was two months, even as late as July 1781. North Carolina often had men in the field for two months, but sometimes these tours were consecutive, so that a citizen soldier might end up serving four months, maybe more, at least if he was so inclined. The Virginia militia with Greene at Guilford Court House had been enlisted for six weeks. Most though went home before the six weeks were up, in part due to the oncoming of harvest, for which the men were needed at home. Since Georgia was without a state government for most of 1780-1781, their militia generally acted as volunteer partisans staying or leaving as they felt necessary. Nevertheless, one should not infer that they were lackadaisical about this, as the threat from Indians alone gave them cause to serve regularly.

Much, if not most, of the time, the militia, especially those in the western halves of a given state, would be mounted. This had its advantages and disadvantages. George Hanger, a member of the British Legion, succinctly observed: “The crackers and militia in those parts of America are all mounted on horse-back, which renders it totally impossible to force them to an engagement with infantry only. When they chuse to fight, they dismount, and fasten their horses to the fences and rails; but if not very confident in the superiority of their numbers, they remain on horse-back, give their fire, and retreat, which renders it useless to attack them without cavalry: for though you repulse them, and drive them from the field, you never can improve the advantage, or do them any material detriment.” Greene and a number of his officers did not want too many mounted militia because it made the militia harder to train, discipline, and organize, and gave them too easy an excuse to avoid combat if they felt like it. In addition, the presence of many horses could deplete foraging in an area severely. On the other hand, though being mounted could make the militia’s presence in a battle precarious, it did on occasion allow them to carry out effective raids.

The quality of the militia would often vary according to where they came from and who was leading them. Very frequently militia would come and go as they pleased, and this could sometimes significantly delay, or interfere with, a commanders plans. As Tarleton observed of these troops: “(T)o keep undisciplined people together it is necessary to employ them.”

Many of the western militia acquired military experience from fighting with the Indians, which often stood them in good stead against the British. As well, many, both east and west served in earlier parts of the war. Not all militia then were green recruits or inexperienced civilians. This said, they still had their peculiar idiosyncrasies compared to regular soldiers, and leading them could be difficult. "It is an invariable trait of the character of Militia,” says Davie who commanded some of them, “that they will only obey their own officers in the line of action." While their courage would sometimes surprise both British and Continentals alike, and though they were a necessary staple in the forces on both sides, the militia generally could not be relied upon for very much, or that for very long.

Their numbers were not great, perhaps anywhere from 60 to 200 warriors at a time at most, but as allies with the colonists against the Cherokees, the Catawbas fought the British also. They served with Davie in July 1780, when their leader was General Newriver. They were part of Rutherford’s army on its way to Ramsour’s Mill, and also participated in the retreat of Gates' army after Camden. They were at Pyle’s Defeat, and later fought alongside Lee’s Legion, and the Virginia riflemen at Clapp’s Mill (the battle of Alamance, February 1781) against Tarleton’s cavalry and the light infantry of the Guards. Joseph Graham describes how the Catawbas led the attack at Clapp’s Mill when “one of the Indians snorted like a deer, whereupon he and his comrades ran forward a few steps to the first timber, and fired.” While after engaging in some musketry they fled, they can be no more especially faulted for this than most any of the other militia who did the same.

The tribe fell on hard times about the mid-19th century. But in recent years they have made a comeback and thrive to this day.

The British had the Cherokee and Creek Indians with them, but this had mixed benefits. While incursions by the Indians of the frontier took significant pressure off British forces, one modern genealogist, in writing of their revolutionary ancestor, correctly remarked, “It is interesting [to note] that Joseph chose to fight the Cherokee first. Perhaps, had the British not stirred the Cherokees against the settlers, he might have not made the decision to join the revolutionists.” The Cherokees, a numerous and widely spread people, were most to be found in southwestern Virginia, eastern Tennessee, western Georgia, and far western South Carolina. Though we rarely hear of them fighting in South Carolina, attacks by them into Georgia were not at all unusual.

In historical accounts, loyalists are commonly referred to as Tories. The word “Tory” has different meanings and associations. Yet usually it was seen then as having a negative connotation, and became the American equivalent of “Rebels,” though with perhaps more mocking and derision to it.

Andrew Hamilton, of Abbeville County, S.C., along with many other veterans expressed the view: “(I)n opposing Tories, Indians, and British and of all enemies he conceived the Tories, most detestable and most obnoxious to the Liberty of his country.”

Part of the reason for how the “Tory” problem arose was the British confiscating rebel property and estates in large quantities. When this took place after the fall of Charleston in May 1780, some men became loyalists in order to behave as thieves and plunderers. Hence there was this distinctly criminal element among otherwise legitimate loyalists, with some amount of shade in between. This of course is by no means to say that the Americans did not have some of the same problem, only that Clinton’s outlawing of non-loyalists is what got it all started. Cornwallis, in order to get a handle on the situation, set up the system of sequestration and confiscation in which an administrator, John Cruden, was appointed to oversee property taken. While this took care of the problem on a broad level, which is to say most of the time, it could not halt the illicit seeking of profit on the common and individual level.

Among the lower class elements, neither side had a complete monopoly on cruelty and loose obedience to law. There were rogues and bandits on either persuasion who acted under the banner of loyalty or patriotism to excuse their criminal intentions. Adoption of either one side or another became an excuse to commit a crime against another’s person or property. It reached such a point that in late 1781 that in some parts of South Carolina it didn't matter whose side you were on, and bands of brigands passed themselves off as whoever they liked, bringing trouble to whig and loyalist indiscriminately.

Although the British were thus scourged with the “Tories,” they were also blessed with the law-abiding pacifists. The strategically important Moravian settlement in western North Carolina, although aloof from the fighting, tended to be loyalists. There was also among the loyalist people who were idealistic about their King and the mother country, and perhaps whose credulity and innocence may have caused them to unnecessarily suffer at Pyle’s Massacre.

Major Thomas Barclay, a Provincial officer, said: "I find that those who were termed Royalists or Loyalists, in addition to their attachment to their king and country, preserve their principles of honor and integrity, of openness and sincerity, which marked the American previous to the year 1773; while those who have sold their king for a Republican Government, have adopted all the frivolity, intrigue, and insincerity of the French, and in relinquishing their allegiance, resigned at the same time, almost universally, religion and morality."

In terms of relations, strict British treatment and methods, did not always sit well with even the well-meaning loyalists. Some felt taken advantage of when it came to their property. Stedman writes, “The militia of South Carolina were in general faithless, and altogether dissatisfied in the British Service. One great cause of complaint with them was, that their horses were frequently pressed for the cavalry and quarter-master-general's department; and that those who could obtain certificates for them at a fair price, were nevertheless great losers by disposing which very much injured the public credit in that colony. It is to be observed that a distinction was made between a receipt and a certificate. Where the word Receipt was made use of, it was intended that the proprietor should be paid upon his resenting the receipt at Charlestown, and many of those receipts were afterwards actually paid by orders on the paymaster-general. Where the word Certificate was made use of, it was intended as an evidence in the hands of the holder, of such and such property being taken, its payment to depend on contingencies. This regulation governed the conduct of the commissary until lord Cornwallis moved from Wynnesborough in January 1781; then, when receipts were given, they not only specified the property, but the value of that property, which gave them a negotiable authority. When certificates were given, the property was specified, but no value affixed. Its payment, as before, was to depend on the merit or demerit of the party at the end of the war. Receipts were frequently refused; but certificates never, unless the person whole property had been taken was known to be a decided enemy, and his character marked by acts of inhumanity towards the loyalists.”

Many loyalists resented being drafted, all the more so as the service had to be repeated or became continuous. The states drafted as well, of course, but they could afford to be more flexible in obtaining recruits, leaving it up to counties to fill up quotas as they could. Clinton’s proclamation, on the other hand, called for mandatory military service from all who fit certain categories, was therefore more broad in its application, and hence more onerous to the population at large. South Carolina loyalist Alexander Chesney wrote: “A dissatisfaction prevailed at this moment [early September 1780] amongst the Militia founded on General Clinton's hand-bill which required every man having but three children, and every single man to do six months duty out of their province when required, this appeared like compulsion, instead of acting voluntarily as they conceived they were doing, and they were in consequence ready to give up the cause; but owing to the exertions of their officers a great part of which I attribute to myself, the tumult was happily appeased…”

To add to their hardships, towards the end of the war some loyalists lost estates, both small and large, in the Carolinas and Georgia. These properties ended up being parceled and bought out at auctions by some of those who fought against them. While in retrospect this seems harsh, it must be recollected that many of the Rebels had their own estates confiscated during the British occupation. It then became, as it does so often in war, a rule of them or us. On the other hand, many loyalists were still able to reside peaceably in the new states, and not a few went on to become esteemed and honored participants in the community and government.

In the course of putting together this book, I myself have been in contact with a number of people who are descendants of loyalists. I have regularly found them to be intelligent and generous persons, which perhaps can be interpreted as a comment on their ancestors.

Blacks as slaves did much labor for both armies, playing a key role in the moving of supplies and the establishment and dismantling of fortifications. There are relatively little records of work done by slaves in various military roles. The heaviest concentration of blacks was generally on the plantations along the coast and in the immediate hinterland. Beyond that slaves were not nearly so common by comparison. Not all farmers, particularly those in the backcountry and more remote areas, were slaveholders of perhaps more than a few slaves, and we often see references to the need for whites at planting and harvest.

Although reference is not frequently made to the fact, they fought on occasion as well. Marion is known to have had them in his ranks. Scholars have compiled lists of Cowpens participants who were men of color. Greene’s black manservant was a private in the Maryland regiment, and gave his life for his country in fighting just after Eutaw Springs. We find pension statements, as well, in which the black soldiers express a proud patriotism. This all said, it is unlikely to have found many black soldiers at a time in one unit. Further north the elite 1st Rhode Island Regiment, which served at Yorktown, had a large proportion of black infantrymen. But raising such an organization in the deep south was unthinkable. The placement and predominance of the bugler in the well-known folk painting of the cavalry encounter at Cowpens, probably gives a good pictorial sense of how the black presence in the army was usually then seen: participating but inferior; noble in his deeds, but still only a boy.

Many blacks, however, came over to the British side and saw the latter as liberators. Of these we don’t have much record so to what extent they were used in the fighting down south is not quite clear. We know of at least one that fought in a Provincial regiment at Hanging Rock. While only a single case, given the relative scarcity of records for blacks generally, there were undoubtedly a good many more than that individual who served as soldiers. George Fenwick Jones, in an article for South Carolina Historical Magazine, describes blacks being recruited by the Hessians. It is possible that slaves carrying muskets were part of the Augusta garrison in the spring of 1781. Yet in the south the arming of blacks in large numbers was a sensitive issue. So the British had to tread cautiously. However, by 1782, a Provincial black regiment was formed in Charleston. They saw some fighting, and were called the Black Dragoons.

The war was very much a civil war as has been many times observed, but perhaps not sufficiently appreciated. The grievous nature of warfare between neighbors is brought out vividly in incidents that took place at and after the battle of Ramsour’s Mill:

"In some instances this was a fight between neighbors and kindred, although there were not many Whigs in the Lincoln forces-the militia of the County being with Colonel Graham, who was with Rutherford.

In the thickest of the fight a Dutch Tory, seeing an acquaintance, said: ‘How do you do, Pilly? I have knowed you since you was a little boy, and never knew no harm of you except you was a rebel.’ Billy, who was out for business and not to renew acquaintance, as his gun was empty, clubbed it and made a pass at his friend's head, who dodged and said:

‘Stop! Stop! I am not going to stand still and be killed like a damn fool, needer,’ and immediately made a lick at Billy's head, which he dodged. A friend of Billy whose gun was loaded put it to the Dutchman's side and shot him dead...

Fifty-six dead lay on the face of the ridge, up and down which the forces advanced and retreated.

Many of the dead were buried on the field...

Wives, mothers, daughters and other kindred of the contestants came that afternoon and next morning to inquire for their friends. As they discovered them among the dead and dying, there were heart-rending scenes of distress and grief. Mrs. Falls came twenty-five miles on horseback, accompanied by her negro cook. Finding her gallant husband dead, she obtained a quilt from Mrs. Reinhardt, whose husband lived near the battleground, and carried his body across Sherrill's Ford and buried it with his kindred."

While Ramsour’s Mill was an untypical engagement, still it was these attitudes, feelings, and gestures so overtly expressed there, that were the common experience of many.

Since the war itself, not a few have often pointed out how not many of the Americans were Revolutionaries, and how not that many of the Revolutionaries were men and women of ideals and principle. But exactly what makes the American Revolution one of the greatest of human achievements is that the principals and ideals of a few succeeded against the designs, selfishness, or incompetence of a number far greater than themselves. The British Army historian, Fortescue, believes that it was the ineptness of Lord Germain and political parties in Parliament that lost the colonies to Britain. Yet the ineptness of the British administration does not begin to explain or account for the endurance and self-sacrifice of so many who stuck to the cause at times when things seemed most bleak and resources were nil, staying the course when others decided to jump ship. In this lay the greatness of the American soldiery, which in turn lies as part of the legacy of the American Revolution.

Fortescue also maintains that the Provincial troops were generally better soldiers than the Continentals, while at the same time the loyalists believed more in what they were fighting for. The Americans, by comparison, were generally less principled and more desirous of gain. Without denying that many of the Provincials did fight from principle, this is a rather odd argument seeing that the Provincials were invariably far better paid and supplied than the Continentals. The North Carolina Continentals were largely drafted troops, yet provided with proper leadership they became a very respectable combat brigade, fighting bravely and suffering more losses than any other American unit at the bloodier-than-usual battle of Eutaw Springs. The hardihood and fortitude of the Maryland, Delaware and Virginia Regiments is so extraordinary to those who have some idea of what they had to suffer in the course of long campaigning, that very few or no historian has yet been able to, or could, properly esteem it.

Writes Tarleton in the conclusion to his Campaigns, “It is impossible to do justice to the spirit, patience, and invincible fortitude, displayed by the commanders, officers, and soldiers, during these dreadful campaigns in the two Carolinas. They were not only to contend with men, and these by no means deficient in bravery and enterprize, but they encountered and surmounted difficulties and fatigues from the climate and the country, which would appear insuperable in theory, and almost incredible in the relation. They displayed military, and, we may add, moral virtues, far above all praise. During renewed successions of forced marches, under the rage of a burning sun, and in a climate, at that season, peculiarly inimical to man, they were frequently, when sinking under the most excessive fatigue, not only destitute of every comfort, but almost of every necessary which seems essential to his existence. During the greater part of the time, they were totally destitute of bread, and the country afforded no vegetables for a substitute. Salt at length failed; and their only resources were water, and the wild cattle which they found in the woods. Above fifty men, in this last expedition, sunk under the vigour of their exertions, and perished through mere fatigue. We must not, however, confine the praise entirely to the British troops, as a detachment of Hessians, which had been lent upon the occasion by General de Bose, deservedly came in for their proper share. The same justice requires, that the Americans should not be deprived of their share of this fatal glory. They had the same difficulties to encounter, joined to a fortune in the field generally adverse: Yet, on the whole, the campaign terminated in their favour; General Greene having recovered the far greater part of Georgia and of the two Carolinas.”

Although Tarleton’s impartiality is commendable, the Continentals, arguably, still had it worse. In addition to enduring exceedingly long marches, suffering extremes of weather and sickness, often lacking proper food, fighting far from home, and neglected by their countrymen, they received little or no pay or clothing, and were usually limited in their supply of ammunition (compared to their opponents.) In addition they were fighting the finest army in the world. Relatively little mention has been made of the remarkable achievement of these southern soldiers, whether serving for the American or British side. But that, in a sense, is perhaps only best, since it would seem in the final analysis that only Heaven will ever do them proper justice.

The Revolutionary War was a contest for self-determination, while at the same time a continuation of an effort to seek a new way of life that arose above the mistakes, injustice and blindness of the old world. It was an idealistic cause that began with the colonies earliest settlement, and which the higher-minded Revolutionaries continued. Yet there were, and always had been others, whose goals were less idealistic and progressive, more materialistic and selfish. And it has ever been the clash between these two forces that has brought about the saddest moments in the nation’s history, and criticism by foreign nations of the American experiment. The history of the Revolution, like all other periods in American history has been one of great successes and great failures. But it will not do to ignore the errors, or to forsake the hope because of those errors. Better it is to learn from both the successes and the failures as lights and warnings to guide us into our future, while insisting on our goal “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”

The “American Revolution,” in its truest sense, was, and is, a struggle for the realization of moral and civil ideals, transcending any geographical location, that carries on to this day. How successfully they were manifested in the war between America and Britain will, of course, be a subject of dispute. But that in the course of that conflict much significant ground was gained toward those goals, should not be. And even if the examples of endurance, long suffering and courage manifested in the struggle for freedom and equality were all the accomplishment the Revolutionary War as such provided, these, in their lasting way, remain encouraging examples deserving the emulation of both ourselves and those who come after us.

While an effort has been made to compile a reasonably thorough roster, of both American and British leaders, of high rank, or otherwise special note, these lists do not presume to be exhaustive, but merely provide the most significant and representative leaders. Most always the information given for a leader pertains exclusively to their involvement in the war in the south 1780-1781, and is not intended as a summary biography as such. The leaders given here were selected on the basis of their being either a field commander, unit commander, or participant of special note. Most likely there is bound to be missing some officer whom some might feel should have been included, and other officers not named due simply to lack of adequate historical information about them. This problem, unfortunately, could not be much helped given the large number of officers involved in this wide-ranging conflict. I have, for example included Capt. Patrick Carnes of Lee’s Legion, but not Capt. George Armstrong who fell at Ninety-Six because it is sometimes difficult to follow whether an officer in Lee’s Legion is in the infantry or cavalry, while gallant officers like Armstrong are so relatively numerous (given the number of men involved in the southern campaigns) that it would have enlarged my task too much to have attempted to list them all. Who knows or can say if an officer, killed at an early engagement, or sidelined before he had a chance to be involved in more battles, might have reached a prominence that his early forced absence completely denied him. Some of those taken at Charleston in 1780 come to mind. As well, there might be nominally known, yet unsung, soldiers, including the privates and sergeants, whose impact was much greater than history could ever take notice of. Such cases, for understandable reasons, we can only acknowledge the general possibility of. These comments having been made, it is hoped that the list is sufficiently comprehensive to account for the vast majority of key leaders on both sides.

Though many very important military leaders of the Virginia and Yorktown campaigns, particularly those on the Franco-American, side are not included in this main roster, their names, rank, and specific service during this period will be found in the course of the main text.

It being not always possible to track who was where and when, in mentioning engagements an officer fought at, the given listing should not be assumed to be complete, but, for practical purposes, a general summary. Additional details on these leaders, and others not listed here, can also be found in the main text.

Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln

Head of the Southern Department for the Continental army from 25 September 1778 to 13 June 1780, Lincoln oversaw the American forces at Charleston during its siege and surrender in early 1780. Becoming one of city’s prisoners, he was paroled. However, he was only able to return to Philadelphia a year later, being finally exchanged in July 1781. Lincoln went on to lead a division, in the Yorktown Campaign, during which he also served as Washington's second in command. He was subsequently appointed to head the Congressional Board of War on October 25, 1781. Although not one of the Continental army's more dashing and successful field commanders, he was well liked and did not suffer anything like the reproach for Charleston Gates did for Camden.

Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates

Gates was appointed by Congress as Lincoln's replacement on 13 June 1780, taking actual command of the army on 25 July at Coxe's Mill on the Deep River. He subsequently led the American forces at the debacle at Camden in August 1780. A move was then made in Congress by certain officers and factions to have him ousted. As a result, on 30 October 1780, he was himself replaced by Greene, and served out the remainder of his position till Greene arrived after the first of December. Although criticized by many, then and since, for his performance at Camden (and the events leading up to) less known is the fact that officers like Charles Pinckney, William Richardson Davie, and Greene saw him as rather a victim of bad luck and circumstance, preferring to blame the defeat on the often clumsy leadership of the North Carolina militia -- even though the Virginia militia, it could be argued, performed worse in the battle. Gates has also been depicted as vain and self-seeking, in part because of his incidental involvement in the earlier cabals against Washington. However, as southern commander Gates showed himself, if not a brilliant, at least a conscientious and responsible leader. It was he, not Greene, who first dispatched Carrington to look into the crossings on the Roanoke, a measure which laid the foundation for the preserving of Greene’s army in the Race to the Dan.

Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene

After serving as the Quartermaster General for the Continental army (2 March 1778 to 5 August 1780), Greene was selected by Congress to replace Gates on 30 October 1780, having been recommended by Washington. He arrived in Charlotte, North Carolina and took command in the first week of December 1780, serving in this position till the end of the war. Although technically defeated on the fields at Guilford Court House, Hobkirk's Hill, Ninety-Six, and Eutaw Springs, in every one of these setbacks the losses to his regular troops never greatly exceeded that of his opponent, and each battle "lost" invariably resulted in his finally winning the given campaign. Yet Greene's most memorable generalship was seen the "Race to the Dan" phase of the Guilford Court House campaign: praised by British as well as American commanders. His holding together a rag-tag army that had been neglected and abandoned by just about everyone else, was no small achievement either. Though Greene’s tactical judgment was, on occasion, highly questionable (such as in the wide separation of his lines at Guilford, his use of William Washington's cavalry at Hobkirk's Hill, and in his too-forward initial approaches to Ninety-Six), and, as well, manifested at times odd quirks of temperament (as in his harsh treatment of Gunby after Hobkirk’s Hill), he possessed both a remarkable capacity for organization, and a penetrating intellect for seeing the broad strategic picture.

Maj. Gen. Johannes de Kalb

De Kalb, a native of German Alsace who had once served in the French army, arrived in North Carolina in July 1780 with two brigades of Maryland and Delaware Continentals. Despite his high rank, he had a difficult time getting the North Carolinians to cooperate with him. He was second in command to Gates at Camden in August. His performance at that battle, in which helmet clad, sword in hand fighting like a lion, he only submitted after suffering eleven sword, bayonet and bullet wounds, remains one of the most memorable and heroic moments of the Revolutionary War.

Brig. Gen. Louis Le Begue de Presle Duportail, Continental Army engineers

By March 170, Duportail, a volunteer officer from France, served as chief engineer in Charleston, and was taken prisoner when the town surrendered. He was exchanged on October 25, and on his return northward briefly stopped at Greene’s camp on the Pee Dee River. He subsequently participated in the planning for an attack on New York, which he advised against, and afterward acted as Washington’s chief engineer at Yorktown. Duportail has been spoken of as the father of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers.

Brig. Gen Mordecai Gist, Delaware Continentals

Gist commanded the 2nd Maryland Brigade (which included his own Delaware Regt.) at the battle of Camden, where his efforts were praised. He afterwards left the southern army and returned to Delaware where he helped in recruiting. After serving at Yorktown, he returned to join Greene in 1782, and was present at the engagement of Combahee Ferry in late August of that year.

Brig. Gen. James Hogun, North Carolina Continentals

Hogun was an officer of the North Carolina line, who brought reinforcements to Charleston in February 1780, and was among those captured when the town capitulated. Hogun refused parole and remained at Haddrel’s Point in Charleston, to care for the suffering prisoners there, and to encourage them to resist British offers of enlistment. He died of natural causes while serving in this manner on January 4th 1781.

Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger, South Carolina Continentals

Huger participated in the defense of Charleston, and was badly defeated by Lieut. Col. James Websters’s forces at Monck’s Corner in April 1780. He was, however, able to avoid being taken when Charleston fell. Though he would not have had a command, it is likely he was present at Camden. When Greene arrived in December 1780, Huger was appointed his second in command, a position he served in throughout 1781, with a period of absence (due to illness) in the late spring and early summer. He led the Virginia brigade at Guilford Court House (where he was shot in the hand) and at Hobkirk’s Hill. In 1782, he was one of the representatives attending the reunited South Carolina assembly.

Brig. Gen. Lachlan McIntosh, South Carolina Continentals

McIntosh commanded South Carolina militia at Charleston in 1780, where he was taken prisoner. When others insisted that Lincoln stay and defend the town, McIntosh was one of those who advocated abandoning the city , and carrying on a strategic defense from without. Boatner says he was probably paroled soon after, and was finally exchanged for Brig. Gen. Charles O’Hara (taken at Yorktown) in February 1782.

Brig. Gen. Daniel Morgan, Virginia Continentals

Morgan joined Gates army (at Charlotte) in late September 1780, where he was appointed to head a corps of light troops. On Gates' recommendation, he was raised in rank from Colonel to Brigadier General by Congress, and received his commission on October 25th. One of the reason for this promotion was to prevent any temperamental militia commander from disputing his seniority. Morgan led the American forces at Cowpens in January 1781, and achieved one of the greatest and most ingenious tactical triumphs of the entire conflict. On the other hand, he could have been said to been only very lucky in evading Cornwallis' pursuit after that battle. On 10 February 1781, rheumatism and "sciatica" forced him to return to Virginia and leave the service. Though he re-appeared briefly in mid summer 1781 to lead a body of rifleman in the pre-Yorktown campaign, illness again soon forced his early retirement. Morgan was unusual because in his background, personality and ability he managed to bridge the gap between the common soldiers and the higher-ranking officers, a quality which endeared him to many.

Brig. Gen. William Moultrie, South Carolina Continentals

Moultrie was one taken prisoner at the surrender of Charleston. He was paroled, though he remained in Charleston where, without formal authorization, he acted as head and representative of the other American prisoners. The British attempted to bribe and get him to change sides, an offer which he indignantly scorned. Lossing states that Moultrie ultimately went to Philadelphia, and was ultimately exchanged in February 1782, at which time he returned to South Carolina.

Brig. Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, South Carolina Continentals

Pinckney was at Charleston where he was taken prisoner. He was thereafter paroled, and finally exchanged in February 1782. To him has been attributed the famous oath of defiance, “Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute!” Though, in his reply to the French diplomat at the time of the XYZ affair, what he had actually said was “It is No, No! Not a sixpence!”

Brig. Gen. Charles Scott, Virginia Continentals

Scott was captured at Charleston and within some months paroled to Virginia, though he was not released from this status till the war’s end. In his Campaigns, Tarleton states that in the British raid on Charlottesville in June 1781, Brig. Gen. Scott was one among a group of Virginia assembly members and state officers who were “killed, wounded or taken [prisoner].” Though he definitely was not killed, it is not clear whether Scott was wounded, captured, or both. If captured it would be something of legal question what his status would have been seeing that, at the time of his speculated capture, he was on parole.

Brig. Gen. William Smallwood, Maryland Continentals

Smallwood commanded the 1st Maryland Brigade at Camden. Though he did not particularly distinguish himself in that battle, he did play a significant role in regrouping and reorganizing the army afterward. He became Gates’ second in command and in late September 1780, he was appointment by the North Carolina Board of War to command the North Carolina Militia, replacing Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell. Smallwood apparently had hoped to command the Southern army himself, but was disappointed in this. On 19 December 1780, he left the Southern army and returned to Maryland. There he was involved in recruiting men for the southern army, while engaged in some political wrangling over his lack of promotion.

Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner, North Carolina Continentals.

Was generally recognized as North Carolina's pre-eminent Continental officer, having served with merit in Washington's army earlier in the war. For a time in late 1780 he assumed a high-ranking command in the North Carolina militia, when Davidson replaced Smallwood in October. After Greene's arrival, he was put in charge of forming and re-organizing the state's Continental Regiments, which task he performed with a resolute dedication and great professionalism. When enough men had been collected and armed to form the newly created North Carolina Continentals he returned actively to the field in August 1781, commanding those troops with honor at Eutaw Springs.

Brig. Gen. William Woodford, Virginia Continentals

Woodford arrived in Charleston with reinforcements for the city on 7 April 1780, and was one of those captured with the garrison. Yet unlike most of the other higher ranking American officers taken at Charleston, he was not paroled, though it is not clear if this was out of choice as it was with James Hogun. He was taken to New York City where he died, still a prisoner, in November 1780, and was buried in Trinity Church Yard.

Col. Charles Armand, 1st Partizan Corps, also known as Armand's Legion

A French volunteer, his actual name was Charles Armand Tuffin, Marquis de la Rouerie, but he shortened it to “Charles Armand” while in America. Sometime after the fall of Charleston what had remained of Pulaski’s Legion became part of Armand’s Legion. Armand was at Camden with Gates army, though his troops behaved poorly during and after that engagement. Following Camden, Armand's Legion was sent to forage and make cantonments in Warren County, North Carolina, "from whence,” says Otho Williams, “Armand went to Philadelphia and never returned [to the southern army.]" In February 1781, he sailed to France to obtain support and supplies for his men, and by May he and his legion were serving with Lafayette in the latter’s Virginia campaign, being present at Green Spring and later Yorktown.

Col. Abraham Buford, 11th Virginia Regiment

Buford commanded the American forces at the defeat at Waxhaws in May 1780. To de Kalb’s dismay, he left with his men to Virginia, pleading that they were without clothing or supplies. Though Gates called him back, he did not return in time for Camden. Not long after Greene's arrival in Charlotte, Buford, came down with an illness, and, as a result, was sent to command the post at Salisbury, where there was a hospital and a company of N.C. militia under Captain Yarborough. He received leave of absence to go home to Virginia to recuperate on March 5, 1781, and there remained.

Col. John Gunby 2nd Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Gunby was at Camden where he commanded the 7th Maryland Regiment (not his own, the 2nd.) After Greene arrived to the army in December, Gunby was commanding the post and magazine at Hillsborough, and was involved in removing the stores from thence to Prince Edward Court House, VA., when Cornwallis invaded North Carolina in February 1781. He left Prince Edward to rejoin Greene on March 12th. Gunby received most fame at the battle of Hobkirk’s Hill when he ordered the 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781) to fall back in the face of Rawdon’s forces. This purportedly resulted in the retreat of that unit and the subsequent route of the entire army. Greene angrily blamed the defeat on him, and arranged to have him court-martialed, but Gunby was mercifully acquitted. Not long following this, Gunby became ill from dysentery and was appointed to Charlotte to oversee that post and the hospital there. In August, still very sick, he requested leave to go home to Maryland, which Greene reluctantly granted. He did not subsequently return.

Col. Charles Harrison, 1st Continental Artillery (Virginia)

Harrison came to North Carolina with de Kalb, and took command of Continental artillery at Camden. After that

Battle he left the southern army, and did not rejoin it till a few days before Guilford Court House. He subsequently headed Greene’s artillery at Hobkirk’s Hill and Ninety-Six, at least in name. In August of 1781, Greene sent him into North Carolina to report on military stores at Oliphant’s Mill, Charlotte and Salisbury, and the possibility of creating a munitions laboratory at Salisbury. While dutifully applying himself to this task, Harrison became ill and by the 28th, went to Salem, N.C. to recuperate. After this he went to Virginia, where he ended up remaining, working to obtain supplies and support for Greene’s army. He only returned to the southern army in late spring of 1782. Despite his being at the famous battles named, Harrison does not seem to have been very much, if at all, involved in the actual working of the artillery, but served more as a supervisor, staff officer, and logistical administrator.

Col. Thaddeus Kosciuszko, Engineer

Kosciuszko, of Lithuanian origin (which was then a part of Poland), joined the southern army after Gates defeat, and following the arrival of Greene became the latter’s chief engineer. He was busily employed in various projects, including building boats and establishing fortifications (such as those on the Dan River). Kosciuszko’s presence during the southern campaigns was most conspicuous at the siege of Ninety-Six in 1781. Lee unfairly blames him for the failure of the siege when, after all, as Johnson rightly points out, Greene was the one in charge of the operations there. At the same time, but for the loss of perhaps a few days, the siege might well have succeeded. At Eutaw Springs, Kosciuszko acted as a mounted volunteer. If not the consummate expert he has perhaps sometimes been implied to have been, Kosciusko was, nonetheless, a competent, dedicated and energetic officer whose services were indispensable to Greene.

Col. Otho Williams, 6th Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1780)

At Camden, Williams came south with de Kalb and acted as Gates’ Assistant Adjutant General. He figured significantly in the reorganization of the Maryland Regiments after that action, and became commander of 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1780-1781), then the Maryland Brigade itself. He commanded Greene’s light corps in the maneuvering prior to Guilford. Exactly where Williams’ strengths lay as a combat leader are not so readily obvious. His performance as commander of the light corps in the Race to the Dan is justifiably assumed by historians to be to his credit. Yet Davie, a shrewd assessor of his contemporaries, was in after years critical of Williams being caught napping, as "a corps of observation" at Weitzell's Mill, and for giving, at a crucial moment, an ill-advised order to the 2nd Maryland at Guilford Court House (somewhat like Gunby at Hobkirk's Hill.) The quality of writing in Williams' own Narrative (arguably the best literary work by an American observer of the war in the south) on the other hand, shows him to have been a highly cultivated and intelligent person of broad experience, gifted with keen powers of discernment. It is great pity he did not write a lengthier account of his experiences in the southern campaigns.

Lieut. Col. Peter Adams, 1st Maryland Regiment

Adams commanded the 1st Maryland Regiment at Camden, but left the southern army afterward, and was replaced by Col. Otho Williams.

Lieut. Col. John Baptiste Ashe, 1st North Carolina Regiment (of 1781)

Ashe commanded the 1st North Carolina Regiment of 1781, leading his unit in battle at Eutaw Springs.

Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell, 1st Virginia Regiment (of 1781)

Campbell came south with (what would become) Samuel Hawes’ Virginia Continentals and served at Guilford Court House. He assumed command of John Green’s 1st Virginia Regiment after Green's departure in early April 1781. On July 19th, he was given command of the Virginia brigade (replacing Huger), which combined the 1st and 2nd Virginia regiments, while Capt. Thomas Edmunds took his place as head of the 1st Virginia Regiment. Campbell was mortally wounded at Eutaw Springs, though he survived some hours after the battle.

Lieut. Col. Edward Carrington, 1st Continental artillery (Virginia), Quartermaster General for the Southern Army

Carrington, with the 1st Continental artillery met up with de Kalb in Virginia on the latter’s march into North Carolina. However, due to a dispute with his superior Col. Charles Harrison, Carrington withdrew from his command. When Gates arrived to take charge of the army, he sent Carrington to Virginia to inquire into the availability of crossings on the Roanoke River, which Greene extended to the Dan River. Greene appointed Carrington his Quartermaster General in which capacity he served admirably. He did actually join Greene's army till 7 February 1781, about which time he was soon employed in collecting the boats for Greene’s subsequent passage at Irwin’s and Boyd’s ferries on the Dan River. In March through May, he led the American negotiations with Cornwallis for the exchange of prisoners, while continuing to carry out his functions as quartermaster. One of his last actions while with the southern army was securing 200 horses from North Carolina for Greene. In July he went into Virginia for the purposes of obtaining more supplies, but ended up serving with Washington’s army at Yorktown. After that he returned south and resumed his duties as Greene’s quartermaster.

Lieut. Col. Benjamin Ford (also Foard), 5th Maryland Regiment, and 2nd Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Ford commanded the 5th (or, says one good source, the 6th) Maryland Regiment at Camden. Whether he was captured at that engagement is not clear. In any case, he was with Greene’s army at Guilford Court House and Hobkirk’s Hill, where he commanded the 2nd Maryland Regiment. It was at Hobkirk’s that Ford received a death wound.

Lieut. Col. John Green, Green’s Virginia Regiment, later referred to as the 1st Virginia Regiment (of 1781)

Green commanded a regiment of newly formed Virginia Continentals, which acted as Greene’s rear guard at Guilford Court House. He left the southern army for Virginia on or before April 4th due to rheumatism, and to recruit for the regiment.

Lieut. Col. Samuel Hawes, 2nd Virginia Regiment (of 1781)

Hawes led the 2nd Virginia Regiment at Guilford Court House and Hobkirk’s Hill. He became ill in May 1781, and, about June 19th, command of the 2nd was given to Major Smith Snead.

Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard, 5th Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Howard commanded 2nd Maryland Regiment at Camden, and subsequently the 1st Maryland Regiment, and, in a detached capacity, the Maryland-Delaware light battalion at Cowpens. Howard saw as much battle field service in the southern campaigns as almost any of the higher ranking officers in the southern campaigns, being present at Camden, Cowpens, the Race to the Dan, Weitzell's Mill, Guilford Court House, Hobkirk's Hill, Ninety-Six and Eutaw Springs, as well as Camden and Cowpens. The gallantry and achievement of the 1st Maryland Regiment under his command in these engagements (Hobkirk's Hill excepted) speaks more highly of him than any panegyric could.

Lieut. Col. John Laurens, 3rd Light Infantry Battalion, Hazen’s Division

Laurens was a member of the South Carolina assembly at the time of Clinton’s invasion of the south in 1779. He joined the troops defending Charleston and served under Moultrie as volunteer, his troops skirmishing with the British in their advance on the city. Captured at its fall, he was paroled then exchanged. In the spring of 1781, he sailed to France to assist Franklin in getting money and supplies. When he successfully returned in August, he re-joined Washington’s army and commanded a battalion of light infantry at Yorktown, participating in the assault on Redoubt number 10. He later returned to fight in South Carolina and was tragically killed just months before the war’s end at Combahee Ferry on 27 August 1782. Laurens was the son of Henry Laurens, the well-known American envoy to France.

Lieut. Col. Henry Lee, 2nd Partizan Corps, also known as Lee’s Legion

Lee joined Greene’s army in January 1781, and remained serving with Greene until after Eutaw Springs, at which time he went to Virginia to be present at the siege of Yorktown, and was possibly present at the fighting on Gloucester Point. By November, he returned to Greene’s army, but in February 1782 he left for Virginia where he remained till after the war ended. Though ambitious for glory, sometimes brash, and not always easy for some to get along with, Lee was the American response to Tarleton, ever active and aggressive. Yet in fairness to Lee, his daring capture of Paulus Hook in August 1779 took place almost a year prior to Tarleton’s famous southern exploits. His Legion instilled a pride to American arms, which won the respect of friend and foe alike. Though criticized for his performance at Guilford Court House and Eutaw Springs, as well as the fact that he was probably too cavalier in risking the lives of militia in order to protect his own men, his omnipresence in the Guilford Court House campaigns, and his running successes while assisting at the reductions of Fort Watson, Fort Motte, Fort Granby, and Augusta more than demonstrate his extraordinary effectiveness as a military leader. His history of the war in the south, though often unreliable in its details and perhaps too self-promoting, is an otherwise noble work, and among the very best of Revolutionary War memoirs.

Lieut. Col. David Vaughn, Delaware Regiment

Vaughn commanded the Delaware Regiment at Camden where he was taken prisoner.

Lieut. Col. William Washington, 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, and later the combined 1st and 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, also referred to as the “Virginia Cavalry”

A cousin of the General, after Tarleton, no other leader was present at more engagements in the south than Lieut. Col. Washington. He was present at the defense of Charleston in 1780. Fighting outside of the city, however, he was spared being made prisoner by the British. While absent at the battle of Camden, Washington actively served with the southern army up until the time of Eutaw Springs, where he was wounded and captured. He was not released till the war’s end, at which time he settled in South Carolina. As well as being a highly successful cavalry and partisan officer, Washington was (unlike Lee) evidently an affable individual, as one never encounters a bad word spoken of him.

Lieut. Col. Anthony White, 1st Continental Light Dragoons

White led cavalry at the minor victories at Rantowle’s Bridge and Wambaw’s Plantation, while being also among the American leaders defeated at Monck’s Corner and Lenud’s Ferry in the spring of 1780. His and William Washington’s units were not at Camden apparently because, at that time, they were seen as being too great a burden to Gates’ already suffering supply situation. White was with Greene’s army for brief while, but because of lack of horsemen and proper clothing and equipment, he returned to Virginia, to recruit and obtain supplies, and there remained.

Lieut. Col. Thomas Woolford, 4th Maryland Regiment

In mid August 1780, Woolford was sent with a detachment of Maryland Continentals to assist Sumter in the latter’s successful raid on the Wateree Ferry below Camden. Because Otho Williams speaks of him as leading the Continental detachment that reinforced Sumter, it is believed he was wounded and taken prisoner at Sumter’s defeat at Fishing Creek just a few days later. On the other hand, Woolford is often listed as being one of those wounded and taken prisoner at Camden, so that he might not, after all, have been with the detachment, at least not at the time of Fishing Creek.

Maj. Archibald Anderson, 3rd Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Anderson fought at Camden, and distinguished himself by keeping himself and his men collected in the post battle withdrawal. Though not at Cowpens, he was at Guilford Court House, where he was killed.

Maj. John Armstrong, 1st and shortly afterward, 2nd North Carolina Regiment (of 1781)

Originally part of Ashe’s 1st North Carolina Continental Regiment (of 1781), Armstrong was placed in charge of the newly formed 2nd North Carolina within the month prior to Eutaw Springs.

Maj. Reading Blount, 3rd North Carolina Regiment (of 1781)

Blount commanded the 3rd North Carolina Regiment at Eutaw Springs.

Maj. Pinkertham Eaton, Light detachment of the North Carolina Continentals

Greene first appointed Eaton to command at Hillsborough, N.C. on January 31, 1781, to replace Gunby who was needed in Greene's camp, and who had been commanding there. Gunby, however, ended up remaining in Hillsborough. Eaton later commanded the very first detachment of Sumner’s newly formed North Carolina Continentals sent to Greene, serving at Fort Motte, and the siege of Augusta. He was killed on 21 May 1781 during (possibly after) the fighting at Fort Grierson, one of the two posts at Augusta.

Major Henry Hardman, 3rd Maryland Regiment, and 2nd Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Hardman saw action at Camden, Guilford Court House, Hobkirk’s Hill, Ninety-Six and Eutaw Springs. He assumed command of the 2nd Maryland Regiment on the death of Col. Ford after Hobkirk’s Hill.

Maj. John Jameson, 1st Continental Light Dragoons

Jameson was at Rantowle’s Bridge, and Monck’s Corner in the spring of 1780. He afterwards joined Sheldon’s 2nd Continental Dragoons in Westchester, New York, and played a part in the events immediately preceding the discovery of Arnold’s treason.   

Major John Rudulph (also Rudolph), Lee’s Legion Cavalry

Rudulph, brother of Michael, was one of Lee’s regularly active cavalry officers. He was sent to Virginia in August 1781 to get horses for the Legion, but was unsuccessful because the horses collected ended up being used at Yorktown. He had become a major by late September 1781.

Maj. Chevalier Pierre-François Vernier, Pulaski's Legion

A French volunteer, Vernier was one of those badly cut up by the British Legion at Monck's Corner on 14 May 1780. The gratuitous brutality of some of the British cavalry “provoked [Maj. Patrick] Ferguson to such wrath,” says Fortescue, “that he was hardly restrained from shooting some of Tarleton’s dragoons on the spot.” Vernier, shortly after, died from his wounds.

Capt. Armstrong, Lee's Legion Cavalry

The name of Capt. Armstrong, as a dutiful and intrepid officer, comes up regularly in Lee’s Memoirs, yet it is not clear exactly what his name was, or if, as with the brothers Rudulph of Lee’s Legion, there were two Armstrongs with the Legion. Lossing speaks of him as “Captain Mark Armstrong,” even providing a reproduction of his signature. More commonly, and in Heitman’s Register, he is given as “James.” The editors to the Greene Papers, on the other hand, make reference to a Capt. John and a Capt. Joseph Armstrong of Lee’s Legion. Having fought in many actions in 1781, Armstrong was ultimately captured at Dorchester on 13 December of that year, and was held captive till the end of the war. Perhaps Armstrong’s most famous moment was at Quinby Bridge. There he sent a messenger back to Lee, a mile or two behind, to ask if he should continue with the attack, without telling Lee, however, that most of the planks had been loosened on the bridge. Lee replied back, correspondingly, with an emphatic yes. After receiving it, Armstrong, with his small troop, charged over the precarious and flimsy bridge span, and for a while, with additional help from the legion and Marion’s men, scattered the majority of a regiment.

Capt. Patrick Carnes (also Carns), Lee's Legion Infantry

Capt. Joseph Eggleston, Lee's Legion cavalry

In Joseph Graham’s account of Pyle’s Massacre, it was Eggleston who set the slaughter going when he delivered the first blow against an unsuspecting loyalist. Elsewhere, he made a name for himself in early July 1781, by laying a successful ambush later referred to as “Eggleston’s capture,” which, although only a skirmish, Tarleton felt necessary to mention.

Capt. Thomas Edmunds, 1st Virginia Regiment (of 1781)

Edmunds was given command of the 1st Virginia Regiment on 19 July 1781, when Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell left that spot to take command of the Virginia battalion. Edmunds was wounded at Eutaw Springs.

Capt. Griffin Faunt le Roy (also Fauntleroy), 1st Continental Light Dragoons

Faunt Le Roy commanded the 1st Continental Light Dragoons when Col. Anthony White was ill in late 1780, and, says Babits, served at Cowpens. He remained with Greene when many of the 1st Dragoons returned to Virginia with White at the close of January 1781, continuing to serve with Washington’s cavalry.

Capt. Ebenezer Finley, 1st Continental Artillery

Finley first saw action with the Southern army at Guilford Court House. He was present with Lee at most of the latter’s sieges.

Capt. George Handy, Lee’s Legion Infantry

In his Memoirs, Lee singles out Capt. Handy’s performance at Augusta for special praise. The passage seems to suggest that Handy was of the Maryland line, when in fact he was with Lee’s Legion, though it is true, he also happened to be a citizen of Maryland.

Capt. Robert Kirkwood, Delaware Regiment

Kirkwood was with the southern army from Camden till 1 January 1782, when he was furloughed and returned home to Delaware. Truly one of the Continental Army’s very best company commanders, he was an unpretentious man. At the same time, he and his company of Delawares were distinguished as elite.

Capt. Pierre Charles L'Enfant, engineer

L’Enfant, a French volunteer who would later play a leading role in the architectural formation of Washington, D.C., served at the siege of Charleston, though at the time was suffering from poor health. He was taken prisoner, and was not set free until January 1782, when Rochambeau arranged for his exchange. In May of that year he was promoted to Brevet Major.

Capt. Edward Oldham, 5th Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Oldham was at Camden, served at Guilford Court House, and commanded a company detachment of Maryland light infantry that assisted Lee at Pyle's ambush, and the sieges of Ft. Watson, Ft. Motte and Ft. Granby. Lee writes "To the name of Captain Oldham, too much praise cannot be given. He was engaged in almost every action in the South, and was uniformly distinguished for gallantry and good conduct. With the exception of Kirkwood of Delaware, and Rudolph [Michael Rudulph] of the Legion infantry, he was probably entitled to more credit than any officer of his rank in Greene's army."

Capt. Michael Rudulph (also Rudolph), Lee’s Legion Infantry

See Lee’s quote contained in the entry for Capt. Edward Oldham.

Capt. Anthony Singleton, 1st Continental Artillery

Singleton officered the guns of the southern army at Camden, Guilford, Hobkirk’s Hill, and was part of the Dog Day’s Expedition.

Capt. John Smith, 3rd Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Smith, referred to by Greene in one letter as “Jack,” served at Camden, Guilford Court House (where he was wounded), Hobkirk's Hill, and Eutaw Springs. At Camden, Smith was wounded and taken prisoner. He was back with the army soon after, but whether through escape or exchange is not clear: the idea that he might have been one of those Marion liberated at Great Savannah stands as an intriguing possibility. He acquired some notoriety for slaying Lieut. Col. Stuart of the Guards at Guilford in sword-to-sword combat, though some of the British accused him of murdering Stuart after having taken him prisoner. The truth is Smith dealt the death-blow when Stuart had lost his footing, but would have had no time to have taken him prisoner. Capt. Smith’s survey of the Dan River was crucial in the saving of Greene’s army during the crossing of that river in February 1781. However, there was evidently a second Capt. John Smith of the 6th Maryland Regiment, and it may have been he, not “Jack,” who did the survey. If so then “Jack” Smith may have been at Cowpens. At Hobkirk’s Hill, as at Guilford Court House, he and his men fought like “bulldogs” (one eyewitness description.) In attempting to rescue the artillery, all of his men were killed, though the guns were finally saved. Suffering a contusion, Smith was taken prisoner, but was left in Camden on parole when Rawdon evacuated the town (May 10th.) He shortly afterward (on May 21st) went voluntarily to Charleston as a prisoner in order to be exchanged. Johnson tells the story of how on his subsequent return from Charleston, Smith was waylaid by a band of tories, masquerading as whigs, who gave him a good flogging. Though not much formally educated, Smith appears to have been an intelligent, as well as a brave and colorful individual.

Capt. Robert Smith, 1st North Carolina Regiment

Smith, formerly of the 4th North Carolina Regiment, took command of the North Carolina light infantry detachment at Augusta from Maj. Pinkertham Eaton, who was killed following the assault on Fort Grierson in May 1781.

Capt. Smith Snead, 2nd Virginia Regiment

On 19 June 1781, Smith took command of the 2nd Virginia Regiment, when Lieut. Col. Hawes was so ill as to be unable to continue in that position.

Brig. Gen. Robert Lawson, from Prince Edward County

Lawson led the Virginia militia at Guilford Court House, Lafayette’s Virginia Campaign and Yorktown. While not thought of as one of the military “greats,” Lawson was a loyal, dedicated and hard working officer.

Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens, from Culpepper County

Stevens commanded the Virginia militia at Camden and Guilford Court House. At the latter battle, he was wounded in the thigh, and forced to return to his home state. He was one of the Virginia state officials and officers who avoided being captured by Tarleton at Charlottesville in June 1781. After that, Stevens led a militia brigade in Lafayette’s Virginia campaign and Yorktown. Like Lawson, Stevens was tireless in raising men and working to assist Greene’s army, but in addition was an effective field commander and inspirer of men. At Guilford Court House, it was his troops, along with the 1st Maryland Regiment, and Washington’s cavalry, who received more praise than any other American unit. When the North Carolina militia at that battle came routing through his line, Stevens, in order to avert panic among his own men, told them to make a path for the North Carolinians, since their retreat had been arranged in advance. In fact, no such thing had been planned. This event was followed by Stevens’ homespun rifle and musket men (most without bayonets) withstanding manfully the advance of the British Guards.

Brig. Gen. William Campbell, from Washington County, also known as the North Holston settlement

Campbell received his commission as Colonel in April 1780, and in the summer of that year was occupied with putting down the numerous loyalists in southwest Virginia. At least nominally, he went on to lead the army that defeated Ferguson at King’s Mountain. In February 1781, he joined Greene with a corps of Virginia riflemen. Campbell succeeded Pickens as head of the militia force which assisted Williams and Lee’s light detachments, fighting at Weitzell’s Mill, the Road from New Garden Meeting House, and Guilford Court House. A few days after Guilford, he resigned his commission in disgust over Lee’s carelessly exposing Campbell’s troops to harm in the latter phase of that battle. Returning to Virginia, it was not long before his services were soon much wanted. Campbell was promoted to Brigadier, and in June led a corps of 600 south and southwest county riflemen to reinforce Lafayette. This force later grew to 780 men. Tragically, however, he came down with a chest ailment, which he died of while at Rocky Hills, in Hanover County. This Brigadier of the Virginia riflemen was only 36 years old.

Col. Charles Lynch, from Bedford County

Along with William Campbell, Lynch spent much of his time in 1780 fighting the loyalists, tories, and Indians of southwest Virginia. The term “Lynch Law” comes from his reputation for dispensing of judicial niceties when dealing with his foes. However, in Lynch’s case, whatever the actual basis of the charge, it must be borne in mind that his actions were not racially motivated, and that he was operating in a wartime circumstance. He commanded a corps of Virginia and North Carolina riflemen at Guilford Court House. After that, he seems to have remained in his own area suppressing the loyalist or assisting against the Cherokees.

Col. William Preston, from Montgomery County

Originally, Preston was Campbell’s superior and in the late summer of 1780, sent orders to the latter to attack the loyalists who were threatening the Chiswell lead mines. There were not a few loyalists in Preston’s own Montgomery County, so that he sometimes had to go to go to neighboring counties to raise men or obtain military assistance. Preston played a major role in the collecting of Virginia men who served at King’s mountain -- though he himself could not be present due to illness in his family at that time. In the Guilford Court House campaign, Preston joined Pickens’ and Lee’s forces with a corps of riflemen about the time of Pyle’s defeat, and fought alongside those detachments at Weitzell’s mill. However, despite his requests that they remain, most of his men went home after Weitzell’s. Possibly he and few of his men might have been at Guilford. If so, they would have been only a handful. Preston subsequently acted as one of the negotiators with the Cherokees, and on July 20th 1781 the Virginia Council appointed him as one of the commissioners of the western counties assigned the task of settling the disbursement of public monies and other concerns relating to a peace treaty with the Indians. Preston, however, fell ill, and was forced to resign. Preston’s biographer, Patricia Givens Johnson, describes him as inclined to corpulency, fair-haired, ruddy and with hazel eyes. Contrary perhaps to what one might have expected, Preston was, for his area at least, a refined and well-educated person with a taste for literature, and, among his other talents, wrote poetry.

Lieut. Col. Charles Porterfield, Virginia State Troops

Porterfield, from Frederick County VA., commanded the Virginia State Troops, which acted at light infantry in the battle of Camden. His was one of the few American units to have come out of that action with any credit, and Porterfield himself was mortally wounded. For ten days he went without medical attention, when he was then taken to Camden and his left leg amputated. While there, Porterfield was treated kindly and generously (as their own circumstances allowed) by Cornwallis and Rawdon. Following this he was paroled, but not long after succumbed to the effects of his wound.

Major Alexander Rose, from Bedford County

Though usually understood to be militia, Rose’s detachment of 100 “picked” riflemen that served with the southern army from October 1780 to July 1781, should probably be considered state troops. They seem to have typically acted as a skirmishing or else guard detachment.

Maj. Thomas Rowland, from Botetourt County

Commanded a group of Botetourt County riflemen that served under Preston in the Guilford Court House campaign. Rockbridge County historian, Odell McGuire, believes Rowland and some of his remaining men may have been with Lee at Guilford Court House, including the New Garden Meeting House fighting just prior to it.

Major. Francis Triplett, from Fauquier County

Triplett commanded the Virginia militia at Cowpens. He and his men returned home not long afterward.

Captain James Tate, from Augusta County

Tate led a company of Virginia militia at Cowpens. Although like Triplett, he returned home after that action, Tate and his men were able to rejoin Greene’s army on March 7th, the day after Weitzell’s Mill, when they were attached to William Campbell’s militia corps. Tate had his thigh broken in the fighting on the New Garden Road preceding Guilford.

Note. Next to the name of each leader is the County he represented. The County referred to is usually that which existed at the time 1780-1781, though the particular locale where the leader actually came from may, since then, have been formed into a new County. In other instances the later or most recent County name for the area of residence is given. Tryon County, named after North Carolina Royal Governor William Tryon, was abolished by the state in 1779, and out of it was formed Rutherford (the western half) and Lincoln (the eastern half) counties. Nevertheless, new, as well as old, histories will sometimes still refer to Tryon County with respect to events of this period.

Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell, from Lenoir County

Caswell, who had earlier been the governor of the state, was the head of the North Carolina militia, up until the time just after Camden, when the North Carolina government appointed Brig. Gen. William Smallwood to replace him. Being deprived of his command, Caswell resigned his commission. By January 1781, however, he returned to take part in re-establishing the militia forces in the state, and became commandant of the militia in the eastern part of the state. He was ill for a time, thus missing Guilford Court House, and subsequently acted more as a military administrator, for which he was better suited, rather than a field commander.

Brig. Gen. John Butler, from Orange County

Butler commanded brigades at both Camden and Guilford Court House, and in both instances, most of his men fled in the face of the British. To what extent these occurrences were a comment on his military abilities is not easy to say. Like Robert Lawson of Virginia he was a committed and hardworking soldier, if not a stirring leader. Butler had more success in late 1781 when fighting the loyalists in the eastern part of the state. He lost narrowly at the long drawn out battle of Lindley’s Mills on 12 September 1781. Yet like Greene, his defeat became a victory when, just afterward, he drove Fanning and the loyalists back into Wilmington.

Brig. Gen. William Caswell, from Lenoir County

Son of Richard Caswell, and a former Continental Army captain, in late April 1780, William commanded 400 North Carolina militia posted north of the Santee at Lenud’s Ferry on the Santee. He later removed them to Cross Creek when word came in of Charleston's capitulation. His rank was evidently a result of his family ties, an inference no doubt shared by many of his contemporaries, and William Caswell’s name does not come further in any of the regular histories of the war. However, on the other hand, we should not assume from this that he was without ability. When Greene passed through North Carolina in August 1783 on his way north to Rhode Island, William Caswell was one of the North Carolina leaders he visited.

Brig. Gen. William Lee Davidson, from Rowan County

Along with Griffith Rutherford, Davidson was no doubt the best of the higher-ranking North Carolina militia leaders. He first acquired fame as a colonel, defeating the loyalists at Colson’s Mill in July 1780. Earlier, Davidson had missed being taken at Charleston because he was on leave with his family at the time of that city’s fall. Then the wound he received at Colson’s Mill laid him up for eight weeks, thus keeping him from being at Camden. After Griffith Rutherford was captured at the latter engagement, Davidson was appointed head of the militia in western North Carolina, and later replaced Smallwood as commander of the entire North Carolina militia when the latter left to go home to Maryland. For a time Davidson acted in cooperation with Morgan facing the British on the South Carolina-North Carolina border, bringing Morgan some crucial reinforcements prior to Cowpens. Later, Davidson lost his life at Cowan’s Ford, in the effort to prevent Cornwallis’ crossing of the Catawba River. Although his North Carolina militia were defeated, the British may have had as many as 100 casualties thanks to their efforts, having done this without any assistance from the Continentals.

Brig. Gen. Thomas Eaton, from Bute County

Eaton commanded one of the two brigades of North Carolina militia at Guilford Court House. He had succeeded Brig. Gen. Allen Jones when the latter became ill a week or so before that battle.

Brig. General Isaac Gregory, from Edenton County

Gregory commanded one of the North Carolina militia brigades at Camden, where he himself was wounded and taken prisoner. Of the brigades present in that battle, the men in his, including Col Henry Dixon’s regiment, put up the best fight of any of the militia. By no later than June 1781, Gregory was exchanged and commanded a force of militia in the northeastern portion of the state. In early July, he was surprised and routed near the Great Dismal Swamp by a detachment from Cornwallis’ army. He, however, suffered very few losses in the action, and was able to resume his position guarding the entry into North Carolina immediately after the British left.

Brig. Gen. William Harrington, from Cumberland County

Beginning at the time just prior to Camden, Harrington led a command primarily in upper Pee Dee and Cheraw areas combating the loyalists. His headquarters were chiefly at Cross Creek, though before that he was at Haley's Ferry near Cheraw. Harrington continued to lead effectively in this general area, and, for a brief period acted as Marion’s superior. In about mid-December 1780, he removed north to Grassy Creek on the Roanoke River, after which time his name does not appear to arise.

Brig. Gen. Allen Jones, from Halifax County

In early 1781, Jones was placed in charge of one of the North Carolina militia brigades in preference to Sumner. In February, Jones marched with Butler to reinforce Greene prior to Guilford. However, soon falling ill, he was unable to continue in his command, and was replaced by Thomas Eaton. By May, Jones had returned to command in the northeastern part of the state, at which time he acted in cooperation with Sumner in hindering or otherwise keeping watch on Cornwallis’ movements. In the summer, Jones went to Virginia to obtain arms for Sumner’s North Carolina Continentals only to find there were none then available. In the course of the war, Jones was active in both civil and military matters.

Brig. Gen. Alexander Lillington, from Brunswick County

In January 1781, Lillington was occupied with suppressing the loyalists in the Drowning Creek area. Yet when the British occupied Wilmington later in the month, he took up a position to the northwest, acting to keep Maj. Craig and his force contained there. On March 9th, Lillington’s men fought Craig’s at Heron’s Bridge just a few miles north of Wilmington of that city in what apparently amounted to a draw. Thereafter he occupied Cross Creek and for the most part managed to keep Craig in check. When Cornwallis retreated to Cross Creek after Guilford Court House, Greene directed Lillington to keep his distance from the British, particularly Tarleton, which Lillington managed safely to do. After Cornwallis moved into Virginia, Lillington resumed his post above Wilmington, though was not apparently involved in further fighting.

Brig. Gen. Griffith Rutherford, from Rowan County

It was Rutherford who called out the men and officers who won the victory at Ramsour’s Mill, and it was from his force that Davidson was detached to defeat the loyalists at Colson’s Mill. He commanded one of the North Carolina brigades at Camden, at which he was badly wounded and captured. Rutherford was sent to St. Augustine to be confined, but on 22 June 1781 was exchanged. When he returned to the field he took charge of the Salisbury militia, in place of Col. Locke, and, along with Butler, went on to carry out a successful offensive against Fanning and the loyalists northwest of Wilmington until the British finally evacuated that town in December.

Col. Thomas Brown, from Bladen County

Brown led a force of local militia in a series of skirmishes against Capt. Jesse Barfield’s loyalists in the Little Pee Dee region in October and November 1780.

Col. Benjamin Cleveland, from Wilkes County

As Campbell and Preston in much of 1780 were busy regularly putting down the “tories” and loyalists in southwest Virginia, Cleveland was doing the same in northwest North Carolina. He played a conspicuous part in the victory at King’s Mountain, and an even greater one in bringing about the hanging of the loyalist leaders at Biggerstaff’s afterward. We see in Cleveland some of the same tendency to use “Lynch Laws,” probably more than Charles Lynch did just to the north of him. With much horse stealing, looting, and kidnapping going on, the areas the two men covered seem to have had their fair share of the devil. In the early part of 1781, Cleveland raised a force of 100 militia, and served with Pickens’ light corps, returning home prior to Guilford Court House. In April, Cleveland was kidnapped and involved in two of the stranger episodes of the war in the south, Wolf’s Den and Riddle’s Camp. Much of the subsequent summer, Cleveland his men were occupied policing or chasing tories below the mountains. In the fall, they served a three-month tour of duty under Brig. Gen. Rutherford in southeastern North Carolina. Cleveland had the somewhat unusual distinction of weighing some 300 pounds.

Col. William Richardson Davie, from Mecklenburg County

Davie was raised in the Waxhaws settlement of South Carolina, but his militia ties were more with North Carolina people of Mecklenburg, since it was from that district that he received most of his command. In the summer of 1780, Maj. Davie was in the field with a partisan corps carrying out raids weeks prior to Sumter’s being active, and months in the case of Marion. He worked with Sumter at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock, and showed himself to be a very capable combat leader. In many ways he resembles Lee, being (at least in his education and social standing) something of an aristocrat, republican and partisan -- all at the same time. During the retreat from Camden, his was about the only American unit still fully intact, and by informing Sumter of what had happened at Camden at least made it possible for the latter to escape. Perhaps the high point of Davie’s military career was at Wahab’s Plantation and in the defense of Charlotte in which Cornwallis’ army was embarrassed by the audacity and tactical ingenuity of a small force of North Carolina militia. At the time Morgan was operating with his corps of light troops in late December 1780, Davie was making plans to form a legion of North Carolina men to join him with. However, Greene asked him instead to become the commissary general for North Carolina, arguing that he would be much more useful to the army in that role. Davie reluctantly agreed, but only on the condition that he could leave that position as soon as his services were no longer necessary. Appointed to the position on January 16th 1781 by the state of North Carolina, he acted in that capacity till about the time of the siege of Ninety-Six. After that he does not seem to have been directly engaged in military service, but instead became involved in North Carolina politics, ultimately settling in Halifax. Well educated and licensed to practice law, Davie was one of the founders of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

Col. Henry Dixon, from Caswell County

Dixon was a Lieut. Col. in the North Carolina line and commanded a militia regiment at Camden. While all the rest of the Virginia and North Carolina fled in that battle, Dixon’s men, whom he had trained closely, put up a fight as noble in its way as that of the Continentals. At one point in the action his regiment charged the British regulars at the point of the bayonet and drove them back. Later, Dixon and his men served for a period with Pickens light troops in the Guilford Court House campaign, and after that at Weitzell’s Mill and Guilford Court House itself. When Greene wanted Thomas Polk to command the Salisbury militia, the state of North Carolina, to Greene’s chagrin, appointed Dixon instead. Dixon, however, declined the post as being too far from his own residence. The position ultimately went to Col. Francis Lock. By 1782, Dixon was back serving with the 2nd North Carolina Regiment, and on 17 July was mortally wounded in fighting near Round O in Colleton County, S.C. Said Guilford Dudley: “Col. Henry Dixon of Caswell County, whom I well knew and who was…a regular officer of the North Carolina line, had the command of a regiment of Caswell's militia and who by his skill in military discipline and tactics had trained his troops to stand and do their duty in battle with great firmness and order.”

Col. Thomas Farmer, from Orange County

Farmer served at Camden, and later led a force of 310 (mostly) Orange County militia, which reinforced Davidson just before Cowen’s Ford. It’s very likely he served in the Guilford Court House campaign, including the battle itself. Farmer commanded a militia regiment at Eutaw Springs under Col. Francis Malmady, though his men reportedly performed with less than great distinction.

Col. William Graham, from Lincoln (now Cleveland) County

Graham served with Rutherford’s army on its way to Ramsour’s Mill, and fought at Thicketty Fort and Second Cedar Spring. Then sometime in probably late September 1780, he, along with three others, defeated a band of 23 tories who were attacking his home, which afterward became known as "Graham's Fort." Graham led a detachment of Lincoln men on their way to King’s Mountain. However, on the very morning of the battle he received word his wife was very ill, and so was forced to return home. His command then was given to Lieut. Col. Frederick Hambright. Graham does not appear to have been directly related to Joseph Graham.

Col. Robert Irwin (also Irvin, Irvine), from Mecklenburg County

Irvin, a justice of the peace, commanded a relatively large proportion of the troops at Sumter’s battles of Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock. A veteran of Irwin’s corps referred to it as the “Riflemen Rangers.” One source states that Irwin later was involved in fighting against the Cherokees, and afterward served twelve years in the North Carolina assembly, and twenty years as an elder in the Steele Creek Presbyterian Church.

Col. Francis Lock (also Locke), from Rowan County

Lock commanded the whig forces at Ramsour's mill, and later served under Pickens in the Guilford Court House campaign. In the spring of 1781, he was made head of the Salisbury militia despite Greene’s desire that the job go to Col. Thomas Polk. Greene’s disappointment was apparently well founded as he soon found Lock lackadaisical and difficult to work with. Lock’s less than energetic cooperation with Greene may have stemmed from Greene’s occasionally expressed contempt for the North Carolina militia, or at least such might explain Lock’s indifference to Greene’s concerns. In late summer of 1781, Lock was succeeded by General Rutherford.

Col. Francois Lellorquis Marquis de Malmady (also Malmedy, Malmèdy)

Malmady was colonel in the Continental service, but who became actively involved with the North Carolina militia. He was probably at the battle of Camden, for he went to Philadelphia afterward, and was one of those who asked for the recall of Gates. According to the pension statement of Edward Dorton (or Darten) of Washington County, VA., Malmady was also present at King’s Mountain. Malmady was seen with a corps of light horse and mounted militia in the Guilford Courthouse campaign, and successfully ambushed some of Cornwallis’ jägers during the latter’s retreat to Ramsey’s Mill. During the summer of 1781, he spent much of his time trying to raise and arm a new command, after the term of enlistment for his previous one had expired. He subsequently led the North Carolina militia at Eutaw Springs. The Marquis was rather presumptuous at times, and a bit high strung. Rankin is inclined to characterize him as a nuisance. Yet on more than one occasion he showed himself an able and useful leader.

Col. Joseph McDowell, Jr. (“Quaker Meadows Joe”), from Burke County

McDowell was part of Rutherford’s command at the time of Ramsour’s Mill, and fought at Second Cedar Spring, Musgrove’s Mill, King’s Mountain, and Cowpens, playing important roles in the latter two engagements. Draper states that he served a tour in the spring of 1781 (against Cornwallis) and also in August of that year, but gives no details. It is then something of a mystery what exactly he was doing during this time, but it is a safe bet that he was serving alongside (or near) Cleveland both in the Guilford campaign, and in keeping down the tories in northwest North Carolina. That McDowell was very capable combat leader his military record gives ample testimony.

Col. Charles McDowell, from Burke County

The older brother of “Quaker Meadows Joe,” Charles acted a major part in being the rallying point for North Carolina men, and Georgia and South Carolina in the earliest fighting against the British after the fall of Charleston. He was not, however, a strong military leader which ironically may have worked to the Americans advantage. His repulse at Cane Creek in September 1780 may have led Ferguson into thinking the whig militia had little fighting left in them, thus encouraging him to take unnecessary risks. When the King’s Mountain leaders voted who would lead them, William Campbell was chosen rather than McDowell, who was seen as a not sufficiently energetic commander. McDowell then was given the task of going to Gates to secure a Continental army appointment for command of the King’s Mountain army as the leaders among themselves had agreed. Consequently. McDowell was not at that decisive battle which he, as much as anyone else, helped to bring about.

Col. Thomas Polk, from Rowan County

Polk was a wealthy and eminent citizen of Rowan County, and one of the early leaders in the cause for Independence. He acted as commissary in Salisbury for both Gates and Greene. In the spring of 1781, Greene worked to have Polk made head of the Salisbury militia, but Col. Francis Lock was appointed instead. He was uncle to President James Polk.

Col. William Polk, from Rowan County, South Carolina State Troops

William Polk, son of Thomas, and was with Davie at Flat Rock and Beaver Creek in July 1780. He later commanded one of Sumter's regiments of “10 months men,” and served at Eutaw Springs as an officer in the South Carolina State Troops.

Col. James Read (also Reade)

Read was a captain in the Continental army, who, acted at Colonel in the N.C. militia. He was present at Guilford Court House and Hobkirk's Hill. He later became chief military advisor to Governor Thomas Burke and was captured along with the Governor by Fanning in September 1781. Fellow colonel Guilford Dudley spoke of Read as a dutiful and reliable officer.

Col. Thomas Robeson, from Bladen County

Robeson scored a surprising victory against the loyalists at Elizabethtown in August 1781. He served as part of Rutherford’s command in the campaign against the loyalist of Drowning Creek, and won again at Raft Swamp in October.

Col. Thomas Wade, from Anson County

In late December 1780, Wade became contractor for South Carolina and Greene’s commissary officer for the area north of the Pee Dee near Cheraw. Reading his correspondence with Greene, Wade comes across as something of a character, who knew well how to work with people. Although a supply officer, he had his share of fighting with both the British and the Cross Creek loyalists in his efforts to move supplies and protect his magazine.

Col. Joseph Williams, from Surry County

Williams served at King's Mountain and shared in defeating the tory leaders Col. Gideon Wright and Col. Hezekiah Wright at Shallow Ford in October 1780. He was also with Davidson’s militia at the time of Cowan’s Ford in February 1781, though not actually present at that engagement. Later in the same month, Greene appointed him one of the negotiators with the Cherokees.

Lieut. Col. Frederick Hambright, from Lincoln County

Hambright, on the morning of King’s Mountain, took command of the Lincoln county militia after Col. William Graham was forced to return home to attend to his wife, who was very sick.

Lieut. Col. Benjamin Herndon, from Wilkes County

Herndon was one of Cleveland’s officers and commanded a company of 60 men at King’s Mountain. He later led the attack against Riddle’s Camp in the spring of 1781. See 15 April 1781, Wolf’s Den.

Maj. William Chronicle, Lincoln County

When Col. William Graham had to leave the King’s Mountain army to be with his wife who was very ill, Draper, in his main narrative, says Chronicle was placed in charge of Graham’s men. However, later in his book he states it was Lieut. Col. Hambright, which would seem to be more correct. At the battle, Chronicle was among those slain.

Maj. Joseph Dickson, from Rowan County

Dickson was a member of the North Carolina assembly at the start of the war. By 1780 he fought under Colonel Joseph McDowell, Jr. at King’s Mountain, and in 1781 served under Pickens in the Guilford Court House campaign, being later promoted to colonel that same year. Joseph Graham, who was with him under Pickens, makes mention of Dickson a few times in his reminiscences.

Maj. Joseph Graham, from Rowan County

Capt. Graham, when not more than 22 years old, was with Davie in the defense of Charlotte in late September 1780, commanding a troop of mounted riflemen. He won honor for himself in that engagement, and received multiple wounds in the fighting, both by sabers and bullets. This laid him up in the hospital for two months. Graham later commanded a troop of dragoons during the Guilford Court House campaign, where he served under Pickens. He was present at Cowan’s Ford, Hart’s Mill, Pyle’s Massacre, Clapp’s Mill (Alamance) and Weitzell’s Mill. The term of service for his men lapsed a few days before Weitzell’s Mill, such that he was not at Guilford Court House. During the summer he resumed his military activities, and by September was promoted to Major. Lossing states that, in the autumn, in an effort to rescue Gov. Thomas Burke (who had been captured by David Fanning), Graham led a force of 136 dragoons and mounted men against 600 tories and at a location south of Cross Creek, defeating them. He fought in a few more actions, and retired from the service in November. Graham’s reminiscences, as related to Archibald Murphey, who was preparing a history of North Carolina during the war, are extremely informative. Although not in the battles himself, his accounts of Ramsour’s Mill and King’s Mountain are priceless, as are also his recounting of the events of the Guilford Court House campaign at which he was present. But for these writings, there would be huge gaps in our knowledge and understanding of the military conflict in the south.

Maj. Joseph Herndon, from Wilkes County

The brother of Benjamin, Joseph commanded the reserve of Campbell’s army, while the latter were fighting the loyalist at King's Mountain.

Major Joseph Winston, from Surry County

Winston fought at King’s Mountain and took part in the ongoing battle with the western loyalists in February 1781. At Guilford Court House, he led the North Carolina riflemen who served under Col. Charles Lynch.

Capt. Marquis de Bretigney

A French volunteer, Bretigney commanded a troop of light horse and mounted men before, at, and after Guilford Court House.

Capt. Joseph McDowell (“Pleasant Garden Joe”), from Burke County

This Joseph McDowell served under his cousin, ”Quaker Meadows Joe” (McDowell), at King’s Mountain.

These officers lived in what is now Tennessee, but what was then considered a part of North Carolina.

Col. Arthur Campbell, from Washington County, TN.

Cousin and brother-in-law of William Campbell, Arthur Campbell stayed to guard the frontier, while his county lieutenant, John Sevier, went with Shelby to fight at King’s Mountain. In late December 1780 he led an expedition against the Cherokees and their allies, while in 1781 was one of the negotiators in peace talks with them.

Col. John Sevier, from Washington County, TN.

Sevier lived in the Watauga-Nolachucky settlement, south of the Holston River. He acted as both a civil administrator and military leader for his district. His most famous military contribution to the war was at King’s Mountain where he led one of the main forces of over-mountain men. In addition, Sevier was involved in a number of battles with the Indians. In February 1781, Greene appointed him one of the representatives in peace negotiations with the Cherokees, while in the same month he was promoted to full colonel. Near the end of autumn, he arrived, along with Shelby, with reinforcements for Greene’s army, upon which he served for a period under Marion. Fittingly, after Shelby became the first Governor of Kentucky in 1792, Sevier, in 1796, became the same for Tennessee.

Col. Isaac Shelby, from Sullivan County, TN.

Shelby, who was from the Holston settlement, played a major part not only at King’s Mountain, but in the battles of Second Cedar Spring and Musgrove’s Mill leading up to it. One is struck how time and again to he took his men to assist others in need of help elsewhere. He is said to have fought at Briar Creek in faraway Georgia in late April of 1781. It is not clear if this is true, since he was supposedly occupied protecting the frontier against the Indians at that time. Yet even if not true, it is just the kind of thing one might expect he would do. This high sense of responsibility was matched by a high sense of honor. When Ferguson, with his threats and ultimatum, challenged the self-respect and integrity of the over-mountain people, there were some who thought it would be best to disperse and lie low. It was Shelby, however, that first unhesitatingly picked up the gauntlet, and set in motion the gathering of the King’s Mountain army.

South Carolina at that time did not have counties, but rather districts (or precincts), some of which, like Ninety-Six, covered fairly wide-ranging areas. The original South Carolina Districts were: Camden, Ninety-Six, Orangeburgh, Cheraws, Georgetown, Charleston, Beaufort, and Cherokee Indian lands in the far western corner of the state. Reference below is made to modern County names, however, in order to help better locate where an engagement took place, or where an individual had his residence.

Brig. Gen. Francis Marion, from Berkeley County

Originally a lieutenant colonel with the 2nd South Carolina Regiment, Marion was absent from Charleston when the city fell, due, reportedly, to his ankle being broken. He next appeared when the American army entered South Carolina in July, at which time he brought a small, rag-tag group of followers to General Gates and offered his services. Neither Gates nor Marion himself thought he and his men would be of much use with the main army, and they were directed to obstruct British communications and lines of retreat along the Santee. Shortly after his return to the Williamsburg area (located roughly north of the Santee and just east of the Pee Dee), Marion was chosen by the local officers to head of the militia, this on the basis of his previous military experience. From there he went on to become the partisan extraordinaire of the Revolution. Marion was a unique figure among the higher-ranking South Carolina leaders. He does not appear to have been especially well educated, yet he was intelligent and sensitive to principle. He seems to have desired fame, yet he was also a person of high moral character and ideals. Marion had insubordination problems on more than one occasion. True, it was difficult for any militia leader to keep men together for very long, but for Marion at times it seemed worse than for others. His refusal to go along with Sumter’s “Law” caused him to lose men, and it may have been the desire for discipline, and higher-than-usual standards among his men that caused many to sometimes shirk their duty when most needed. In addition, he had the unfortunate habit of wording his orders in an impersonal and peremptory manner. In these respects, Marion understandably alienated some. Yet in his adhering to doing things in what he thought was the right way, Marion showed himself to have been a true son of Gideon: better to fight with a dedicated few than an undependable many. The result of this attitude was brought out well at Parker’s Ferry in August 1781. Though let down by some of his officers there, it nevertheless turned out to be what was perhaps his greatest victory. Marion faced many problems leading his men and carrying on the fight, but in staying the course, by sticking to his principles, he was ultimately successful like few others.

Brig. Gen. Andrew Pickens, from Edgefield County

Pickens had been active in fighting the British in Georgia in 1779, but when Clinton conquered the state in the spring of 1780, Pickens submitted to Royal amnesty and protection. While this decision might be seen as reflecting badly on him, in his defense it might be pointed out that the area in which he lived was heavily loyalist, and he had a home and family to look out for. Indeed it was finally because the British failed to protect his home from some tories that in December he concluded that he was not bound by his pledge. Shortly thereafter, Pickens joined up with Clark’s, McCall’s and Hammond’s men and was in the field soon enough to take charge of the South Carolina militia at Cowpens. Yet his most extraordinary command was when he led the North Carolina militia in the Guilford Court House campaign. It was there he got to know Henry Lee, with whom he later besieged Augusta. That the North Carolina men willing accepted a South Carolina officer as their head, while in their home state no less, speaks to both the credibility and authoritativeness of his character. His military ability is difficult to assess because Pickens really did not achieve dramatic success as an independent commander. Yet in the vacuum left by the expulsion of the loyalists from Ninety-Six in the summer of 1781, he played a crucial role in helping to restore law and order to that area. Later, at Eutaw Springs, leading what were mostly Sumter’s men, Pickens once more, as at Cowpens, showed himself a trustworthy officer on the battlefield.

Brig. Gen. Thomas Sumter (also Sumpter), from Clarendon County

Although Sumter had been an officer in the 6th South Carolina Regiment, he was not serving at the time of the siege of Charleston. He only became active after the city’s fall and yet the British lost no time in attempting to round him up. It would have been well for them if they had succeeded because for a time Sumter was South Carolina. He was the one leader, working in cooperation with the Georgians and North Carolinians, who was able to bring together fairly large bodies of militia and take on the regulars. While it is true that much of the credit for the successes he knew goes to many of his subordinates, it was Sumter who united them. As well as being a good politician, Sumter had a sharp sense for strategy. He knew the country and he knew the people. Like Morgan he was a high-ranking officer whom the common soldier could relate to. Yet unlike Morgan, he had a hard time obtaining the respect of other high-ranking officers. Nor, to say the least, did he always act wisely. His refusal to assist Morgan seems petty and ludicrous to us. His February 1781 “Rounds,” taking place as they did amid the tense movements of Cornwallis and Greene before Guilford, have almost a comical quality to them. Greene and others blamed him for not being present at Hobkirk’s Hill, but the truth seems to be he was having a hard time arming and bringing together his command at that time, or at least, he could have used this as a legitimate excuse. Sumter incurred the scorn of many of both the Continental and militia officers after Shubrick’s Plantation. Yet his Dog Day’s plan was not such a failure as it has been made out to be. While granting he was reckless in exposing Taylor’s and Marion’s troops, it is hard to believe that Marion himself could not have withdrawn his own men after Taylor retired. Probably the key to understanding Sumter lies in the fact that when he did act ill advisedly, or showed poor judgment, it was more out of foolishness than bad character. For all his faults and foibles he, more than anyone else, kept the resistance alive in the state’s darkest days.

Brig. Gen. James Williams, from Laurens County

Williams led men at Musgrove's Mill, and was at King's Mountain where he was killed at 40 years of age. Williams was a potential rival to Sumter and much of what we know about him comes from William Hill. In late September 1780, Hill refused to take orders from Williams, after Williams had been commissioned a Brigadier General by Governor John Rutledge. In fairness then to Williams, the story of his being Sumter’s “commissary” at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock, and of his trying to abscond with Sumter’s supplies should not be taken too seriously, despite Draper’s giving Hill’s account full credit. From what we know about Williams elsewhere, he was a conscientious individual, admired by many, who prior to his death at King’s Mountain had fought alongside Elijah Clark, Samuel Hammond and Isaac Shelby. Thomas Young remembered, “On the top of the mountain, in the thickest of the fight, I saw Col. Williams fall, and a braver or a better man never died upon the field of battle. I had seen him once before that day; it was in the beginning of the action, as he charged by me full speed around the mountain; toward the summit a ball struck his horse under the jaw when he commenced stamping as if he were in a nest of yellow jackets. Col. W. threw the reins over the animal's neck -- sprang to the ground, and dashed onward. The moment I heard the cry that Col. Williams was shot, I ran to his assistance, for I loved him as a father, he had ever been so kind to me, and almost always carried carrying cake in his pocket for me and his little son Joseph. They carried him into a tent, and sprinkled some water in his face. He revived, and his first words were, ‘For God's sake boys, don't give up the hill!’ I remember it as well as if it had occurred yesterday. I left him in the arms of his son Daniel, and returned to the field to avenge his fall. Col. Williams died next day, and was buried not far from the field of his glory.”

Brig. Gen. Andrew Williamson, from Greenwood County

Williamson was head of the Ninety-Six militia at the time Charleston surrendered. Like many then (and shortly after), Williamson agreed to accept Royal protection, and, after taking a vote among his officers, had his men lay down their arms. While we might today look askance at such behavior, we must remember that Pickens and others accepted protection as well. What made Williamson unusual was that he removed to Charleston, and continued to outwardly maintain his status as a loyal subject of the crown. For this, he came to be seen by many as a traitor. When whig leader Col. Isaac Hayne temporarily captured Williamson near Charleston, in early July 1781, it was believed by some that Williamson would be hanged. As it turned out, in a turning of tables, Maj. Thomas Fraser’s South Carolina Royal dragoons came to his rescue. They made Hayne prisoner, and it was Hayne, afterward, who was hanged. Later in 1782, however, Williamson is believed to have secretly supplied important information to Col. John Laurens, so that by the end of the war Greene acted to have Williamson’s estate spared confiscation. As a result, Williamson ended the last years of his life a wealthy and prosperous man. Yet it is not hard to see that such would have been poor consolation to the odium he endured for having behaved so timidly in the time of crisis.

Col. Robert Anderson, from Abbeville County, Pickens’ brigade

Anderson was at the second siege of Augusta and Ninety-Six. Very likely he was also at Eutaw Springs.

Col. Thomas Brandon, from Union County

Brandon was among the first who took up arms against the British after the fall of Charleston. He served under Brig. Gen. James Williams at Musgrove’s Mill and King’s Mountain. He was also at Ramsour’s Mill, Blackstocks, Cowpens, and Ninety-Six. His name does not seem to come up further with respect to the fighting, though this probably due simply to gaps in the record. After the war, Brandon was made a Brigadier General of the militia. “He was a good soldier,” says Draper, “but, like [Benjamin] Cleveland, a bitter enemy of the Tories, who received little mercy at his hands.”

Col. William Brandon, from Union County, Sumter’s brigade

William Brandon appeared as one of Sumter’s militia commanders in June of 1781. His name does not arise in any of the known descriptions of battles and skirmishes, and is listed here merely to distinguish him from his brother, Thomas.

Col. William Bratton, from York County, Sumter’ brigade

Bratton was originally from Northern Ireland and moved with his family first to Pennsylvania, then Virginia, and finally, in 1774, to what is now York County. Along with Capt. John McClure, he brought about the very first act of rebel defiance following Charleston’s surrender, at Mobley’s Meeting House in late May 1780. He went on to become one of Sumter’s regimental commanders, fighting at Huck’s defeat (Williamson’s Plantation), Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, and Sumter’s “Rounds” (February 1781). It is also likely he participated in the Dog Days Expedition of July 1781.

Col. Hugh Ervin, probably from Marion County, Marion’s brigade

Ervin was made Marion's second in command in January 1781, and was in command of Snow’s Island at the time of Doyle’s raid in March.

Col. John Ervin, from Marion County, Marion’s brigade

Ervin commanded Marion’s Britton Neck Regiment.

Col. Henry Hampton, from Richland County, Sumter’s brigade

Along with Richard and Wade, Henry was one of the three Hampton brothers. He was present at the attack on the Wateree Ferry in August 1780, Fishing Creek, Blackstocks, and the Dog Days Expedition of July 1781. By the time of the last, his regiment was fully mounted and included some cavalry, as did those of his brothers.

Col. Richard Hampton, from Richland County, Sumter’s brigade

When Sumter formed his regiments in the spring of 1781, Richard Hampton, then a major, acted as second in command to Col. Charles Myddleton. In May and June 1781, he carried out a wide stretching series of raids, which took him to Dorchester, Monck’s Corner, the Ashley River, and Round O (in Colleton County.) Also in June, Hampton was with Myddleton at “Myddleton’s ambuscade.”

Col. Wade Hampton, from Richland County, Sumter’s brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Hampton submitted to Royal sovereignty in September 1780, and for a time sold supplies to the British from his store north of the Congaree near Friday’s Ferry. Yet coming to suspect his sincerity, in November they confiscated some goods from his stock. By February, Hampton was in contact with Sumter and was informing him of the strength of British forces in his area. When Sumter came that same month on his expedition to the posts along the Congaree and Santee, Hampton joined him and went on to became one of his most successful field officers of mounted troops. He fought at Friday’s Ferry and Orangeburg in May 1781, participated with Lee’s Legion in the scouting of Rawdon and the latter’s detachments after Ninety-Six. In the Dog Days Expedition of July, Hampton led stunning raids on Goose Creek and the Quarter House. At the time of Eutaw Springs, he was part of the State Troops under Henderson, and when Henderson was wounded there, Hampton assumed command of the cavalry. After the war, he became extremely rich through his plantation holdings and produce. His son, of the same name, was one of the great cavalry generals of the Civil War, serving under Henry Lee’s son, Robert Edward.

Col. William Harden, probably from Barnwell County

At one time a Captain of the South Carolina Artillery, Harden joined Marion’s band after the fall of Charleston. In early April 1781, Harden received a commission as colonel and authorization from Marion to operate with in independent partisan command in the region between Charleston, Augusta and Savannah. His force was made up largely of men from Barnwell County, and Georgia. Initially, his force was rather small, but over time it grew at one point to 200 men, though typically it was difficult for Harden to keep his men together on a regular basis. Nevertheless, Harden was very successful operating in the heart of what was then enemy country, and in a number of skirmishes achieved notable success. So much so that by mid-spring, Balfour complained that overland communications between Charleston to Savannah had become impossible. Unfortunately, Marion had cause to complain of Harden’s disobeying orders at Parker’s Ferry, and as result not participating in the fighting.

Yet exactly what caused this insubordination we can only speculate. It may have been something beyond Harden’s own control, as the discipline among his men was fairly loose.

Col. Isaac Hayne, from Colleton County

While Hayne’s much written about execution, in August 1781, was unnecessary and tragic, it was also counter-productive to British interests. The temporary intimidation they achieved hardly was worth the censure and criticism that was subsequently leveled at them. Further, Hayne, after all, made something of a fool of himself, when after capturing Williamson he was captured himself. Had Balfour and Rawdon used the incident as propaganda and mockery, they would have done far better than they did in making him a martyr.

Col. William Hill, from York County, Sumter's brigade

Hill was one of those who first gathered men to fight the British after the siege of Charleston. He became one of Sumter’s stalwart regimental commanders, and appeared at numerous actions, such as Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Fishing Creek, King’s Mountain, Fish Dam Ford, and Blackstocks. Even so, he does not seem to have been an officer of special merit when it came actual fighting. In his pension statement, Samuel Walker, from Chester County, S.C. stated: "We again took up the line of march--determined never to yield …[We then] marched to Col. Bratton's where in battle they killed a celebrated British Gen. named Hooke [Capt. Christian Huck]; from there to Blackstock where had fight with Col. Tarlatan [Tarleton] at which place Gen. Sumpter was wounded in the shoulder and had it not been for Col. Hill, we would have taken every person there. He behaved so cowardly that he had his side arms taken from him and a wooden stick placed in the scabbard.” After the war, Hill wrote reminiscences of his experiences, which if not always trustworthy, are still of value and interest.

Col. Hugh Horry, from Georgetown County, Marion’s brigade

The brother of Peter, Hugh Horry was originally a Major in the South Carolina line. He was perhaps Marion’s most liked and trusted officer, and was more frequently present with him then Peter was. In January of 1781, he became the commander of Marion’s infantry. Right after the battle at Parker’s Ferry, Marion jubilantly reported to Greene that Hugh, along with Col. John Ervin, “behaved Like the true Sons [of] Liberty.”

Col. Peter Horry, from Georgetown County, Marion’s brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Horry, a lieutenant colonel in the South Carolina line, led a troop of light horse during the siege of Charleston and was present at Rantowle’s Bridge, Monck’s Corner and Lenud’s Ferry. He later became head of Marion’s and fought with the Swamp Fox in numerous engagements, becoming one of his most able and trusted lieutenants. After Greene returned south in the spring of 1781, Horry was appointed to organize a corps of light dragoons for the South Carolina State Troops. In 1782, these were combined with Maham’s and the unit was put on the Continental establishment. Most of what we know about Marion and his operations comes from Horry, whether through the order book he kept, or as passed down to us through South Carolina historian William Dobein James. Boatner mistakenly states that he was at Eutaw Springs, when in fact Marion wrote him after the battle reporting what had happened.

Col. Abel Kolb, from Marlboro County

Kolb commanded a militia regiment in the upper region of Pee Dee, Long Bluff area of South Carolina, as early as August 1780. On April 28th, 1781, Kolb, known for his ruthlessness against the Tories, was captured at his home and murdered by 50 of them led by Joseph Jones. Afterward, Kolb's death appears to have incited the loyalists to activity. Though perhaps more famous for his death, Kolb was a usually reliable officer who often assisted Marion, and was successful at combating the loyalists in what was typically a volatile area.

Col. Edward Lacey, from Chester County, Sumter's Brigade

The son of a staunch loyalist, Lacey rose from Captain to Colonel in Sumter’s brigade, and became one of his most liked and respected officers. He commanded a main body in the defeat of Huck, and headed detachments at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Cary's Fort (Wateree Ferry), Fishing Creek, King’s Mountain, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, Sumter's "Rounds” (in February 1781), Orangeburg, Quinby Bridge, and Eutaw Springs. Says M.A. Moore who wrote a biographical sketch of him, Lacey had “an uncommonly handsome face, with fine address; he was a man of strong native intellect, fond of pleasure, entirely devoted to his friends; generous to a fault; ‘and every inch a soldier’… It is well known that many of the officers of Marion’s Brigade never presented their claims for military services against the State of South Carolina for they all knew the State was greatly embarrassed at the heels of the Revolution in paying the poor soldiers…The writer is informed by Mr. J. Augustus Black (who is the greatest antiquarian in the State), that Col. Edward Lacey has never presented an account of Revolutionary War services against the State, and, of course, has never received any remuneration.”

Col. Maurice Murfee (also Murphy), from Marion County

Murfee was one of those officers who operated in his own neighborhood near the Pee Dee Rivers, engaging in frequent small skirmishes with the local loyalists. From 1780 to late 1781, he was keeping tories like Ganey and Barfield busy, which consequently freed Marion to take care of more pressing matters elsewhere in the state. One biographer describes Murfee as a man of daring and reckless courage, but who was of “violent passion,” and had a quick temper.

Col. Charles Myddleton, from Orangeburg County, Sumter’s brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Myddleton was one of the original leaders of Sumter's brigade. He appears to have been a relatively more cultivated individual than his associates, and often acted as Sumter's staff officer. In mid summer of 1781, he was ambushed and sorely defeated by Coffin’s cavalry in what McCrady has denoted “Myddleton’s Ambuscade.”

Col. Andrew Neale (or Neal), Sumter’s brigade

Neale, spoken of by his contemporaries as a leader of great promise, was killed leading one of the assaults on Rocky Mount in late July 1780.

Col. Samuel Tate, from Orangeburg County, Sumter’s brigade

Tate, was one of Lacey’s officers, fought at King’s Mountain, and probably participated in most (if not all) of the same battles as Lacey. He became one of Sumter’s regimental commanders in the spring of 1781.

Col. Thomas Taylor, from Richland County, Sumter’s brigade

Another one of the better of Sumter’s commanders, Taylor was with the brigade in August and was largely responsible for the successful attacks against the Wateree Ferry in that month. He subsequently served at Fishing Creek, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, Sumter’s “Rounds,” the siege of Fort Granby in May 1781, and the Dog Days Expedition. When Sumter placed Taylor’s troops in an exposed position at Shubrick’s Plantation, Taylor suffered heavy losses. In disgust, he refused to fight the next day, leading the chorus of others in angrily denouncing Sumter’s carelessly risking his men’s lives.

Col. Richard Winn, from Fairfield County, Sumter’s brigade

Originally a Major, Winn was with Sumter from the earliest days of 1780, and as well as being at Huck’s Defeat, he fought at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock (where he was wounded), Fishing Creek, Fish Dam Ford, and Blackstocks. After that, while continuing to serve, he does not seem to have been all that active as a commander in the field. The town of Winnsborough was named after a member of his family.

Lieut. Col. John Baxter, from Marion County, Marion’s brigade

A Captain in January 1781, Baxter was one of Marion’s cavalry officers, fighting under him in most of the Swamp Fox’s 1781 engagements, up until the fighting at Shubrick’s Planation when he was so badly wounded he had to leave the service.

Lieut. Col. James Hawthorn, from York County, Sumter’s brigade

Hawthorn, one of Lacey’s officers, fought at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Cary’s Fort, Fishing Creek, Kings Mountain, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, and was wounded on Sumters "Rounds" in February 1781.

Lieut. Col. William Henderson, from Spartanburg County, Sumter’s brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Henderson, as an officer in the 6th South Carolina Regiment, was present at the siege of Charleston, and there led a gallant and tactically successful sortie. When the city fell, he was made prisoner but by early November he was exchanged. He was at Blackstocks, and took charge of Sumter’s brigade following Sumter’s being wounded in that action. He appears in the record again in May 1781 at the time of the siege of Ninety-Six. When Sumter, under various pressures, resigned temporarily in August 1781, Henderson was put in his place and became commander of the South Carolina Troops, which were created largely from Sumter’s now much diminished brigade. He led them at Eutaw Springs where he was wounded. Both his letters and the trust Sumter and Greene bestowed on him show Henderson to have been a truly professional soldier with good sense and sound judgment.

Lieut. Col. Joseph Hayes, from Laurens County, Sumter’s brigade

Hayes was Col. (later Brig. Gen.) James Williams' chief lieutenant, serving under him at Hanging Rock, Musgrove's Mill, and King's Mountain where he succeeded him. He also commanded at Blackstocks, Hammond's Store, and Cowpens. On 19 November 1781, at his home, “Hayes’ Station,” he was taken prisoner by Lieut. Col. William Cunningham, who had him killed on the spot for having allegedly violated his parole.

Lieut. Col. Hezekiah Maham, from Berkeley County, Marion’s brigade, and State S.C. Troops

Maham was an officer in the 5th S.C. Regiment, who in the spring of 1781 acted with Marion. Boatner disputes that Maham was ever part of Marion’s brigade. However, whatever the particulars, Maham served with and alongside Marion’s troops enough times to warrant the association. He was an intelligent and much respected officer. The Maham Tower he produced at the siege of Fort Watson in April 1781 became one of the standard methods used by the Americans in their siege approaches. Later that year he was authorized to raise a corps of State Troops cavalry, which was afterward combined with Peter Horry’s unit to form a Continental regiment. He served in the Dog Days Expedition, Quinby Bridge, and Eutaw Springs and its aftermath. Near the end of 1781, he was taken prisoner while at his home in St. Stephen’s parish and paroled, and was not released till the war’s end.

Lieut. Col. James McCall, Pickens’ brigade

McCall, as a result of previous ties he had with them in fighting the Indians, had close ties with Clark and Pickens, and often served under or alongside those commanders in the war with the British. He saw much action in the course of 1780 and early 1781, and was present at Musgrove’s Mill, the first siege of Augusta, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, Long Canes and Cowpens. Sadly, after having survived so many combats, in late April, or the first few days of May 1781, he died of small pox -– or at least this is what secondary sources have said he died of.

Lieut. Col. James Postell, from Georgetown, Marion’s brigade

Like his brother, Postell was taken at the surrender of Charleston and paroled. He carried out a number of raids for Marion and was one his regular lieutenants, serving in the brigade’s cavalry.

Lieut. Col. John Purves (also Purvis), probably from Edgefield County, Pickens’ brigade

Lieut. Col. Benjamin Roebuck, from Spartanburg County

Roebuck was at Hanging Rock, Musgrove's Mill, King’s Mountain, (after which he was promoted to Lieut. Col.), and Cowpens. On March 2nd, 1781, at Mud Lick, in Newberry County, he led a militia force of 150 militia against some loyalists. There he was wounded and captured. Roebuck was taken prisoner to Ninety-Six, then Charleston, and was finally exchanged in August.

Lieut. Col. Alexander Swinton, from Georgetown County, Marion’s brigade

With the initial rank of Major, Swinton appeared as one of Marion’s main officers in the spring of 1781, and served in that role till the Dog Days Expedition in July, when he was badly wounded in the fighting at Shubrick’s Plantation.

Lieut. Col. John Thomas, Jr., from Spartanburg, Sumter’s brigade

One of earliest to take to the field after Charleston’s surrender, Thomas was the only one of Sumter’s leaders present at First and Second Cedar Spring, Musgrove’s Mill and Cowpens. He scored a minor success at Bush River on May 1, 1781. It is not clear what actions he served with Sumter in, though it is likely that he was at most of the main engagements. His being at Cowpens perhaps suggests that, as one of Sumter’s lieutenants, he was more independent minded than his fellow officers in that brigade. Though, on the other hand, Cowpens being located in his area may have been sufficient justification for his presence in the battle. His mother, Jane Black Thomas, was a spirited woman, who in the summer of 1780 armed with a saber and helped by her two daughters, her son, and a skillful rifleman drove off large band of Tories intent on seizing an important cache of ammunition, which was being kept in her home. Also, it was she who gave the whigs warning of the approach of the loyalists prior to First Cedar Spring.

Maj. Samuel Hammond, from Edgefield County, Pickens brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Hammond was another one of those ubiquitous figures in the fighting in the south. After refusing to submit to British protection after the fall of Charleston, he led men at Second Cedar Spring, Musgrove's Mill, King's Mountain (serving under James Williams), Blackstocks, Long Canes, Cowpens, Augusta 1781, Ninety-Six, and finally Eutaw Springs, where he was wounded. Such a record needs no embellishment from the historian. He ended the war, says Draper, as a colonel in the cavalry.

Major John James, from Williamsburg County, Marion’s brigade

James, who after considering the matter rejected the idea of taking British protection, was one of Marion’s earliest commanders and participated in most of the latter’s campaigns and battles, up to and including Eutaw Springs. Says Ramsay, "In the course of this cruel and desultory warfare, Major James was reduced from easy circumstances to poverty. All his movable property was carried off, and every house on his plantation burnt; but he bore up under these misfortunes, and devoted not only his possessions, but his life itself, for the good of his country.” James was the father of historian and Marion biographer William Dobein James.

Capt. Le Roy Hammond, from Edgefield County, Pickens’ brigade

Although Hammond had originally taken protection, in 1781, he participated at the second siege of Augusta, and Ninety-Six. He was the uncle of Maj. Samuel Hammond.

Capt. Shadrack Inman, from Newberry County

Inman was active against the loyalist in Georgia during the fighting in 1779. But he achieved most fame at Musgrove’s Mill, where he both devised and carried out the ruse that succeeded in luring the regulars and loyalist militia into an ambush. It was in that battle also that he lost his life.

Capt. John McClure, from Chester County

McClure, along with Col. William Bratton, is one of the first names we come across in the fighting after Charleston. He helped lead the raids at Mobley’s Meeting House and Beckhamville, and fought at Huck’s Defeat and Hanging Rock. It was at Hanging Rock that McClure was mortally wounded. He was taken from there to Charlotte where, after lingering for two weeks, he died.

Capt. William McCottry, from Williamsburg County, Marion’s brigade

McCottry commanded the main detachment of Marion's riflemen. In the fighting in the swamps he and his men did signal service.

Capt. John Postell, from Georgetown County, Marion’s brigade

Postell, a captain in Marion’s infantry, who like his brother James, carried out independent raids for the swamp fox. In February, with a force of comparable size, he captured a group of 30 soldiers of the King’s American Regiment who had fortified themselves in his family’s home. Evidently in retaliation, Postell, in March, was taken prisoner while under a flag of truce. The excuse given was that he had violated the parole he received as one of the Charleston garrison. Postell remained in captivity for the duration of the war.

Capt. Jacob Rumph, from Orangeburg County

Rumph led a company of militia cavalry, or else mounted infantry from the Orangeburg area. His command was attacked and scattered at Fork of the Edisto on August 1st, 1781.

Brig. Gen. John Twiggs, from Burke County

As a colonel, Twiggs commanded the Georgians at Fish Dam Ford and Blackstocks. When Sumter was wounded at Blackstock’s, he took command of the army and showed himself a capable leader. Rather than being the roving field commander Clark was, he seems to have spent much of his time acting as a headquarters leader in Georgia, though all the more necessary as the state was then without a (non-Royal) government. In August 1781, he was promoted to Brigadier General by the state’s re-united leaders.

Col. Elijah Clark (also Clarke), from Wilkes County

Though not so well known as Marion, Pickens, or Sumter, Clark deserves accolades as great. It has never ceased to impress this writer how often his name, or those of the men under his command have come up in the course of putting together this work. The best of the Georgia military leaders, his list of battles include Second Cedar Spring (wounded), Musgrove’s Mill, the first siege of Augusta, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks (wounded), Long Canes (wounded), Beattie’s Mill, the second siege of Augusta, not to mention a number of encounters with the Indians. He only missed King’s Mountain because he was seeing whig families from Georgia safely over the mountains, and Cowpens only because he was seriously wounded at Long Canes in December. Although most histories only seem to mention him incidentally, the people knew Clark, and after the war treated him like a hero. His wife, Hannah Harrington Clark, in her own way, was as brave and tough as her husband, and has been written about as one of the heroines of the Revolution.

Col. John Dooly (also Dooley), from Wilkes County

Dooly was Colonel in the Continental army, and was one of Georgia most important officers. But in August 1780, he was, in the presence of his family, murdered by some tories, who had burst into his home in the dead of the night. He and his men fought alongside Pickens and Clark in the important victory over the loyalists at Kettle Creek, Georgia, in February 1779.

Col. Benjamin Few, from Richmond County

Few was at Fishdam Ford and probably at Blackstocks as well. He had seniority over Clark, and commanded the Georgians at Long Canes in December 1780, but showed poor leadership in that battle. For most of the early part of 1781, Few served as a representative for Georgia in Congress. Returning home in late July in 1781, he participated in the re-establishment of the state government.

Lieut. Col. James Jackson, from Chatham County, State Troops

Jackson, born in Devonshire, England, served as a lieutenant at Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, Long Canes and Cowpens. In February he was made Pickens brigade Major when the latter took charge of the western North Carolina militia in the campaign leading up to Guilford Court House. Later he was at the second siege of Augusta. In May 1781, he was made Lieut. Col., while being appointed to raise a regiment of Georgia State Troops. It is unclear, however, what, if any, action this unit saw as recruiting men was difficult due to small pox and the state government’s lack of money. In after years, Jackson became both Senator and Governor of Georgia.

Maj. William Candler, from Columbia County

Candler was at Clark's attack on Augusta in 1780, commanded Clark's men at Kings Mountain, and also fought at Fish Dam Ford and Blackstocks. Draper says he rose to the rank of colonel, but doesn’t give a date.

Maj. John Cunningham, possibly from Wilkes County

Cunningham became the head of Clark’s command after Clark was seriously wounded at Long Canes. He led the Georgians at Cowpens.

Capt. Charles Odingsell, from Chatham County, Marion’s brigade

Odingsell served with Marion’s brigade in late 1780 and early 1781.

This list does not include the American Regiments that served at Charleston, the Virginia campaign and Yorktown. Also more detailed information about these units is contained within the Calendar.

* Delaware Regiment

They served at Camden where they suffered severe losses. By the end of October 1780, what effectives remained, about 90, were combined with some of the Maryland regiment to form the Maryland Light Infantry Battalion. When this unit was broken up in early February 1781, the Delawares acted as a light infantry company under Captain Robert Kirkwood, sometimes being coupled with Washington’s cavalry to form a legion. While it occasionally received a few replacements now and then, the company normally did not exceed 80 men. By June 1781, however, the Delaware regiment of southern army totaled 121 rank and file. Although 85 recruits were sent from Delaware to Washington at Yorktown, Greene received no significant number of reinforcements or replacements from the state. Later that year it consisted of four companies. It was integrated with Col. Laurens’ Light Infantry Corps on June 13, 1782.

* Maryland Brigade

At Camden were present the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th Maryland regiments. Following that action their numbers were so reduced that in October 1780 what remained of them was consolidated into two battalions or “regiments.”

They were grouped as follows:

1st Maryland Battalion, under Maj. Archibald Anderson:

Made up of the remnants of the 1st, 3rd, 5th, 7th regiments.

2nd Maryland Battalion, under Maj. Henry Hardman

Made up of remnants of the 2nd, 4th, 6th, regiments, plus the Delaware company.

Informally, these battalions were thereafter known at the 1st and 2nd Maryland Regiments (of 1781), though these were designations of convenience and not formal regiments as such. The officers, for example, would continue to be listed in official records according to the regiments they originally belonged to. The two regiments together made up the Maryland Brigade, which was commanded briefly by Brig. Gen. William Smallwood, and then by Col. Otho Williams. Out of a portion of this brigade, in the same month, was formed the Maryland Light Infantry Battalion. This unit fought at Cowpens, at the same time, the remainder of the brigade was with Greene and Williams at Hick’s Creek on the Pee Dee. In the early part of 1781, as replacements came in to Greene, the Light Battalion was disbanded. Some sources say it was at this time that the Maryland brigade organized into two regiments. But what seems to have happened was that there may have been a second minor reorganization, and the new recruits were concentrated in the 2nd regiment. Following that, despite Greene’s pleas, no significant number of troops were sent as reinforcements from Maryland until after Yorktown. In a letter of May 4th, 1781, Greene wrote to Gov. Reade of Pennsylvania: "Maryland has given no assistance to this army. Not a recruit joined us from that state, and we are discharging her men daily, their time of service being expired." According to Johnson, a few recruits from both Maryland and Delaware were occasionally sent on, but the number of rank and file in service at no time exceed about 1312 for the Marylanders and Virginians, and 80 for the Delawares.

* North Carolina Brigade

In January 1781, steps were taken for the formation of North Carolina Continental regiments to replace those lost at Charleston. At the time there were already a small number of North Carolina Continentals present with Greene’s army, but these numbered no more than 30. Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner was appointed by Greene the task of collecting, training and arming the units. However, with Cornwallis’ invasion of the number of recruits coming were very few. It was not till after Guilford Court House, when the North Carolina assembly passed a law making deserters from the militia at that battle liable to military service, that Sumner was able to obtain the men he needed. As they were collected and came in Sumner formed a detachment at a time, which he then sent on to Greene. The first under Maj. Pinkertham Eaton arrived at Greene’s army around the time of Hobkirk’s Hill in April 1781. They initially numbered around 200, but due to desertions decreased to about 140, many of the draftees understandably protesting the forced service without being allowed what they felt was a fair hearing. By July, additional detachments had been formed such that in August Sumner was with Greene with a total of 350 men. These were formed into three regiments or battalions: the 1st North Carolina Regiment (of 1781), the 2nd North Carolina Regiment (of 1781), and the 3rd North Carolina Regiment (of 1781.)

* Virginia Brigade

Aside from those taken at Charleston in 1780, the Virginia Continentals presence in the deep south came with Buford’s reinforcement which suffered heavy casualties at Waxhaws. What were left were with De Kalb for a brief time, returned to Virginia in July, and came back again to join the southern army after Camden. This group suffered much attrition from desertion, illness, and expired terms of service. But by the time Greene came to take command of the southern army there were still about 300 left, including remnants of Porterfield’s Virginia State Troops. Of this 300 some ended up going home as well, but those that stayed were incorporated into the two newly created Virginia regiments which reinforced the army prior to Guilford Court House. These were John Green’s and Samuel Hawes’ Virginia regiments (of 1781.) Green’s arrived in early January, Hawes’ in early March. Initially there was some confusion as to how all the different Virginians were to be organized, which might help account for their lack of cohesion at Guilford Court House. In a letter of April 3rd, to William Davies (also Davis), head of the Virginia Board of War, Greene wrote: "The disagreeable situation of the detachments serving with this army from the State of Virginia, and the complaints of all ranks of officers from their not being Regimented induces me to wish that the first and second Virginia regiments should be immediately formed, and the Officers sent forward without loss of time. While the troops act by detachment and the officers uncertain whether they will command the same men, they will not pay attention to the discipline of the troops which the service requires." It appears to be the case that many of the Virginia Continentals, their tours expired, went home after Guilford. In any case, on April 4th, the Virginians were divided into two equal corps, Green’s became the 1st Virginia Regiment (of 1781) and Hawes’ the 2nd Virginia Regiment (of 1781.) Shortly after, Lieut. Col. John Green was forced to leave the army for health reasons, and Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell was put in charge of the 1st. Hawes as well later became ill sometime before the end of May, and command of the 2nd was given to Major Smith Snead. On July 19th, Campbell was appointed head of the Virginia brigade, and Capt. Thomas Edmunds took his place commanding the 1st Virginia Regiment.

* 1st Continental Light Dragoons, also 1st Continental Regiment of Cavalry, “Bland’s”

* 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, also 3rd Continental Regiment of Cavalry, “Baylor’s”

* the Combined 1st and 3rd Continental Cavalry, also Washington’s cavalry, and Virginia Cavalry

Commanded by Lieut. Col. Anthony White, the 1st Dragoons fought alongside the 3rd Dragoons, under Lieut. Col. William Washington, during the siege of Charleston. Both managed ultimately to escape the British, but not without having suffered significant losses beforehand. Gates had White’s removed to Salem, N.C, while Washington’s went to Virginia to recruit and refit, so that neither was at Camden. Washington, however, rejoined Gates at the time of the collecting of the army in September. By December, some of White’s men had been added to Washington’s corps, which then became the combined 1st and 3rd Continental cavalry. White's dragoons were at Salem as late as January 30, at which time, Greene ordered White to send all who are fit for duty to join him at Sherrald's ford. Greene partially countermanded the order, and directed that those of White's dragoons "who are fit for duty" to unite with Washington’s unit. So about 10 to 15 of White's dragoons, that is those "fit for duty," then left Salem on February 4th to join Washington. What remained of White’s command returned to Virginia, including White himself. What became known as Washington’s cavalry were then with Greene up till Eutaw Springs. Along the way, Washington occasionally picked up recruits from both North Carolina, and, as well, some from South Carolina. At Eutaw Springs, in an attack on the British flank companies under Marjoribanks, Washington was taken prisoner, and many of the unit’s men were scattered. This resulted in the corps’ permanent disbanding.

Artillery

* 1st Continental Artillery Regiment detachment (Virginia)

This unit was with Gates at Camden, and remained with the army throughout the war in the south. They were formally commanded by Col. Charles Harrison, though in the field itself it was Capt. Anthony Singleton who usually led and directed them.

Partizan Corps, or Legions

* 1st Partizan Corps, Armand's Legion.

Armand’s was at Camden. In early September they were sent to seek provisions and make cantonments in Warren County, N.C. In November 1780 it was reorganized, then in December it was sent by Greene to Virginia as unfit for duty. Although it wasn’t actually disbanded, the legion remained inactive while its commander Col. Charles Armand went to France to seek funds, supplies and other aid. Upon his return by spring 1781, he brought his men back to the field, where they served in Lafayette’s Virginia campaign and Yorktown.

* 2nd Partizan Corps, Lee’s Legion

Lee’s Legion joined Greene’s army in the first week of January 1781, and remained with it into 1782. On May 3, 25 men from the North Carolina Continentals under Maj. Pinkertham Eaton were attached to the Legion infantry, thus raising their strength to 110. On July 28th, 25 from the 1st North Carolina Regt. (of 1781) were also attached. It is not clear if this second group of 25 were the same that had been assigned earlier, or different. As well as reinforcing the Infantry, this joint venture was a good means of training some of the North Carolinians who at that time were draftees from the militia. By Eutaw Springs, the Legion infantry, with the 25 added, were 100 in number. The cavalry averaged a strength of from 60 to 90 rank and file.

* Georgia State Troops

Although an effort was made to form a command of light horse under Lieut. Col. James Jackson at Augusta, in the summer of 1781, this unit apparently was still not fully active by the end of the year, due to a smallpox outbreak, and difficulty obtaining men and supplies.

* North Carolina State Troops

There were North Carolina state troops, but these are not always easy to distinguish from militia, the two acted together so regularly: Davie’s mounted troops, of summer and autumn of 1780, and Malmady’s corps, which operated in the spring of 1781, being perhaps somewhat exceptions. Babits mentions another state unit being at Cowpens. While there is no doubt very much to be found out further and explained about the state troops of North Carolina, unfortunately these too brief marks will have to suffice.

* South Carolina State Troops

The regiments Sumter formed in the spring of 1781, in a way, were state troops. But they were established under Sumter’s Law. This meant that when Rutledge ended up, in effect, annulling “the Law” in July 1781, the regiments status as state troops was de facto taken away from them. Those of Sumter’s men who served under Pickens at Eutaw Springs then were actually back to being militia. However, in August, immediately after Rutledge’s proclamation, State Troops proper were formed under Lieut. Col. William Henderson, and consisted of an infantry and a cavalry element numbering about 75 rank and file each. Not a few of the soldiers in this unit came from Mecklenburg and Rowan counties in North Carolina.

In the summer of 1781, two troops of cavalry were raised under Lieut. Col. Hezekiah Maham and Colonel Peter Horry. Maham’s unit was at Quinby Bridge and Eutaw Springs. Horry’s, on the other hand, was still not quite ready by the time of those engagements.

* Virginia State Troops

The Virginia State Troops under Porterfield came south to assist the besieged Charleston garrison. However, they arrived too late (probably June) to be of assistance. By early July they had joined De Kalb’s army, and later fought in the battle of Camden. A small number survived that engagement and subsequently seem to have been incorporated into the Virginia Continentals, but they may instead have been discharged.

Maj. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, commander-in-chief, 12th Regiment

Among the 19th century historians, there was an inclination to blame Clinton for the failure of the British effort in 1780-1781, while excusing Cornwallis. In later years, the trend tended to be more impartial –- both men, as well as others (such as those in the government or the navy), were to be faulted. In insisting on a naval station in the Chesapeake at Old Point Comfort in Hampton, Clinton, in a way, forced the Yorktown debacle. Because as soon as Cornwallis found Hampton was unsuitable, he made arrangements to place the station in Yorktown. Yet why was Hampton, or later Yorktown, chosen over Portsmouth? Because, irony of ironies, Portsmouth made for a poor defensive position! Had Cornwallis remained at Portsmouth, he could have had sooner warning of the allies’ approach (i.e. it would have taken the allies longer to reach him), and therefore more time to receive reinforcements via the sea, or more time to make his escape. In his sometimes dithering in his choices, or in his communicating in a confusing manner, one almost senses that Clinton almost expected the war to take care of itself. Yet with the political maneuvering and game-playing going on behind between commanders and the ministry, it was difficult for him, or for almost any man in his position, to have done much otherwise. Germain favored Cornwallis, and had Cornwallis been the man of the hour, things would have gone more smoothly for the British. As it was Cornwallis on more than one occasion showed bad judgment at the decisive moment, and it was this that ended up putting Clinton in the lurch. Clinton had far fewer troops than Howe had to do his job, and under the circumstances, he seems, at the very least, to have been adequate to the task.

Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis, 33rd Regiment

While an outstanding commander on the battlefield, and in many ways likable in his person, Cornwallis’ blunders

In the course of 1780 and 1781 were far too many and far too obvious. Here is a list of some (and only some) that might be mentioned:

He did not better support his detachments, namely Ferguson’s and Tarleton’s.

He let Leslie sit in Camden a full week before the latter moved to bring his reinforcement to the main army.

He arguably missed the opportunity of destroying Morgan after Cowpens.

He waited too late to inform Clinton of his second invasion of North Carolina.

He allowed Greene time to reinforce his army, rather than continuing on the attack after Weitzell’’s Mill.

He chose to make a stand at Yorktown, when he might have informed Clinton of the inadequacy of Old Point Comfort before making such a final move.

He abandoned his outer defenses at Yorktown, thus depriving himself of extra time, which might have saved his army.

The behavior then of Cornwallis is simply puzzling. Was he confused? Did he not really care about winning, while believing the cause essentially hopeless? Alternatively, was he over-confident? In fairness, his was not an easy task. All in all, his men were less idealistic about what they were fighting compared to the Americans, which may have caused him to question his own purpose being there. We see this in his admonitions (almost laments) against plundering and looting prior to Guilford Court House. In battle, the British soldier was most of the time unbeatable, but without the incentive of a cause, and when the battle was drawn out into a campaign, things became much more difficult for him, his officers, and the army he marched with. With relatively few or no local loyalists to give results to his efforts, what was he risking his life for? Cornwallis knew the importance of aiding and getting the support of the loyalists. Yet his inability to accomplish these things adequately was perhaps his greatest failure. Was there really more he could have done than he did? Such is a what-if we are hard put to answer. This much, however, can be said. For most of 1780, there were at least as many loyalist as whigs in the southern colonies.

Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie, 64th Regiment

Tarleton says that Leslie left the army due to illness when it was in Wilmington in May 1781. Actually, Leslie accompanied Cornwallis to Virginia, and it was from there, in August, that he returned to New York. By December, he was in Charleston where he then took charge of the British forces remaining in the south. Leslie had little opportunity to exercise an independent command in 1780-1781, so it is not easy to assess his abilities as a field commander. One wonders how things would have turned out if he had originally been left in charge in the Carolinas, rather than Cornwallis. Perhaps he would have stayed put and avoided North Carolina -- something Clinton, no doubt, would have preferred to what Cornwallis ended up doing.

Maj. Gen. Augustine Prevost, 60th Regiment

Prevost distinguished himself in defeating the combined American and French forces in the siege and assault on Savannah in September and October 1779. While in Georgia, he was able to work well with his subordinates and local loyalists, such that when he left in May 1780, his absence was sorely felt.

Brig. Gen. Paston Gould, 30th Regiment

Gould, while still a Colonel, arrived in Charleston in early June 1781 with 3 regiments, and some additional troops, from Ireland. In doing so, he superseded Balfour as supreme commander in the Carolinas and Georgia. He remained in Charleston, however, until after Eutaw Springs, when he then took command of the army in the field from Lieut. Col. Alexander Stewart. In December, Clinton promoted him to Brigadier General.

Brig. Gen. Charles O'Hara, Coldstream Guards (2nd Regiment of Guards)

O’Hara was at the siege of Charleston, Cowan’s Ford, Guilford Court House, and Cornwallis’ Virginia campaign and Yorktown. At the time of Camden, he was reportedly in Charleston. At Guilford, he was so severely wounded that “his recovery was long in doubt.” After being taken at Yorktown, he was paroled, and then exchanged in February 1782. A man of good sense who understood the nature of what was going on, O’Hara, like many others whom he served with, unswervingly continued to do his duty even when things had become most difficult.

Brig. Gen. James Paterson, 64th Regiment

Paterson came south with Clinton’s expedition and served at the siege of Savannah. For a period he served as commandant of Charleston, but by early September had fallen ill. He then went home, and Balfour took his place.

Col. Nisbit Balfour (also Nisbet), 23rd Regiment

Balfour was the first commander of Ninety-Six before Cruger came to take his place. Thereafter he was commandant of Charleston, and nominally commanded the British forces in South Carolina and Georgia after Cornwallis' departure. When Gould came in June to take charge, he continued as commandant of Charleston till the city’s evacuation in December 1782. A man who had risen from the ranks to high command, Balfour seemed to have taken his task in a matter of fact, routine way. He did no more, nor less, than he had to do. In his correspondence, he sometimes comes across as a detached observer, sometimes amused, sometimes annoyed by this or that going, but rarely seeming to be actually part of it.

Col. Alured Clarke, 7th Regiment

Clarke commanded the garrison in Savannah after Prevost left in May 1780. In April 1781, he went briefly to reinforce the garrison at St. Augustine, returning to Savannah in early June.

Col. Edmund Fanning, Kings American Regiment

Fanning accompanied Clinton’s Charleston expedition. After the city was taken, he went to New York with Clinton, leaving some of his regiment in Charleston. He later returned south with Leslie in October 1780, arriving in Charleston in December. Though his regiment went on to serve in parts of South Carolina and Georgia, he himself remained within the city’s walls till sometime in late 1781, after which he returned to England due to illness. Originally from Orange County, North Carolina, before the war Fanning was a wealthy man and had played a prominent part in that state’s politics. He also was the founding officer of the King’s American Regiment.

Col. Francis Lord Rawdon, Volunteers of Ireland

Rawdon was only a Lieut. Col. in the British at this time, and was not made a full Colonel until after the war. He was, nonetheless, as regimental commander of the Volunteers of Ireland a full Provincial Colonel. At no time, was he head of the British army in South Carolina, but after Cornwallis left served under Balfour and then Paston Gould. Rawdon commanded the British left wing at Camden, and later when Cornwallis moved into North Carolina, he was entrusted with the troops on the frontier. This then was how Greene found him when the latter entered South Carolina in April 1781. Having suffered from bouts of malaria, on Aug. 21st, he left Charleston for England, only to have his ship captured by the French. He himself was not exchanged till 1782. Only 26 years of age at the time, Rawdon handled his army in a masterly way in dealing with Greene. His surprise attack at Hobkirk’s Hill, while somewhat reckless and, perhaps not worth the losses he suffered, was nevertheless an astounding victory. When the countryside subsequently flamed about him in rebellion, Rawdon kept a cool head, and (“Eggleston’s capture” excepted) was able to protect his forces, despite being probed and assaulted from all sides by Greene and his detachments. A less sharp and vigilant commander might more easily have been “found out” and incurred disaster. Rawdon, however, maintained his guard while managing to retain the firm confidence of his men. He may not have been such as to inspire love, but as a commander he was bold and intimidating, and his troops respected him for this.

Lieut. Col. Isaac Allen, 3rd Battalion, New Jersey Volunteers

Allen led his men at the first siege of Augusta, Long Canes, the defense of Ninety-Six, and at Eutaw Springs, on all of which occasions he and his unit gained honor for themselves.

Lieut. Col. Thomas Brown (also Browne), Kings Carolina Rangers

Early in the war Brown, who had a talent of for sarcasm, had been tarred and feathered by some violent whig extremists for not supporting the cause of American liberty. He was forced to abandon his estate in Georgia, and fled to East Florida, where he raised a unit called the East Florida Rangers, later known also as the Kings Carolina Rangers. He and his unit served at the siege of Savannah in 1779, and were in that city when Clinton’s invasion force came south. Brown subsequently occupied Augusta where he became superintendent of Indian affairs, acting as a go-between for the Creeks, Cherokees and the British. As commander at that post, he lost no time in seeking and obtaining revenge against the whigs for the outrages he suffered, and war up along the Savannah subsequently became quite brutal and bitter. He successfully defended the town in the first siege of September 1780. But when, in the spring of 1781, Lee and Pickens came south to join the Georgians, he was forced to surrender. Brown put up a quite determined and, while it lasted, shrewd defense, but was finally undone by Lee’s cannon posted in a Maham tower. After the war, he settled in the Bahamas and wrote a reply to David Ramsay’s History, which can be found in White's Historical Collections of Georgia, Volume 2, page 617, and dated 25 December 1786.

Lieut. Col. George Campbell, King’s American Regiment

While Edmund Fanning was the regimental head of the King’s American Regiment, Campbell led them in the field while in the south. He fought some of Marion’s men in some skirmishes outside of Georgetown in late 1780 and January 1781. In Lee’s and Marion’s night raid on Georgetown in late January, Campbell was taken prisoner and paroled. He was exchanged by the time of Hobkirk’s Hill, and led his regiment successfully at that battle.

Lieut. Col. James Coates, 19th Regiment

Coates’ 19th Regiment was one of the three that arrived in Charleston in June 1781, and was made up largely of new recruits. In July, despite being the object of an attack by Sumter’s, Marion’s, and Lee’s combined forces, Coates managed to extricate himself from a ticklish situation at Biggin Church and Quinby Bridge, and fought off the partisans at Shubrick’s Plantation, thereby causing them to withdraw the next day.

Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger, 1st Battalion, DeLancey’s Brigade

Like the 3rd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers, Cruger’s 1st Battalion, Delancey’s Brigade fought at the first siege of Augusta, Long Canes (though Cruger himself wasn’t present), the siege of Ninety-Six and Eutaw Springs. Cruger, a New York loyalist, had his most famous moment at the defense of Ninety-Six in May and June of 1781. Outnumbered and cut off from contact with British forces elsewhere, he put up a stout and heroic defense against Greene’s army. It is very clear, based on some of the smaller sieges that took place, that had a different officer been in charge, Ninety-Six might well have fallen. But Cruger was resolute. Short on supplies, then water, he took every possible measure to keep the garrison going until Rawdon arrived with relief. On the regrettable side, it seems rather arrogant of him to have disallowed Greene from burying his dead after the assault on the 18th, and in his Memorial Cruger had the temerity to claim that the American army numbered 4,000 at the siege when Greene probably didn’t even have half that amount. After leading out the refugees from Ninety-Six, he acted as Lieut. Col. Alexander Stewart’s second in command at Eutaw Springs.

Lieut. Col. Welbore Ellis Doyle, Volunteers of Ireland

Though his unit was the Volunteers of Ireland, about mid November 1780, Doyle replaced Turnbull as head of New York Volunteers. Although I have encountered no confirmation of the fact, it seems likely he would have been at the battle of Camden. In February 1781, he led the New York Volunteers as part of the effort to chase down Sumter during the latter’s “Rounds.” In March, Doyle commanded a successful raid of Marion’s long inviolable Snow’s Island, and in August was sent on an armed expedition to collect rice along the Edisto. For some unknown reason, he was not at Hobkirk’s Hill, possibly because he was ill, or else was placed in charge of the Camden garrison. Also, at Eutaw Springs it was Maj. Henry Sheridan, not Doyle, who led the New York Volunteers.

Lieut. Col. James Grierson, King’s Carolina Rangers

Grierson was Thomas Brown’s stalwart subordinate, and was with him at the defense of Savannah and both sieges of Augusta. He was murdered by an unknown whig assassin shortly after the fall of Fort Cornwallis in June 1781.

Lieut. Col. John Hamilton, Royal North Carolina Regiment

Having raised the unit himself about the time the war began, Hamilton led the Royal North Carolina Regiment at the sieges of Savannah and Charleston (where he was briefly captured), Camden, the Guilford Court House campaign (though the unit was not present in the actual battle.) He was a native of Norfolk, Virginia. Lee, who apparently was in some way acquainted with Hamilton before the war, states that his “goodness, hospitality, and urbanity had attracted universal esteem.”

Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes, South Carolina Royalists

Innes was at both Savannah 1779 and Charleston 1780. In July, he joined Ferguson’s efforts to help enlist and secure the support of the loyalists northeast of Ninety-Six. It was in the course of this task that he found himself engaged in the battle of Musgrove’s Mill in August, and was there defeated. He himself was badly wounded while leading the attack, and afterward does not seem to have been involved in further fighting.

Lieut. Col. Chapel Norton, Coldstream Guards (2nd Regiment of Guards)

Norton commanded the 1st Guards battalion at Guilford Court House, presumably leading them as well in Cornwallis’ Virginia campaign and Yorktown.

Lieut. Col. Thomas Pattinson, Prince of Wales American Volunteers

Pattinson (Allaire refers to him as Patterson) served at the siege of Charleston. However, about August 1780 he was placed under arrest, apparently for attempting to make money selling and trading supplies. About the same time he became ill. He remained in Charleston till June 1781 when he returned to New York, and was subsequently retired on half pay in August.

Lieut. Col. John Small, 84th Regiment

Small commanded the 84th Regiment which came south with Leslie in December 1780.

Lieut. Col. Alexander Stewart, 3rd Regiment

Stewart, who arrived in Charleston with his own 3rd Regiment in June 1781, commanded the British at Eutaw Springs. He seems to have been inexcusably careless in permitting the rooting party sent out before Eutaw Springs to be so easily surprised and taken by Greene’s advance guard. However, in the battle itself, he seems to have shown himself to be reasonably competent, but not much beyond that. He was wounded in the elbow during the fighting. Stewart was promoted to full Colonel on May 16th, 1782.

Lieut. Col. James Stuart, 1st Regiment of Guards

Stuart immediately succeeded O’Hara when the latter was seriously wounded in the fighting at Guilford Court House, but was himself soon after killed in a melee with the 1st Maryland Regiment.

Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton, British Legion

It is perhaps odd to think, but Tarleton was possibly in more battles and skirmishes in the war in the south than any other single individual on either side. Like him or not, for his time, Tarleton really was an innovator. He understood that by taking the attack where the enemy seemed too far away to reach he could bring about a surprise which otherwise appeared impossible. This method was very demanding on both his men and horses, but time and again it worked, that is, until the Americans adjusted their movements accordingly. Henry Lee, a resourceful and intelligent officer in his own right, could not help but imitate the successful approach when he saw it. As well, his deception of Pyle was actually a tactic Tarleton had used a few months early, though without the bloody results. While it would to be extravagant to label Tarleton a butcher for what happened at Monck’s Corner, Waxhaws, and Fishing Creek, yet it would be equally wrong to think that the brutality his men often showed was entirely unrelated to his own character as commanding officer. Yet this said, Tarleton would seem afterward to have largely corrected the problem, insofar as no horror stories are recorded after the time of Guilford Court House. The British Legion in Virginia showed far greater moderation than they had when in South and North Carolina. Although soundly defeated at Cowpens, Tarleton cannot be blamed too much for not anticipating the extraordinary gathering of men he ended up facing. His Campaigns, for all the criticisms it has received, much of them justified, is easily the single most valuable book on the War in the South 1780-1781 by a contemporary.

Lieut. Col. George Turnbull, New York Volunteers

Turnbull was present at both the defense of Savannah and the siege of Charleston. In a letter of June 30th, 1780, Cornwallis credited him and his troops with putting down what Cornwallis thought was the last resistance in South Carolina. Turnbull later defeated Sumter at Rocky Mount in late July 1780. By November, he had come down with malaria and requested leave to go home, which was granted.

Lieut. Col. John Watson (formally John Watson Tadwell Watson), 3rd Regiment of Guards (Scots Guards), and Provincial Light Infantry Battalion

Watson commanded the Provincial Light Infantry Battalion, which came south with Leslie. When Leslie marched on to join Cornwallis Watson remained to construct the fort named in his honor. He subsequently engaged in a series of running engagements with Marion, in which, for the most part, he was bested. Watson was a good officer, but attempting to fight Marion in the swamps turned out to be as futile for him as for all the rest who had tried. He became the center of attention in April 1781 when the question being asked was whether his corps would be able to evade Lee, Marion and Greene and make it into Camden. As it turned out, the swamp fox, on that occasion, was outfoxed and Watson succeeded in reaching Rawdon. Watson left Charleston for England by July.

Lieut. Col. James Webster, 33rd Regiment

Webster led detachments of the army at Charleston, Monck’s Corner, Lenud’s Ferry, Camden, Weitzell’s Mill, and Guilford Court House, and each time victoriously. Both liked and revered by his soldiers and fellow officers, and respected by his foes, he was mortally wounded at Guilford Court House, and died a few days later on the road to Cross Creek.

Maj. Thomas Barclay, Loyal American Regiment, and Provincial Light Infantry Battalion

After Watson left to go home in July 1781, Barclay was left in command of the Provincial Light Infantry Battalion. He himself left Charleston, probably in August, and like Rawdon was captured at sea by the French and was being held prisoner by them in September 1781. He may actually have been taken with Rawdon, but this is not clear. As captive, Barclay happened to be present on board one of the French ships engaged in the Second Battle of the Capes, and was witness to that action.

Maj. John Carden, Prince of Wales American Volunteers

After Pattinson was removed from command of the Prince of Wales Regiment, Carden took his place. He commanded the British forces at Hanging Rock in August 1780, and was badly wounded there. Carden does not subsequently appear to have participated in further fighting in the south.

Major Charles Cochrane, British Legion Infantry

Cochrane commanded the British Legion infantry while in the south, including at Waxhaws. On June 1st, 1780, he obtained permission to return to England on personal business. He later returned to New York. While acting as an emissary from Clinton, on 17 October 1781, he was killed by a cannon ball at Yorktown.

Maj. John Coffin, New York Volunteers

In November and December. 1780, Capt. John Coffin was operating out of Camden and in Santee area with a mounted unit, of initially about 30, then later 140 men, of the New York Volunteers. Then, no later than early April 1781, he commanded a unit of dragoons created out of the S.C. Royalists Regiment, which he led at Hobkirk’s Hill. Some sources give this unit as his mounted cavalry of the N.Y. Volunteers, but it seems more likely that, as cavalry, they were the S.C. Royalists. It was in his report of Hobkirk’s Hill that we find Rawdon referring to Coffin as Major, but at Eutaw Springs he was only Brevet Major and not full Major till December 25th, 1782. Though himself thwarted a few times, Coffin was a very capable cavalry leader, his most notable victory in the south being “Myddleton’s Ambuscade.”

Maj. James Craig, 82nd Regiment

Craig came south with Leslie, and led the British expedition against Wilmington. While relatively little attention has been paid to his efforts there, Craig, and later David Fanning with him, carried out an enterprising little war of his own from out the North Carolina seaport. For a time, he kept much of the North Carolina militia in the eastern part of the state busy trying to keep him contained. At one point, Craig sailed up the coast with a small force to New Bern, and carried out a successful raid on that town.

Maj. Thomas Dawson, 3rd Regiment

Dawson led the 3rd Regiment, “the Buffs,” at Eutaw Springs.

Maj. John Doyle, Volunteers of Ireland

Brother of Welbore Doyle, John had earlier been a lieutenant in the 49th Regiment. He was Brigade Major of the Volunteers of Ireland at Hobkirk's Hill, and later acted as Adjutant General to Stewart and Gould.

Maj. James Dunlop (also Dunlap), Queen’s Rangers, and Ferguson’s Corps

Dunlop was one of Ferguson’s officers, and assisted Ferguson in training and leading the loyalist militia in the Ninety-Six and surrounding areas. He fought at McDowell’s Camp, and Prince’s Fort in July 1780, and later also at Second Cedar Springs. On September 12th, he was wounded at Cane Creek. By December, having sufficiently recovered, he was given temporary command of a militia corps of mounted infantry and cavalry based at Ninety-Six. In March, Dunlop was defeated and himself captured by Elijah Clark at Beattie’s Mill. Afterward, while being held prisoner in Gilbertown, he was murdered by a guard, or someone connected with those guarding him. The motive presumably was one of revenge. Dunlop’s unit was formally disbanded in July 1781.

Maj. Patrick Ferguson, 71st Regiment, and Ferguson’s Corps

Much has been written about Ferguson, yet in many ways he remains an odd and elusive character. He had his own independent way of seeing things, and perhaps took the British cause more to heart than most others who were simply doing their duty. While this in a way made him admirable, it also seems to have isolated him from his fellow officers. In a poetical sense, his death at King’s Mountain, in retrospect, symbolized the end of the loyalist military effort in America: a courageous and charming, yet rather proud and brash, commander leading his men headlong to their doom.

Maj. Simon Fraser, 71st Regiment

Fraser may possibly have commanded the 2nd battalion of the 71st Regiment at Guilford Court House.

Maj. Thomas Fraser, New York Volunteers, and South Carolina Royalists

Born in Scotland, Fraser had been a Virginia merchant before the war. Just before Camden, he was made a Captain in the New York Volunteers, but almost immediately became a Major in the South Carolina Royalists. He was present at both Musgrove’s Mill and at Hobkirk’s Hill. Later in the summer of 1781, Fraser led a corps of South Carolina Royalists mounted as cavalry, with which he rescued Williamson and captured Isaac Hayne. He was defeated by Marion at Parker’s Ferry in August 1781, and afterward served with Coates at the time of Sumter’s Dog Days Expedition.

Maj. George Hanger, British Legion

During the siege of Charleston, Hanger commanded a company of German chausseurs (or light infantry.) His unit was involved in scouting the rebel defenses, and was permitted to suggest to Clinton the best means of approach. After the siege ended, his chausseurs returned to New York with Clinton, and, at his request, he was transferred to the British Legion. By early August 1780 was made a Major in that corps’s cavalry. Hanger ably led a detachment of Tarleton’s horsemen at Camden, but the Legion under his command received a rude check at Charlotte on 26 September. Boatner says he was also at Davie’s raid on Wahab’s Plantation at few days before the action at Charlotte, but I have not seen this confirmed elsewhere. Hanger afterward became very ill with malaria and returned to Charleston, and only rejoined his unit following the surrender at Yorktown.

Maj. John Marjoribanks, 19th Regiment

Marjoribanks with the flank companies of the 3rd, 19th, and 30th, joined Rawdon’s march to relieve Ninety-Six. He led the flank companies with great valor and distinction at Eutaw Springs, and was mortally wounded. After the battle, Marjoribanks was removed to a not too distant home and died at the end of the month following.

Maj. Andrew Maxwell, Prince of Wales American Volunteers

In January 1781, Maxwell was sent to establish the post of Fort Granby. For a time, his garrison was supplied by Wade Hampton who owned a nearby store. Hampton, aware of the diminishing of the fort’s supply, informed Sumter of Maxwell’s vulnerability. Sumter then in February, briefly laid siege to the post, but was driven off by a relief column sent from Camden before he had a chance to take it. In early May, Sumter returned again to attack Granby, and when he decided to move on Orangeburg, he left a detachment under Col. Thomas Taylor to continue the siege. On May 15th, Lee and Marion arrived and with cannon persuaded Maxwell’s surrender. It was said Maxwell could have held out much longer, but was more concerned with saving his personal property. It was this, consequently, that brought about the quick capitulation. Maxwell and his officers, being able to retain their private belongings (which reportedly included some plunder), were then paroled along with the garrison to Charleston.

Maj. Archibald McArthur (sometimes given as MacArthur) 71st Regiment

In June 1780, McArthur was posted with the 71st Regiment at Cheraws, which became one of the British forward outposts in South Carolina. When Gates’ army advanced in July, McArthur fell back to Lynches River, and after that to Little Lynches River. In August, he was put in charge of Camden, at the time of Cornwallis’ move north to attack Gates. At Cowpens, McArthur led the 1st Battalion of the 71st, and ended up being one of those captured. He was exchanged by May 1781, and commanded a corps made of up small detachments and invalids, which assisted Watson in his drive to get to Camden to reinforce Rawdon. Both fellow and enemy commanders viewed McArthur as a reliable and worthy officer who had a good sense of what needed to be done. Some later criticized Tarleton for not having sought his advice prior to Cowpens.

Maj. Robert McLeroth (also M’Ilraith or McIlraith), 64th Regiment

McLeroth led the 64th in the Santee Camden area in November and December 1780. It was he who used the ruse of a duel to evade Marion at Halfway Swamp. Despite his cleverness in that encounter, McLeroth was thought to have been unduly timid in dealing with Marion. After receiving permission to return to Charleston from Rawdon, he, reportedly, was later cashiered.

Maj. James Montcrief, Engineer

Montcrief was the chief engineer in charge of both the defense of Savannah, the siege of Charleston, the fortifying of Georgetown, and later the reconstruction of Charleston's defenses.

Maj. Timothy Newmarsh, 7th Regiment

Newmarsh led the 7th at Cowpens, was wounded there and taken prisoner.

Maj. Henry Sheridan, New York Volunteers

Sheridan commanded the New York Volunteers battalion at Eutaw Springs.

Major Charles Stewart, 63rd Regiment

Charles Stewart is apparently the "Major Stewart" mentioned in Stewart's after-action report of Eutaw Springs, and presumably commanded the 63rd Regiment at that engagement.

Maj. James Wemyss, 63rd Regiment

Wemyss led a detachment of the mounted 63rd on raids burning homes and confiscating munitions and other property from suspected rebels in the Williamsburg area of South Carolina in late August and early September 1780. In November, he mounted an abortive attack on Sumter at Fish Dam Ford in November 1780. Badly wounded in his arm and knee in the encounter, Wemyss was taken prisoner, but was immediately paroled. He retired to Charleston, his injuries preventing him from serving further in the southern campaign.

Maj. James Wright, King’s Carolina Rangers

While acting Royal Governor of Georgia, Wright held a commission in the King’s Carolina Rangers and served at the defense of Savannah in 1779. He attempted to restore civil control of the government in Georgia, but was refused this by the British. It was Col. Alured Clarke, rather than himself, who controlled matters in that region. Nevertheless, Wright remained very active attempting to raise troops and administer affairs where he could.

Capt. Robert Campbell, 84th Regiment

Campbell commanded the detachment of the 84th Regiment at Eutaw Springs, and was wounded there.

Capt. Alexander Chesney, Loyal American Volunteers, and Ferguson’s Corps

Chesney was present at a number of encounters, including King’s Mountain and Cowpens, as well as quite a number of skirmishes. With a small mounted detachment of loyalists, he defeated and captured Capt. William Clay Snipes’ men at Snipe’s Plantation in June 1781. Yet like Allaire, Chesney is better known for his Journal, which in Chesney’s case, gives a rare view of the war from the perspective of a southern loyalist.

Capt. Christian Huck (also Houk, and Hook), British Legion Cavalry

At one time a Philadelphia attorney, Huck was active in cowing the rebels north of Ninety-Six after the fall of Charleston. His detachment, however, was surrounded at Williamson’s Plantation on July 12th, 1780, Huck killed and his force completely defeated. This action later also became known as “Huck’s Defeat.” Following his death, command of the British Legion cavalry went to Capt. David Ogelvey.

Capt. Dennis Kelly, 64th Regiment

Kelly led the 64th Regiment at Eutaw Springs.

Capt. David Ogelvey (also Ogilvie), British Legion Cavalry

Formerly a Cornet of the 17th Light Dragoons, Ogelvey replaced Huck after the latter’s death, and commanded the British Legion cavalry at Cowpens. He was with Tarleton up to and including Yorktown.

Capt. Abraham DePeyster, Kings American Regiment, and Ferguson’s Corps

DePeyster was present at Musgrove's Mill, and was Ferguson's second in command at Kings Mountain, where he was taken prisoner. In February 1781, he was paroled to Charleston and exchanged.

Capt.-Lieut. James DePeyster, King's American Regiment

In February 1781, DePeyster and 28 others surrendered and were taken prisoner by Capt. John Postell and a numerically comparable force of Marion’s militia. Regarding DePeyster afterward, a regimental historian writes, “(w)hether he resigned under a cloud or was cashiered cannot now be determined.”

Capt. John Rousselet, British Legion Infantry

Rousselet succeeded Maj. John Carden commanding the British forces at Hanging Rock when Carden was wounded. He distinguished himself, and retrieved the day, when he fended off two of Sumter’s attacks. Rousselet also probably fought at Cowpens, but if so it is not clear whether he was taken prisoner. In any case, in July of 1781, he accepted a lieutenant’s commission in the 7th Regiment.

Capt. Samuel Rowarth (also Roworth), Kings Carolina Rangers

Rowarth served at the defense of Savannah 1779, the first siege of Augusta, and also Fort Galphin, where he led the garrison.

Capt. Samuel Ryerson, New Jersey Volunteers, and Ferguson’s Corps

Ryerson was one of Ferguson's captains, and though wounded, survived the battle at King's Mountain.

Capt. John Saunders, Queen's Rangers

Saunders commanded the detachment of Queen’s Rangers cavalry that came south with Leslie. When Lieut. Col. George Campbell was taken prisoner at Georgetown in January 1781, he was succeeded by Saunders as commandant of that post. Saunders and his men were involved in various skirmishes in and around Georgetown that same year. Simcoe, wrote of him: "It is to be lamented that Captain Saunders did not keep a regular journal, as it would have related a series of gallant and active services, which he performed when in the command at Georgetown, and afterwards at Dorchester, and which strongly characterize in that officer the same boldness and prudence with which he maintained himself with his small party in his native country, where his decisive character had its due weight and superiority." By contrast, one Queen’s Ranger, Stephen Jarvis, showed Saunders in a darker light and claimed that at Snipes’ Plantation in June 1781, Saunders viciously hacked a prisoner with his saber.

Lieut. Anthony Allaire, Loyal American Volunteers, and Ferguson’s Corps

Served under Ferguson at Kings Mountain, was taken prisoner, but not long afterward was able to make his escape back to Charleston. Allaire, however, is more famous for his invaluable diary that he kept, which records events ranging from the approaches on Charleston in 1780, up to and including King’s Mountain, with many important occurrences referred to or described in between. His is also a very personal portrait of a loyalist soldier in the conflict, and at times displays a both perspicacious and humorous viewpoint.

Lieut. Stephen Guyon, 23rd Regiment

Guyon, with a small detachment of the 23rd, repulsed a much larger rebel force at Polk’s mill near Charlotte on October 9th, 1780. He survived the Guilford Court House campaign only to be killed at Yorktown.

Lieut. Henry Haldane, Engineer

As well as being an aide to Cornwallis, Haldane acted as engineer for the fortifications at both Camden and Ninety-Six.

Lieut. James McKay, Kings American Regiment

McKay, described as a brave and able officer, commanded Ft. Watson at its siege in April 1781.

Lieut. John McLeod (pronounced “McCloud”), Royal Artillery

McLeod directed Cornwallis' artillery at Camden and Guilford Court House.

Lieut. Donald McPherson, 71st Regiment

McPherson commanded Fort Motte, when that post was besieged by Marion and Lee in May 1781. He was able to hold out against Marion and Lee until the roof of the house within the fort was set a blaze by hurled incendiaries.

Lieut. John Money, 63rd Regiment

An aide de camp and favorite of Cornwallis, Money led the outnumbered 63rd Regiment at Blackstocks in a gallant and successful counterattack on Sumter’s troops, and was mortally wounded. He died a few days later.

Col. J. C. Koehler, Regiment von d'Angelleli

Koehler served as part of the Savannah garrison, and had participated in the defense of that city in October 1779.

Col. Maxwell von Westerhagen, Regiment von Dittfurth

Westerhagen commanded the April 17th, 1780 reinforcement to Charleston, which included Lord Rawdon.

Lieut. Col. Friederich von Benning, Regiment von Huyne

Benning was with his regiment when it arrived with Clinton’s 1779 expedition. Benning stayed in Charleston, and later took part in the action at nearby Parker’s Ferry in August 1780.

Lieut. Col. Johann Christian de Puis, also given as de Puy and De Buiy, Regiment von Bose

De Puis led the von Bose regiment at Guilford Court House, where it performed as well as its dauntless British counterparts, fighting alongside the 1st Guards battalion. In his after battle dispatch to Germain, Cornwallis wrote: “The Hessian regiment of Bose deserves my warmest praises for its discipline, alacrity, and courage, and does honour to Major Du Buy, who commands it, and who is an officer of superior merit.” De Puis himself left Cornwallis' army and returned to New York sometime in August 1781.

Lieut. Col. Friedrich von Porbeck (also Borbeck), Regiment von Knoblauch

Porbeck was at the defense of Savannah in October 1779, where he acted at Prevost’s second in command. When Col. Alured Clarke became commandant of that post, Porbeck continued as second, and was actually in charge of the garrison when Clarke temporarily left the city in the spring of 1781.

Capt. Johannes Ewald, Hesse-Cassel Jägers

Ewald saw action at the siege of Charleston, the Virginia campaign of 1781, and Yorktown, in all of which, he and his unit distinguished themselves. Ewald’s Journal has been warmly praised by scholars, and is one of the standard primary source books on the war in the south.

Lieut. Friedrich Starckloff

On April 15th, 1781, Starckloff was appointed to command a cavalry troop of 60 men composed of soldiers from the three Hessian regiments in Charleston, in which capacity he served till at least late December.

Relatively less information on the southern loyalist militia leaders is available, compared to that which can be had on the whig leaders, for reasons that should be fairly self-evident. A good example is Col. Richard King who commanded the loyalist militia at Ninety-Six. His being name on a 1782 list of persons whose estate was subject to confiscation was as much extra as I could track down on him. This, of course, is not to say that there cannot possibly be anything more to be discovered, but that if there is it would take a good deal more digging than one is normally in a position to do.

Col. Samuel Bryan, from Rowan County, North Carolina Volunteers

Like John Moore, Bryan had received a lieutenant colonelcy in the Royal North Carolina Regiment. When word became known of Moore’s gathering at Ramsour’s, in June 1780, pressure came down on the loyalists elsewhere in western North Carolina. It was this which prompted Bryan to call out his own men in the area at the north end of Rowan County. He was able to collect some 800, and fearing he might share the same fate as Moore made a speedy withdrawal to unite with Cornwallis’ army. Out of Bryan’s force was subsequently formed the North Carolina Volunteers. Although formally a Provincial Regiment, in terms of training and discipline they were really only militia. They served at Hanging Rock, Camden, Wahab’s Plantation, and the Guilford Court House campaign, finally ending up in Wilmington when Cornwallis came there in April 1781. Of the two actions they are known to have actually “fought” at, their performance was extremely poor, being scattered or slain in both instances. How much this reflected on Bryan himself, however, is hard to say.

Col. Vezey Husband (also Vesey, and Husbands), Burke County

Draper includes Husband in his description of the battle of King’s Mountain. It would seem he both commanded some of the loyalists there, and was killed.

Col. Hector MacNeil, possibly from Robeson, or Scotland County

MacNeil was one of the most prominent and influential of the southeastern North Carolina loyalists, commanding those in the Drowning Creek area whom one encounters so frequently in the history of this period. We know of him taking the field as early as September. 1780, and from that point on was regularly active in combating the whigs nearby. Although his name doesn’t actually come up that frequently, references to the Drowning Creek loyalists do, and it is reasonable to assume that he was involved in their activities most, if not all, of the time. At some point by at least the late summer of 1781, MacNeil had joined forces with David Fanning, and took part in the capture of Governor Thomas Burke at Hillsborough on September 12th, 1781. He lost his life, however, the next day in the battle at Lindley’s Mills.

Col. Ambrose Mills, from Rutherford County

Mills fought under Ferguson at Earle's Ford and Kings Mountain, and was among those condemned and executed at Biggerstaff’s. His was among the most lamentable deaths there, as by both whig and tory accounts he was an honorable and decent man.

Col. John Pyle, from Chatham County

Pyle was the loyalist commander at the tragic Defeat or Massacre bearing his name. Fortunately, though wounded, he managed to escape the slaughter, though we don’t hear of him further engaged in an active military capacity.

Col. Gideon Wright, from Forsyth County

Along with his brother Hezekiah, Wright headed the loyalists at the battle of Shallow Ford in mid October 1780.

Lieut. Col. David Fanning, from Randolph County

Not to be confused with Edmund Fanning. The two were radically different, both in their persons and backgrounds, and probably not relatives (at least not directly.) Fanning was a rather extraordinary individual, in both good and bad ways, and any brief sketch of him is bound to fall very short of the full man. But we will try our best. He first appears as a militia Captain from North Carolina who joined Ferguson about the time the latter came to Ninety-Six in June 1780. With his own independent band of followers he then acted as a partisan in South Carolina against the whigs. After King’s Mountain he removed to Randolph County in North Carolina where for a few months he was involved in minor raids or skirmishes, often involving the abduction of horses. After the British occupied Wilmington in February 1781, he was elected head of the loyal militia in Randolph and Chatham counties, which election Maj. James Craig validated, commissioning him lieutenant colonel. From that point on into 1782, Fanning was the terror of the rebels in eastern North Carolina, carrying out some of the most incredible raids by a militia leader in the entire war, including the capture of Governor Thomas Burke. Fanning himself has been described as unprincipled, and a malignant freebooter. Even the British, some years after the war ended, almost ended up hanging him. Yet if only scoundrel and villain, a savage murderer of the helpless, we are hard pressed to understand how he could have been such a genuinely valiant and ingenious military leader at the same time. But then that is the riddle of David Fanning. His Narrative shows wit and intelligence, and is one of the prime examples of Revolutionary War autobiographies.

Lieut. Col. John Moore, from Lincoln County, Royal North Carolina Regiment

Moore was a lieutenant colonel in the Royal North Carolina Regiment, and was second in charge of the loyalists at Kettle Creek in February 1779. Not long after he took command, Cornwallis sent Moore out from Charleston to help organize the loyalists in his home area of Tryon (also Lincoln) County in southwestern North Carolina. Unfortunately, he either misunderstood or disobeyed his orders and called out his men prematurely. As a result, he was completely defeated at Ramsour’s Mill in June 1780, and the loyalist cause in that region, as a result, utterly vanquished. Moore managed to escape to Camden with 30 men. Although court-martialed, he was acquitted, probably so as not to offend or frighten other potential loyalist leaders in North Carolina. At the same time, however, Moore disappears from the histories.

Maj. Nicholas Welch, from Lincoln County

An officer in the Royal North Carolina Regiment also, Welch was second in command to Col. John Moore at Ramsour's Mill.

Brig. Gen. Robert Cunningham, from Newberry County

Cunningham became a lieutenant colonel in the local loyalists in May of 1780 when Ferguson came to Ninety Six. A prominent citizen of that district, by the next month, Cornwallis had commissioned him a Brigadier General of the militia. Cunningham was supposed to have formed a provincial regiment, but if he did so we don’t know its specific name, and it would not have been much more than a corps of militia, much like Harrison’s Carolina Rangers or Bryan’s North Carolina Volunteers, as opposed to a Provincial Regiment proper like the Royal North Carolina Regiment. The unit commanded by Dunlop in 1781 seems about the closest description of such a body of men as can be found. Despite his rank, Cunningham does not seem to have had large bodies of troops under his command at any one time, unless we mean nominally. At Long Canes in December 1780, he needed to appeal to Cruger to obtain the soldiers necessary to face Few and Clark, seeming to imply he could not call out very many of his own. After that we don’t really hear of Cunningham involved in any military efforts of consequence. Although there is evidence he was at the siege of Ninety Six, we know this only from a passing remark in a Continental army reconnaissance report. The same report said he left the fort when Rawdon did. For these accumulated reasons, Cunningham, despite his high rank, does not appear to have turned out to be a very effective or influential officer. It is possible though, he may have become ill, and this might explain his evident lack of impact. His younger cousin, Lieut. Col. William Cunningham, was, by contrast, a model of vigor and activity.

Col. John Coming Ball, from Charleston County

After being defeated by Marion at Black Mingo in late September 1780, Ball withdrew from active service.

Col. Robert Ballingall, from Berkeley County

Ballingall was directed by Balfour, in September 1780, to organize and recruit men for the militia from St. George’s, St. James’, St. Andrews’ parishes just north and northwest of Charleston. He was evidently successful in this because by January, Balfour commended him on dispersing the rebels in his area.

Col. James Cary, from Kershaw County

Cary owned some property on the west side of the Wateree River, within the present day Lugoff community, where he established a redoubt to protect the ferry to Camden. In August 1780, he was attacked there by Sumter’s force and taken prisoner. However, within a few days Tarleton came to his and his men’s rescue and liberated them at Fishing Creek.

Col. Daniel Clary, from Newberry County

Clary was one of heads of loyalist militia in the in the Ninety-Six region at time of Musgrove's Mill, at which battle he fought. When the rebels seized his horse’s bridle to take him prisoner, he exclaimed, “D—n you, don’t you know your own officers!” They let him go, and thus managed to get free. He also fought at King’s Mountain and survived the battle. After the war, says Draper, he remained in the state and became a beloved and respected citizen.

Col. Edward Fenwick, from Charleston County

Initially a captain, Fenwick as lieutenant colonel commanded a unit of loyalist dragoons from out Charleston in early 1781. In April he managed to route Harden’s men at Pocotaligo Road in modern Colleton County, but a few days later was captured and paroled by Harden at close by Fort Balfour. He and a number of his men were exchanged, and in the latter part of July reappeared in the field. Thereafter Fenwick and his troops continued to act as a patrol outside Charleston.

Col. John Fisher, from Orangeburg County

Fisher was head of the Orangeburg militia, and established a fort there following the battle of Camden. Both he and his fort were taken by Sumter on May 11th, 1781.

Col. Richard King, possibly from Greenwood County

King commanded the loyalist militia under Cruger at the siege of Ninety-Six.

Col. Moses Kirkland, from Kershaw County

Kirkland had very early in the war been an officer who serving with the rebels, but disgruntled over a dispute over rank, he threw in his lot in with the British. Evidently coming from Savannah or else East Florida, he joined Clinton’s forces before Charleston in 1780. They reportedly valued his advice on the local situation, and in this way he aided them in the siege. Afterward Kirkland was part of Robert Cunningham’s command at Ninety Six. He was present with Cruger at the relief of Augusta in September, and later removed to Savannah, though in what role or capacity is not clear. One writer says Kirkland “was not in favor of the conflict, but likely believed that the British would ultimately prevail.” Following the war he moved to Jamaica, and was lost at sea while en route to England in 1787.

Col. Henry Richbourg, from Clarendon County

Richbourg was of a respected and prosperous family which owned a Mill in modern Clarendon County. He commanded a troop of his own loyalist dragoons, and briefly fought Marion as part of Watson’s command in March 1781. Otherwise, it would seem he only operated in his own local area.

Col. Henry Rugeley, from Kershaw County

Despite being a commissioned loyalist officer, Rugeley, a wealthy planter and merchant had enough sense of his obligations as a host to entertain rebel Governor John Rutledge and some of his council in late May 1780, when Rutledge was on his way out of the state in the face of rapid British consolidation of territory. Later, in early December, either he or his brother Rowland, succumbed to William Washington’s dummy cannon trick at Fort Rugeley, a relatively small stockade located at Rugeley’s plantation, Clermont. He was paroled, and did not subsequently serve. One can’t help but wonder, however, if this acquired neutrality might not have been in some way a result of his own intended design.

Lieut. Col. James Cassels, from Georgetown County

Cassels commanded the Georgetown militia in early September 1780.

Lieut. Col. William Cunningham, from Laurens County

In May of 1781, Capt. Cunningham was placed in charge of what remained of Dunlop’s corps of Ninety-Six loyalists, and with them carried out partisan operations against Greene’s forces besieging Ninety-Six. When Cruger and majority of loyalists left Ninety-Six in July, Cunningham removed to a location below the mountains with a mounted band of followers. About the same time, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel, though he was apparently made a major beforehand. Cunningham was incensed by the loyalists being forced from their homes, while forbade from remaining unless they submitted to United States authority. With the occasional aid of some Cherokees, he consequently went on to carry out a series of vengeful and brutal hit-and-run raids and attacks, which soon earned him the soubriquet “Bloody Bill.” Some of his most sanguinary deeds took place in November of 1781, including Hayes Station. He not only survived the war, but, in 1787, died while living in Charleston. Perhaps not so strangely, Cunningham has been viewed both by some British historians as a kind of hearty hero, and by the American as a heinous monster. Like Fanning, he was no doubt a complex personality, and there is probably truth to both points of view.

Lieut. Col. Samuel Tynes, from Kershaw County

A well meaning, but not terribly inspiring leader, Tynes was trounced by Marion at Tearcoat Swamp in October 1780. He was shortly after taken prisoner, along with some others, by Maj. William Clay Snipes, but was able to effect his escape days later. Tynes attempted to collect a new force of loyalists for the purposes of defending a small redoubt south of Camden. But for fear of the more numerous whig militia, few were willing to remain with him. Tynes then let those still with him go home and himself resigned by the end of November.

Maj. Micajah Ganey (also Gainey), from Marion County

While not so much the military man as his whig counterpart Francis Marion, Ganey was a solid leader for the loyalists in what are now Marion and Dillon counties, and sometimes could bring together a fairly large following.

Though he never defeated Marion he regularly kept him and other whig leaders in the region fairly busy, and was able to reunite his own men after being scattered. In December 1780, Balfour thought it prudent to have him move his command to Georgetown. At the end of that month, Ganey was involved in a skirmish just outside the town in which he was badly wounded. He recovered by April when he again raised men from his home district to temporarily assist Lieut. Col. John Watson. Feeling the pressure of the American offensive later in the spring, Ganey negotiated and signed a truce with Marion in which he and his men agreed to stay out of the fighting if not molested. However, the peace did not last long. Ganey accused the whigs of violating the agreement, and fighting for a while resumed in the area. After the war, Ganey remained in his home state and became a well-regarded citizen, known for his high character and integrity.

Maj. Zacharias Gibbs (also Gibbes), from Spartanburg County

Gibbs fought at Kettle Creek in 1779 where he was captured. He was released on April 3rd, 1780, and removed to Camden, where he remained till Clinton’s subjugation of the province. From there he went to Ninety Six where he became one of the main loyalist militia leaders of the frontier region, setting up camp at a home on the Pacelot River, at a point about four miles west of Cowpens. At the time of King’s Mountain, he was gathering a force of some 400 to possibly 600 men. What exactly happen to this group is not known. But it may be that if they didn’t disperse after the battle, some may have joined Gideon and Hezekiah Wright and fought at Shallow Ford a week or so later, though Gibbs himself would not have been present there. In a biographical sketch of Gibbs, British historian E. Alfred Jones remarks: “Colonel Nisbet Balfour, sometime commandant at Charleston, testified in evidence in London [after the war ended] to his [Gibbs’] excellent qualities as a man and as one of the truest of loyalists, though, with the traditional prejudice of the British regular officer against the Provincial or militia forces, qualified his praise by adding that Colonel Gibbs was not a very good soldier.” Gibbs led a fairly interesting life and we can only touch on a few points here. But one additional fact we might mention is that he invested in large tracts of land in the Dutch Fork and near Camden, which has been interpreted as reflecting his great faith in the British cause.

Maj. John Harrison, from Charleston County, South Carolina Rangers, also Harrison's Corps

Harrison was commissioned major and appointed to raise the Kings Rangers (to be distinguished from Brown’s King’s Carolina Rangers.) When not out as part of a detachment, his unit was sometimes mounted as cavalry, and usually based in Camden. On a few occasions they saw action against Marion’s brigade. Following the Revolution, Harrison made his home in the Bahamas.

Maj. Samuel Harrison, from Charleston County, South Carolina Rangers

Brother of John, Samuel was killed at Widoo Swamp on March 6th, 1780.

Maj. Daniel Plummer, from Spartanburg County

As best we know, Plummer commanded the South Carolina loyalists at Kings Mountain. Chesney further states that he was wounded at that action. Although he survived the war, it is not known what other role, if any, he played in what remained of the conflict.

Capt. Jesse Barfield (also Barefield), from Dillon County

Barfield at one time had been a captain in the South Carolina line. But like Moses Kirkland, dissatisfied with being denied promotion, he switched sides. As a leader of a small band of loyalists from what is now Dillon County, he and his brothers in the autumn of 1780 fought stubbornly in a number of small raids and skirmishes against Marion, the Murfees and Col. Thomas Brown of Bladen. On a couple of occasions he joined forces with Ganey. Barfield remained fairly active up until the time of his last engagement, which was against Capt. Malachi Murfee at Bass’ Mill in August 1781. He died, probably of small pox, later that same year. Barfield was a worthy opponent and an officer who knew his business. Author William Gilmore Simms used him as the basis for a central character in his historical novel Mellichampe: A Legend of the Santee (1836).

Col. Francis Waters

Waters led the loyalists at Hammond's Store in December 1780.

* Brigade of Guards

Two battalions of Guards came south with Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie in December of 1780, and which included at least one light infantry and one grenadier company. This brigade contained soldiers from the 1st Guards Regiment, the 2nd Guards Regiment (the Coldstream Guards), and the 3rd Guards Regiment (Scots Guards) However, the regiments were intermingled to form what we today might describe as a generic whole, although the component companies of these Guards battalions, individually, retained their regimental distinctness and unity. So, for example, a given battalion might be made up of companies of the 1st Guards Regiment, and end up being called the 1st Guards Battalion. While a second battalion made up of companies from all three Guards regiments might be called the 2nd Guards Battalion. In the course of the war, composition then of what were called the 1st and 2nd Guards Battalion might differ according to how many companies of one of the three regiments might be present in a given battalion: the two battalions forming the brigade. While this might make things confusing to scholars, the system had the advantage of allowing army organizers to form a Guards brigade with what effective companies from the regiments were available; without insisting on regimental integrity beyond the company level. The Brigade served with Cornwallis up unto the time of Yorktown, and was commanded by Brig. Gen. Charles O’Hara.

* 7th Regiment of Foot, also Royal Fusiliers

The 7th came south with Clinton in January 1780, although it was not full strength. A battalion of 200 recruits arrived in Charleston in December (separately from Leslie’s reinforcement.) These became part of Tarleton’s command and were effectively destroyed at Cowpens. What remained of the regiment, at one point numbering some 182 rank and file, afterward served with the Charleston garrison. The 7th ended up leaving Charleston in August 1782.

* 16th Regiment of Foot

The 16th was in Savannah at the time of Clinton’s arrival south. During the course of 1780 three companies were sent to assist in the subjugation of Ninety-Six and the backcountry. These later were with Tarleton at Cowpens. In early 1781 a second detachment was sent from Savannah to bolster the garrison at Pensacola. These had no better luck than the first, being taken by the Spaniards in March. What was left of the 16th left Charleston in March 1782.

* 19th Regiment of Foot

The 19th arrived as part of the June 1781 reinforcement to Charleston. They departed in December 1782.

* 23d Regiment of Foot, also Royal Welch Fusiliers

The 23d were with Clinton when he came south in January 1780. They subsequently became one of the standard units for Cornwallis’ army, ending up with him at Yorktown. One authority, however, says a detachment of the 23rd remained in Charleston, as did one of the 33rd. These reportedly stayed in Charleston up till November 1782.

* 30th Regiment of Foot

The 30th arrived in Charleston in June 1781. It left there in December 1782.

* 33d Regiment of Foot

The 33rd Regiment’s history is identical to the 23rd’s.

* 63d Regiment of Foot

Arrived with Clinton, the 63rd remained in South Carolina as part of that province’s defenses. They left Charleston by October-December 1782.

* 64th Regiment of Foot

Arrived with Clinton, the 64th remained in South Carolina as part of that province’s defenses. They left Charleston by October 1782.

* 71st Regiment of Foot, also 71st Highland Regiment

The 71st was present in Savannah when Clinton came south in January 1780. Being the largest regiment present in the south, they possessed two battalions (as opposed to the more common single battalion.) One of these was effectively destroyed at Cowpens, the other stayed with Cornwallis up to and including Yorktown. Remnant of the 1st Battalion departed from Charleston in November. 1782.

* 82d Regiment of Foot

A detachment of the 82nd accompanied Leslie to Charleston in December 1780. They were subsequently posted to Wilmington, N.C. After Guilford Court House, light companies marched with Cornwallis into Virginia and were with him at Yorktown. After Wilmington, what had been left there were evacuated to Charleston in December 1781. They finally left Charleston in April 1782.

*2nd Battalion of the 84th Regiment of Foot, also Royal Highland Emigrants

The 2nd Battalion of the 84th came to Charleston with Leslie and became part of the Charleston garrison. Sometime in the spring of 1781, its commander Lieut. Col. John Small was posted at Monck’s Corner. Later some of the 84th served at Eutaw Springs. At some point no later than August 1781, they had a detachment in Wilmington with Craig. When they actually went there and how long they stayed is not clear, though they may have accompanied the initial invasion force to that town in late January 1781. The 84th had the honorable distinction of being a Provincial regiment that was put on the regular army establishment.

* 17th Regiment Light Dragoons

One troop of the 17th arrived with Clinton, and then left with him in June to New York. Nevertheless, the detachment returned to Charleston in early December (separate from Leslie’s reinforcement of that same month) and were with Tarleton at Cowpens. A few survived that battle to be informally incorporated into the British Legion cavalry.

* Royal Artillery

A number of detachments of the Royal artillery came south with Clinton, while another was already present in Savannah. Some of these returned with Clinton to New York, while some were left to service the Charleston garrison and Cornwallis’ army. Gunners and matrosses would be made available as circumstances required and allowed. After Tarleton captured two brass cannon from Sumter at Fishing Creek in August 1780, a command was formed using them. In this case, the particular detachment was lost at Cowpens, so by the time just before Guilford Court House, Cornwallis’ artillery detachment was under-strength. As a result, he ended up having 2 more guns with him than he had men to man them with, not counting the additional 2 he subsequently captured in the battle itself.

* Guides and Pioneers

About a company or more of these were regularly with Cornwallis’ army, while individual engineers might be available to lend their services to assist in the construction or enhancing of fortifications; or else the building and repairing of bridges and boats.

* British Legion, also Tarleton’s Legion

The British Legion was made up one element of cavalry and one of infantry. They came south with Clinton, and subsequently were a regular part of Cornwallis army, being with him at Yorktown. At Cowpens, however, the Legion infantry was so decimated that it was informally disbanded, though later it was reformed in New York. It is possible a remnant of them may have remained in Charleston till late in the war, but this is not clearly established.

* Charlestown Volunteer Battalion

After the fall of Charleston, a battalion formed of volunteers from Charleston was created to assist the city’s garrison. They disbanded, if not sooner, by the evacuation of Charleston in December 1782.

* Delancey's Brigade, also Delancey’s New York Brigade

The 1st and 2nd DeLancey’s battalions were already stationed in Savannah at the time of Clinton’s coming south in January 1780. Being both under-strength, the 1st and 2nd were consolidated to form the 1st DeLancey’s Battalion. This unit was present for most of 1780 and 1781 at Ninety-Six, finally departing from Charleston in February 1782.

* Ferguson’s Corps, also Ferguson’s Rangers

Ferguson’s Corps was made up of 100 volunteers selected from the King's American Rangers, the New Jersey Volunteers, the Loyal American Regiment, and at least one Queen’s Ranger (Maj. James Dunlop.) It was not intended as a permanent unit, but rather one formed for special services and missions. It came south with Clinton, and was destroyed or disbanded at King’s Mountain.

* Georgia Dragoons

In early 1781, Royal Governor James Wright received permission from Cornwallis to form small troops of Georgia Dargoons. When formed these were 20 to 30 man patrol units that operated out of Savannah and Augusta. They apparently were used more as a police force then as a regular military unit, as we don’t hear of them coming up in the fighting.

* Kings American Regiment, also Fanning’s Corps

A detachment of 100 of the King’s American Regiment is said to have come south with Clinton in January 1780, and presumably returned with him to New York in June. The main regiment itself came back to Charleston with Leslie in December 1780. Thereafter they remained a part of the defenses of South Carolina, acting in that capacity till June of 1781 when they were sent to Savannah. The regiment ultimately left Charleston in late 1782.

* Kings Carolina Rangers, also East Florida Rangers

The East Florida Rangers were first raised by Lieut. Col. Thomas Brown in St. Augustine Florida in 1776. The King’s Carolina Rangers was created out of the reorganized East Florida Rangers in June 1779 while still in Florida, or, according to another source, after the siege of Savannah in October 1779, at which they were present. At some point just before or after Savannah, an earlier provincial unit, the Georgia Loyalists, was merged with the King’s Carolina Rangers. The Rangers subsequently were present at the defense of Savannah in October. After Clinton captured Charleston in May 1780, they were sent to occupy Augusta. Although in July or August 1780 a detachment was sent north into South Carolina (and which took heavy losses at Hanging Rock), the unit otherwise remained in Augusta, until June 1781 when they were taken prisoner there along with the town itself. Nonetheless, the regiment was reformed later in Savannah, and was one of those which returned to New York from Charleston in late 1782. Although sometimes referred to by this name, they should not be confused with the similar sounding “King’s Rangers,” which was a separate corps entirely.

* New Jersey Volunteers (brigade)

The 3rd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers was present at Savannah in 1779, and, in July 1780, were at Ninety-Six with Cruger. Due to cumulative reductions in the ranks of the different New Jersey Volunteer battalions, by the time of the Ninety-Six siege, the 3rd ended up being re-designated the 2nd New Jersey Battalion. Though it may have been earlier, they left Charleston no later than December 1782.

* New York Volunteers

The New York Volunteers were at both the siege of Savannah (1779) and Charleston (1780.) Thereafter they served as part of the South Carolina defenses, returning to New York from Charleston in August 1782. Unlike the New Jersey Volunteers, the New York Volunteers, being fewer, did not have numbered battalions.

* North Carolina Dragoons

A small provincial corps of dragoons was raised in Wilmington in the summer of 1781, and is reputed to have been a good unit, and not a mere militia troop. At the evacuation of Wilmington they were removed to Charleston where they served at part of the garrison, being engaged in at least one late war skirmish. After the summer of 1782 they were incorporated into the South Carolina Royalists.

* North Carolina independent company

Aside from a light company from the Royal North Carolina Regiment, this was the sole unit of North Carolina loyalists that Cornwallis was able to take with him into Virginia in the spring of 1781. Led by Captain Eli Branson, and numbering 50 or less, they were among the prisoners at Yorktown.

* North Carolina Highlanders

Two companies (about 50 men in strength each) of this unit were raised and served at Wilmington sometime by the summer 1781, and were led by an officer from the 71st Regiment. They were at Wilmington till the evacuation in December, then went to Charleston, where they were essentially incorporated into the Royal North Carolina Regiment.

* Royal North Carolina Regiment, also Hamilton’s Corps

The Royal North Carolina Regiment was at the siege of Savannah in 1779. After the fall of Charleston, at which they were present, they were made part of Cornwallis’ army. However, they were at Camden when Leslie marched with them to join Cornwallis at the time of Cowpens in January 1781. Thereafter they were with him up to the time he was in Wilmington. In late April, Cornwallis took with him a light company of the regiment into Virginia, while leaving the main unit itself in Wilmington. A second was reportedly raised along the way, and was commanded by Capt. William Chandler. Both were at Yorktown. The main regiment remained part of Wilmington’s town’s garrison till December when it was removed with the rest to Charleston. According to one source, it was removed from Charleston to St. Augustine in October 1782.

* North Carolina Volunteers, also Bryan’s Refugees

The North Carolina Volunteers should really be classed as militia rather than a regular Provincial regiment, Bryan’s Refugees being perhaps their more suitable title. They were formally formed in July 1780, and were present at Camden. They accompanied Cornwallis on both his first and second invasions of North Carolina, and stayed in Wilmington when he moved in the direction of Virginia in late April 1781. The Volunteers returned to Charleston on Wilmington’s evacuation in December the same year: far lower in strength than the original 800 they were back in July 1780, having suffered severe losses at Hanging Rock and Wahab’s Plantation. In October 1782, they accompanied the Royal North Carolina Regiment to St. Augustine.

The Prince of Wales Regiment came to Charleston in April 1780. At Hanging Rock in August the unit suffered devastating casualties, while a light detachment was lost at Cowpens. What were left were then used in South Carolina as various detachments, including one which was part of the Fort Granby garrison in early 1781. The remnants left Charleston for New York in December 1781.

* Provincial Light Infantry Battalion

A battalion composed of light companies from the other northern Provincial battalions came south with Leslie to Charleston in December 1780. It remained part of the South Carolina defenses, ultimately leaving Charleston no later than the end of 1782.

* Queen’s Rangers, also 1st American Regiment

A detachment of from 65 to 80 Queen’s Rangers dragoons arrived at Charleston with Leslie in December 1780. A number of these subsequently served most of their time as part of the Georgetown garrison, though including carrying out raids from there as well. At one point their commanding officer, Capt. Saunders, was almost successful in having the whole detachment removed from the southern department (ostensibly to join their main unit.) However, the losses caused by Cowpens forbade it. They continued in Georgetown till about May 1781, and at that time were removed to Charleston. About July, the Queen’s Rangers detachment was attached on different occasions to the South Carolina Royalists under Maj. Thomas Fraser. Presumably they left Charleston some time in 1782.

* South Carolina Light Dragoons

Some troops of these were raised some time after May 1780 by Col. Edward Fenwick of Charleston, and were active in the outlying areas of that city’s region by April 1781. They were taken prisoner that same month, but were later exchanged and back operating out of Charleston in July. Apparently those that didn’t stay as American citizens, left in late 1782.

* South Carolina Rangers, also Harrison’s Corps, King’s Rangers

The Rangers (different from Brown’s King’s Carolina Rangers) were formed and raised in June 1780 following the fall of Charleston. There after they served as part of the Camden garrison, and are said to have numbered not more than 100 at a time. Sometime, evidently just before Hobkirk’s Hill, they were merged with the then newly formed mounted South Carolina Royalists unit. Although Provincial in name, originally they were not all much better than militia rabble, but presumably were in some wise improved after being included in the Royalists.

* South Carolina Royalists, also South Carolina Loyalists

The Royalists were at the defense of Savannah, and later participated in the siege of Charleston. They were sorely defeated at Musgrove’s Mill in August 1780, having been sent west to join the frontier defenses. By April of 1781, Maj. Thomas Fraser had brought together a revived unit, including some of Fergson’s former corps and new recruits. Within a month afterward they were mounted as cavalry, and served in this role through the end of the year as part of the South Carolina and Charleston defenses. The Royalists left Charleston in November 1782.

* Volunteers of Augusta

These were raised sometime in late 1781 to assist in the defense of Savannah. Their numbers were probably not that very great.

* Volunteers of Ireland

The Volunteers of Ireland arrived in Charleston in April 1780. Thereafter they served in the defense of South Carolina. They remained in the south till at least the latter part of 1781, at which time they may have left for New York.

This list does not include all of the German regiments which served at the siege of Charleston in May 1780. Those not listed here left Charleston for New York in early June 1780. With the two very important exceptions of von Bose and the Hesse Cassel Jägers, the Germans (who in this case all happen to be Hessians) were normally kept as garrison troops while in the south due to their tendency to desert.

Von d'Angelleli was in Savannah at the time of its defense in October 1780. They were moved to Charleston in July 1780, and stayed there till November 1782.

* von Bose, also Regiment von Bose

Von Bose came south to Charleston with Leslie in December 1780, and thereafter became a permanent part of Cornwallis’ army.

* von Dittfurth, also Regiment von Dittfurth, and von Ditfurth

Von Dittfurth arrived in Charleston in April 1780. Thereafter they served as a garrison regiment until November 1782 when they departed for New York.

* von Huyne, also Regtiment von Huyne, and von Huyn

Von Huyne came south with Clinton in January 1780 where it stayed as garrison regiment until leaving Charleston in November. 1782.

* von Knoblauch, also Regiment von Knoblauch

Von Knoblauch served at the defense of Savannah, and left there in August 1782.

German Detachments

* Hesse Cassel artillery company

There were up to three companies of Hessian artillerymen that arrived at Charleston with Leslie in December. 1780.

* Hesse Cassel Jägers, also Jaegers

This unit was at the siege of Charleston, and was one of those which went back to New York with Clinton. Later about a 100 men arrived at Charleston in December 1780 with Leslie’s reinforcement. Following this they served with Cornwallis through Yorktown.

* Starckloff’s Troop of Light Dragoons

On April 15th, 1781, Capt. Friedrich Starckloff's troop of light dragoons was created from 60 officers and men of the three Hessian regiments in South Carolina.  It was active until at least the end of 1781.

1 December. According to Clinton, the total effective strength of the British army in the district of New York on 1 December 1779 was not more than 18,538, plus an additional 6,000 sick and unfit for duty, most of whom it was anticipated would not be well and ready till at least Spring.

Stationed at Savannah, Georgia at this same time were the following:

Maj. Gen. Augustine Prevost

Lieut. Col. Friedrich von Porbeck, second in command

BRITISH

16th Regt.

71st Regt. (2 battalions)

GERMAN

Hessians

Regt. von d'Angelleli, Col. J. C. von Köehler

Regt. von Knoblauch, (von Porbeck)

PROVINCIALS AND LOYALIST MILITIA

1st Bttn. Delancey’s Brigade, Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger

3rd Bttn. New Jersey Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Isaac Allen

New York Volunteers, Lieut. Col. George Turnbull

South Carolina Royalists, Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes

King's Carolina Rangers, Lieut. Col. Thomas Brown

Royal North Carolina Regt., Lieut. Col. John Hamilton

South Carolina Loyalist Militia, Capt. Samuel Rowarth, Capt. Wyley

Georgia Loyalist Militia, Maj. James Wright

At time of the siege of Savannah in October 1779 there were 2,350 British, German and Provincial troops in Georgia. British casualties at the siege were so relatively light that this number by December would not have been less than 2,250-2,300, if that low.

American forces at this time in the deep south were mostly situated in Charleston, and were under the command of Maj. Benjamin Lincoln. Lincoln’s force was made up of ten "weak" Continental and State regiments from Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia for a total effective force of about 4,000 (or 3,600 rank and file), plus 2,000 South Carolina and North Carolina militia. See 17 April 1780 for more details on specific units, artillery, and American and French naval forces present.

26 December. Maj. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton's expedition to take Charleston left Sandy Hook, New York on a voyage that would ultimately end up lasting (for most of the ships) around 38 days. Among the highest ranking officers Clinton had with were Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis, Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie, Maj. Gen. Henry Julian Kospoth, Maj. Gen. J. C. von Huyne, and Brig. Gen. James Paterson. Col. Francis Lord Rawdon, who would subsequently play a major role in the southern campaigns, was not with the initial invasion force, but arrived later, on 17 April, with a follow-up convoy of reinforcements.

The expedition's force and convoy consisted of:

BRITISH

Light Infantry: 800

1st and 2nd Grenadiers Bttns.: 900

7th Regt.: 400

23rd Regt.: 400

33rd Regt.: 450, Lieut. Col. James Webster

63rd Regt.: 400

64th Regt.: 350

detachment of 17th Light Dragoons

Guides and Pioneers: 150

Royal Artillery: 200

GERMAN

Hessian Grenadiers: 1,000, including

1st Bttn. Grenadiere von Linsingen, Lieut. Col. Otto Christian W. von Linsingen

2nd Bttn. Grenadiere von Lengerke, Lieut. Col. George Emmanuel von Lengerke

3rd Bttn. Grenadiere von Minnigerode, Col. Frederick Henry von Schuler

4th Bttn. Grenadiere von Graff, Lieut. Col. von Graff

Regt. v. Huyne: 800, Col. Friedrich von Benning

Jägers: 200, including

2nd Company, Anspach-Bayreuth Jäegers

Hesse Cassel Jagers (1 company)

Hesse-Cassel chasseur company, Capt. George Hanger

Hessian artillery detachment

PROVINCIALS

King’s American Regt.: 100, Col. Edmund Fanning

Loyal American Volunteers: 300, Maj. Patrick Ferguson

British Legion, cavalry and infantry: 200, Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton

Also accompanying Clinton's expedition were 250 Hessian and Provincial recruits for the regiments garrisoning Savannah.

TOTAL LAND FORCES UNDER CLINTON: 6,650-7,000 rank and file

Carrington's gives a total of 7,550, not including the Hessian recruits. Subtracting the 42nd Regiment (700) and the Queen's Rangers (200) which Carrington, incorrectly included in his list (these units came on 17 April), makes for 6,650. Adding the reinforcement of 2,566 rank and file effectives of 18 April, minus those not fit for duty -- thus getting a 1,863 rank and file fit for duty total for the reinforcements -- would bring Clinton's total rank and file force by late April to 8,513. Adding the complete 2,566 reinforcement gives (as an approximation) 9,216 at the time of the siege, not including sailors or marines. Clinton in his memoirs states that his initial expedition did not exceed 7,000, which roughly corresponds with Carrington’s figure as adjusted. Boatner, on the other hand, gives the total of Clinton's expedition (not counting sailors and marines) as 8,700 effectives.

NAVAL STRENGTH OF CLINTON’S EXPEDITION:

Vice Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot

Royal Navy personnel: 4,000 to 5000 sailors and marines.

There were 90 transports in all, with enough to carry 8,500 troops, plus the 396 horses brought along. 18 of the transports carried necessary supplies and ordnance.

The transports were escorted by a convoy of warships including:

Europe, 64 guns

Russell, 74 guns

Robuste, 74 guns

Defiance, 64 guns

Raisonable, 64 guns

Renown, 50 guns

Romulus, 44 guns

Roebuck, 44 guns

Blonde, 32 guns

Perseus, 32 guns

Camilla, 20 guns

Raleigh, 28 guns

Richmond, 32 guns

Virginia, 28 guns

28 December. A major storm, lasting a few days, hit the Charleston bound expedition: seriously damaging most of the ships, and sinking at least one. Both convoy and transport ships, in general, were separated far and wide from each other. One transport, the Anna, with 200 Hessians on board, ended up being caught in the Gulf Stream and was blown so far across the Atlantic it landed in Cornwall. As well, a few ships, disabled by the gale, were captured by American privateers. The one ship sunk was an ordnance ship carrying most of Clinton’s artillery. Many supply stores, most of the artillery, and all of the cavalry horses were lost in the voyage. The horses were either thrown overboard, had had their legs broken by the violent rocking motion of the ships (and consequently had to be destroyed), or else were lost with the captured ships.

Late January. Due to the heavy damage the ships suffered at sea from the storm, it was decided by Clinton and Arbuthnot to land in Georgia first, rather than make a direct landing outside Charleston as was originally planned. "By the last of January" the first ships had rendezvoused and put in at Tybee Island on the tip of Georgia coast. The rest of the scattered convoy and transport ships arrived at Tybee in different groups a number of days later (into February.) From Tybee they all removed to Savannah where the troops were finally disembarked, and the ships repaired and refitted.

Early February. From Savannah, Clinton sent dispatches to British commanders in St. Augustine, Florida and the Bahamas asking that all the artillery and supplies that could be spared be sent to Savannah make up for those lost at sea, which request was complied with.

3 February. The British invasion having forced the suspension of legislative sessions, the South Carolina assembly conferred on Gov. John Rutledge wartime dictatorial powers, pending the time they could once more re-convene in safety. When they did finally meet again in January 1782, after almost two years of dedicated and distinguished service in this capacity, Rutledge stepped down. His contribution has been overshadowed by the more romantic exploits of the likes of Marion and Sumter, yet during this time of crisis and civil disorder Rutledge played a crucial role in both maintaining the state’s war effort and keeping it from sinking into chaos. Among Rutledge’s first acts in his new appointment was to call out the South Carolina militia. The response was relatively nil due to concern about loyalists, and in some cases Indians, in their own neighborhoods, plus fear of smallpox in Charleston.

William Dobein James: “The first order issued by Governor Rutledge, was, to call out the drafted militia, for the defence of the town, under pain of confiscation of property. This order was but partially obeyed; -- the militia, who were friendly to the cause, had been much harassed in the last campaign, and it was generally known that the small-pox was in the town. At the same time, the governor sent out many influential officers, to secure the execution of his first order; and though intended only to operate for the present, this last order was in time productive of a fortunate result; as these officers afterwards headed the people.”

9-11 February. Stormy weather having sufficiently subsided, Clinton sailed with a convoy of troops out of Savannah to begin preliminary moves on Charleston. By the 11th, he captured John's Island, Stono ferry, James' Island, Perreneau's landing, Wappo cut -- all locations just to the south or southwest of Charleston. In addition, the advanced portions of the expeditionary force occupied the bank of the Ashley river opposite Charleston. The passage to the islands, which in terms of navigation was exceedingly treacherous, was not achieved without some difficulty. Yet, very fortunately for Clinton, this difficulty was overcome by the unique expertise and assistance of Capt. Keith Elphinstone of the Royal Navy. Meanwhile, a detachment from Clinton's force, some 1,400-1,500 under Brig. Gen. James Paterson, remained in Savannah with Maj. Gen. Augustine Prevost's garrison -- as did, as well, the replacements for the 1st Battalion of Delancey's Brigade and the German regiments already garrisoning the town. Included in Paterson's force were: the Light Infantry, Ferguson's Corps, the New York Volunteers, a detachment of the dismounted British Legion.

Clinton: “Violent gales of wind had driven out to sea some transports that were bringing to us a battalion of the Seventy-first Regiment from Savannah. The Defiance, of sixty-four guns, belonging to Mr. Arbuthnot’s squadron, was likewise lost at the entrance of Tybee harbor. And many other untoward circumstances, the effects of the present tempestuous season, considerably retarded the movements of the fleet and kept back the cooperation and assistance we anxiously expected from them. However, as soon as the remaining line-of-battle ships could be secured in Beaufort harbor, some heavy guns, ammunition, and seamen were forwarded from them, and the rest of the ships assembled off Stono. A battalion was immediately upon this sent to the Lighthouse Island [Morris Island] and two twenty-four-pounders mounted in a battery to cover the boats of the fleet while laying buoys on the passage over the bar. It was, however, the 20th of March before we had the satisfaction to see the Admiral’s flag flying on board the Roebuck in Five Fathom Hole.

Tarleton: "On the 10th of Feb 1780 transports, with great part of the army on board, convoyed by a proper force, sailed from Savannah to North Edisto, the place of debarkation, which had been previously appointed."

De Brahm, entry for 9 February: "The English fleet arrived in Stono Inlet; the alarm was fired in Charlestown.” Entry for 10 February: "The [British] troops landed."

11-12 February. Having landed his whole force at the southwest end of Simmons (now Seabrook) Island, Clinton established headquarters at Stono Ferry on the Ashley River, which acts as the natural southern boundary of the city of Charleston.

15 February. From a letter written by Colonel John Laurens written on February 15th: “The British army, said to be under the command of Sir Henry Clinton, are distributed on Port Royal Island, John’s Island, Stono Ferry, and a detachment last night landed upon James’ Island. The headquarters are at Fenwick’s house, on John’s Island. Four of their galleys have been seen between John and James’ Island. The number of troops, not known, supposed to be much diminished since the embarkation at New York. About twelve deserters from the fleet and army have come into Charleston, and as many prisoners are taken by our light horse. Different deserters from the fleet and army agree in reporting heavy losses at sea. Three ships foundered, many dismasted, one brig, two ships are taken, and brought into Charleston; a brig is carried into North Carolina. One of the deserters informs, that thirteen sail were left on the rocks of Bermuda. There is undoubtedly some grand impediment to the enemy’s progress. All their horses perished at sea, and much of their furniture was captured. Three days ago passed by Charleston bar, in a hard gale wind, a sixty-four gun ship, a frigate, and some transports. These may be gone to New York for further supplies; but all is conjecture. Near the bar of Charleston daily appears a frigate and others ship of war, reconnoitering and blocking up the harbor. We have four Continental frigates, two French armed ships, two State armed ships, six other armed vessels, some of them carrying very heavy cannon. The enemy’s delay has afforded an opportunity for strengthening the lines of Charleston, which will be in pretty good order tomorrow. The number of men within the lines is uncertain; but by far too few for defending works of near three miles in circumference; especially considering many of them to be citizens, and unaccustomed to the fatigues of a besieged garrison, and many of the Continental troops half naked.

Reinforcements are expected—General Hogan[James Hogun] is within a few miles. The Virginia troops are somewhere!—assistance from that state has been expected these eighteen months. General Moultrie is forming a camp at Bacon’s Bridge, where he has five hundred horse belonging to South Carolina – Baylor’s [William Washington’s] and Bland’s [Anthony White’s] regiments of Virginia. General [Andrew] Williamson is encamped at Augusta—a thousand men are expected from his brigade. General Richardson and Colonel Carlen are raising the militia at and about Camden. At this moment the escape of the Americans depends on further delay on the enemy’s part: two or three weeks more will make this garrison strong…”

Late Ferbuary to March. For the next few weeks, the main British army was engaged in "establishing magazines and erecting works to defend communications, near the banks of Ashley river." To replace horses lost at sea en route to Charleston from New York was a top priority for the dismounted British Legion and 17th Lt. Dragoons. "To procure others,” writes Clinton, “was one of our first cares after we arrived in Tybee; and Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton, who commanded the Legion, had removed at his own request with the dismounted troopers of both [i.e. the Legion and 17th Dragoons] to Port Royal Island for that purpose. Here by great exertion and good luck he collected a number of horses (some marsh tackies which made poor cavalry horses), in time to join Brigadier General Paterson as he passed by that route in his march to the army before Charleston." Tarleton himself with the main body of his legion was at Beaufort, where he had managed to collect enough horses to mount his cavalry, however, these horses were largely unsuited for military service. The juncture with Paterson mentioned above by Clinton took place in March.

William Dobein James: "(T}he enemy proceeded cautiously in the siege of Charleston. They formed a depot on James Island, and erected a fortification on it, and the main, near Wappoo cut."

Early March. In the face of the British invasion, Lincoln removed Continental troops from Georgia. Georgia then asked South Carolina to send troops to help defend its western borders. They dispatched Brig. Gen. Andrew Williamson from the Ninety-Six district with about 300 militia to Augusta some time in February (or possibly early March) to Augusta. Williamson remained there till May 29, at which time his duties were taken up by the Georgia militia.

Lossing: “[Gov. John] Rutledge ordered three hundred negroes to be brought from the neighboring plantations to work upon the [Charleston] fortifications, and within a few days cannons and mortars were mounted; a trench, filled with water, stretched across the Neck from the Ashley to the Cooper, and two rows of abatis protected the whole. Fort Moultrie, the redoubts at Haddrell's Point and Hobcaw, the works at South Bay, Hospital Point, and all along the city front, were strengthened and manned. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was placed in command of the garrison at Fort Moultrie. Captain Daniel Horry was sent to Ashley Ferry to watch the approach of the enemy, and General Moultrie went southward to gather the militia, direct the movements of the cavalry, and annoy the enemy on his approach.”

3 March. Brig. Gen. James Hogun arrived in Charleston with 700 North Carolina Continentals.

5 March. To help replace that lost at sea on the voyage from New York in December, Clinton borrowed artillery from the Royal Navy. After first obtaining 8 thirty-two pounders with ammunition, on March 5th, he received from Vice Admiral Arbuthnot's squadron 4 additional thirty-two pounders, with one hundred rounds of shot, and 6 twenty-four pounders with like quantity of ammunition.

5 March. Brig. Gen. James Paterson's detachment of 1,400-1,500 left Savannah began its march up along the Savannah River to take Augusta, making some 17 miles by the end of the day.

Allaire: "Sunday, March 5th. The following corps marched from Savannah, viz.: Light Infantry, commanded by Maj. Graham; American Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Ferguson; New York Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Turnbull, North Carolinians, Lieut. Col. Hamilton; South Carolinians, Col. Innes; Dismounted Legion, Maj. Cochrane; one company of Georgia Dragoons, Capt. Campbell, and the First Battalion of the Seventy-first regiment, Maj. McArthur -- in number about fifteen hundred. We marched from Savannah at six o'clock in the morning; arrived at Cherokee Hill, nine miles from Savannah, at twelve o'clock, and encamped to refresh ourselves. At three o'clock in the afternoon got in motion, and marched to Abercorn, eight miles from Cherokee Hill; here we encamped and lay all night. Disagreeable, rainy weather."

6 March. Paterson marched to Ebenezer, GA. located on the south bank of the Savannah River.

7 March. Clinton's advance forces crossed Wappoo Creek, thus beginning the encirclement of Charleston. On this same day, the first British siege batteries were erected on the west side of the Ashley River.

9-10 March. De Brahm: "Seven vessels were sunk [by the Americans] near the mouth of Cooper River, and cables fixed from one to the other, to prevent the entrance of this [the Cooper] river."

10 March. Allaire: "Friday, 10th. The American Volunteers and British Legion marched three miles up the Augusta road to Tuckasse-King. Here we encamped, and took breakfast in the morning. A Rebel Lieut. Johnson with twenty men surrounded a poor man's house here this morning. They heard we were in motion, but not being certain of it, they came to find out the truth. They did no damage to the family; neither did they tarry long, being informed that we were in possession of the Two Sisters, they thought it proper for the brothers to take themselves off. This is the first Rebel party we have heard of. At three o'clock in the afternoon received orders to take the ground we left in the morning, where I and part of the detachment lay all night. One division crossed the river -- the others to follow as expeditiously as possible.”

11 March. Paterson crossed the Savannah River near Two Sisters.

13 March. De Brahm "The enemy [the British] took possession of the land on Ashley River opposite the town, constructed a battery near the mouth of Wappoo, on the prolongation of Tradd street."

14 March. [surrender] Fort Charlotte (Mobile County, AL.) Fort Charlotte (located in modern day Mobile, Alabama) and its 300 man British garrison were captured by Spanish forces under General, also Governor of Louisiana, Bernardo de Galvez.

16 March. Allaire: "Thursday, 16th. Remained at McPherson's plantation, living on the fat of the land, the soldiers every side of us roasting turkeys, fowls, pigs, etc., every night in great plenty ; this Mr. McPherson being a great Rebel, and a man of vast property, at present in Charlestown. About thirty Rebels showed themselves this morning, a mile and a half in front of us. A party went out in pursuit of them; but returned without effecting anything-the jockeys being on horseback easily made off."

18 March. [skirmish] Salkehatchie, also Saltketcher (Colleton County, S.C.) Allaire: "Saturday, 18th. Marched from McPherson's plantation to Saltketcher, a Rebel party consisting of eighty militia, commanded by a Maj. Ladson, placed themselves on the north side of the river to oppose our crossing. They were amused by a company of the Legion returning their fire across the river at the place where the bridge formerly was, whilst the Light Infantry and remainder of the Legion crossed the river below, and came in the rear of them before they were aware of it. Here the bayonet was introduced so effectually that a Capt. Mills, and sixteen privates of the Rebels, could not exist any longer, and of course gave up the cause. Four were badly wounded, and one taken prisoner that luckily escaped the bayonet. Maj. Graham, of the Light Infantry, and Maj. [also Royal Governor of Georgia, James] Wright, of the Georgia Loyalists, slightly wounded. The former continued to command his battalion, and the latter continued his march. Two privates of the Light Infantry were also slightly wounded. We remained all night at Ogelveys' plantation, on the side of the river called Indian land. This day's march was very tedious -- a disagreeable, rainy, cold day, and through a swamp where the water was from two to three feet deep."

William Dobein James: "There being now no force in the field, but the two hundred light infantry, under Gen. Huger, and the horse under Col. Washington; which were those mentioned in Lincoln's order to Gen. Marion; the British were suffered to detach small parties through the country, and to take all the horses which were fit, either to transport their cannon and baggage, or to mount their cavalry. In one month after their landing, Col. Tarleton had his legion mounted, and began his career of slaughter. On the 18th March, he surprised a party of 80 militia, at Saltketcher bridge, killed and wounded several, and dispersed the rest."

According to McCrady, the defeated American force numbered 50 under Ladson, which lost 17 killed and 4 wounded. Paterson lost 2 wounded.

19 March. William Dobein James writes: "Gen. Lincoln had ordered Lieut. Col. [Francis] Marion to select two hundred men, out of the three regiments with him, at Sheldon, and to march immediately to town. (31st Jan.) No troops were to be left in the field but two hundred light infantry, and the horse under Col. Washington. Marion repaired to town, according to orders; but before the garrison was hemmed in by the enemy, he, by accident, in attempting to escape from a drinking party, dislocated his ankle. Gen. Lincoln had issued an order, ‘that all supernumerary officers, and all officers who were unfit for duty, must quit the garrison, and retire into the country.’ In consequence of this order, Marion retired to St. John's.” It was then, ostensibly because of this accident dislocating his ankle, that Marion was not in Charleston at the time it was placed under siege. Both Lossing and Bass give the date for this accident as 19 March, whereas James gives 31 January. That a sprained ankle should have kept Marion from commanding his men seems rather strange, not to mentioned the circumstances in which he suffered the injury. Yet if there were unstated factors and motives in Marion’s being absent during the siege, it is, at the same time, only fair to Marion to say that cowardice would not have been one of them.

19 March. Clinton ordered Paterson to rejoin him. "I called immediately to me the corps which had been left in Georgia under Brigadier General Paterson (as before mentioned, for the purpose of trying the temper of the back settlements and endeavoring to create a diversion in favor of the besieging army), as this small addition was now become absolutely requisite to enable me to occupy the numerous posts that were necessary for preserving our communications." As well, when Clinton realized he need more men than he had with him to properly besiege Charleston, he sent orders for more to be sent from New York. Paterson then marched for Charleston, and was subsequently joined near "Fish Pond" on 21 March by Tarleton and the main body of the British Legion coming from Beaufort.

20 March. [skirmish] Salkehatchie River (Colleton County, S.C.) Allaire: "Monday, 20th. The army got in motion, marching about two miles. Received orders to halt, the rear guard being fired on; it proved to be the [New] York Volunteers, getting the boats on the carriages at the river, were fired on by a skulking party of rascals on the other side of the stream. Three poor lads of the York Volunteers were killed. What damage was done to the Rebels we are not certain. Detained by this and repairing of bridges on the road, we only marched seven miles this day. Took up our ground at a place called Godfrey's savannah."

21 March. De Brahm: "The English fleet passed the bar, and anchored in Five Fathom Hole."

21 March. Tarleton’s dragoons and the detachment of the 17th Light Dragoons united with Paterson's force as it moved toward Charleston.

Allaire: "Tuesday, 21st. The army got in motion. Marched to Fish Pond river. Here we were detained to repair the bridge till evening. Before we crossed we moved on about three miles, through a swamp, over an exceeding bad causeway. This day Col. Tarleton, with his dragoons, joined us from Beaufort, where he had been to get horses - his being all lost on the passage from New York. We took up our ground about ten o'clock at night, and remained till ten o'clock next morning."

22 March. Allaire: "Wednesday, 22d. The army got in motion at ten in the morning, and marched as far as Horse Shoe, where we again were detained to repair the bridge. After crossing, continued our march to Jacksonsburgh, a village containing about sixty houses, situated on Pon Pon, or Edisto river."

23 March. [skirmish] Bee's Plantation. (Colleton County, S.C.) Tarleton: “The inhabitants of Carolina having heard of the loss of the cavalry horses at sea, had flattered themselves that they could not be speedily recruited. In order to confine the British troops as much as possible to the line of march, and to prevent their collecting horses in the country, some of them accoutred themselves as cavaliers, and a few days after the junction of the dragoons from Beaufort, ventured to insult the front of General Patterson's [Paterson’s] corps, which was composed of his cavalry, who made a charge, unexpected by the Americans, and without any loss took some prisoners, and obtained a number of horses.”

Allaire: "Thursday, 23d. All the army, except the Seventy-first regiment, and greatest part of the baggage, crossed the river in boats and flats, the bridge being destroyed. Col. Tarleton came up with a party of Rebel militia dragoons, soon after crossing the river at Gov. Bee's plantation. He killed ten, and took four prisoners. Gov. Bee was formerly Lieut. Gov. under His Majesty, is now one of the members of Congress, and Lieut. Gov. of South Carolina."

William Dobein James: "On the 23d, he [Tarleton] put to flight another party at Ponpon, killed three, wounded one, and took four prisoners."

25 March. Paterson joined Clinton's forces, arriving just a few miles outside and southwest of Charleston.

25 March. De Brahm: "Our [the American and French] armed vessels before Fort Moultrie returned to town; their cannon were transported into the land batteries."

27 March (or 25 March). [skirmish] Savannah, GA. (Chatham County, GA.) A detachment of Delancey's 1st Battalion engaged a force of (reportedly) 300 whigs, which had maneuvered near to Savannah. The British lost 3 killed and 5 wounded. American losses are not known.

27 March. [skirmish] Rantowle's Bridge, also Rantol’s Bridge, Rutledge’s Plantation (Charleston County, S.C.) 300 American cavalry, consisting of Lieut. Col. William Washington's 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, the 1st Continental Light Dragoons, under Lieut. Col. Anthony White, Pulaski's Legion cavalry under Major Pierre-François Vernier, and probably as well Col. Peter Horry’s South Carolina light horse, defeated the British Legion and 17th Light Dragoons, with 200 to 300, in a skirmish in which the Americans captured Lieut. Col. John Hamilton of the Royal North Carolina Regiment along with six other prisoners. The affair ended with the Americans retreating, and otherwise equally small loss to both parties.

Tarleton: “This affair [at Bee’s Plantation] was nearly counterbalanced in the neighbourhood of Rantol's bridge, where a body of the continental cavalry, consisting of Washington's and Bland's light horse, and Pulaski's hussars, carried off Lieutenant-colonel Hamilton, of the North-Carolina provincial regiment, with some other prisoners; and owing to the imprudence of the officer who commanded the advance guard of the British dragoons, sent in pursuit, was on the point of gaining advantage over that corps.”

Allaire: "Monday, 27th. Two companies of Light Infantry, American Volunteers, and one company of Dragoons, crossed at Rantowle's in scows; the rest of the army crossed yesterday. Col. Hamilton, of the North Carolinians, and Dr. Smith, of the Hospital, proceeding about a mile in front of the army, to Gov. Rutledge's house, were immediately surrounded by three hundred Continental Light Horse, and they consequently made prisoners. The British Dragoons fell in with them soon after, and had a skirmish; the Rebels soon gave way, and showed them the road, as is customary for them to do. Qr. Master Sergeant Mcintosh, of the Georgia Dragoons, badly wounded in the face by a broadsword. Several Dragoons of the Legion were wounded. How many of the Rebels got hurt we can't learn; but they did not keep up the combat long enough for many to receive damage. This morning, Capt. Saunders, that came in with the flag on the 24th, was sent out; his attendant, Capt. Wilkinson, not being mentioned in the body of the flag, is detained as a prisoner of war. We took up our ground on Gov. Rutledge's plantation, about one mile from his house, where we remained all night."

William Dobein James: “On the 27th, near Rantowle's bridge, he [Tarleton] had a rencounter with Col. Washington, at the head of his legion of 300 men; Tarleton was worsted in this affair, and lost seven men, prisoners."

28 March. Lossing: "On the twenty-eighth of March the royal army crossed the Stono, marched to the Ashley, at Old Town (the site of ancient Charleston), and there crossed that stream toward evening. They had strengthened Fort Johnson, cast up intrenchments along the Ashley to confront those of the Americans upon the opposite shore, and galleys were in motion to enter the harbor and anchor in the Ashley. The army moved slowly down the Neck, and on Sunday morning, the first of April, broke ground within eleven hundred yards of the American works, then defended by about eighty cannons and mortars. They were annoyed all the way (see 29 March) by a party of light horsemen under Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens, and lost between twenty and thirty men in the skirmishes."

28 March. Allaire. "Tuesday, 28th. The army got in motion about nine o'clock in the morning, and marched to Ashley Ferry, where we met the British and Hessians, Grenadiers, Light Infantry and Yagers, under command of Sir. H. Clinton. We continued our march down the river about six miles to Lining's plantation; it is situated on Ashley river, nearly opposite Charlestown, and commands an extensive view towards the sea."

William Dobein James: "On the 28th of March they [the British] crossed Ashley river, near the ferry, and made a lodgement in Charleston neck.”

29 March. Clinton broke ground within 1,800 yards of the American defenses on Charleston neck.

De Brahm: "The English army crossed Ashley River twelve miles above the town."

Allaire: "Wednesday, 29th. Sir Henry Clinton, with the British and Hessians, Grenadiers, Light Infantry and Yagers, passed over Ashley river to Charleston Neck, early in the morning. Spend the day in viewing Charleston and found it not a little like New York; for Ashley and Cooper rivers form a bay exactly like East and North river at New York."

29 March. [skirmish] Charleston (Charleston County, S.C.) De Brahm: [Entry for the 30th] "The advanced guard of the enemy came within two miles of Charlestown, when a party of two hundred men, under Colonel John Laurens and a little while after two field-pieces), went out against them, who, after a skirmish of some hours, returned towards sun-set. The fortifications of Charlestown were, even at this time, very incomplete. All the negroes in town were impressed, who, together with the parties detailed from the garrison, were henceforth employed upon the works."

Letter from South Carolina printed in the Pennsylvania Packet, April 25: “March 30.—Yesterday, a large body of British grenadiers and infantry crossed the Ashley River, and to-day they appeared before the American line, where they are now camped. As the enemy approached, Colonel John Laurens, with a small party, had a brush with the advance body, in which Captain Bowman of the North Carolina forces, fell, much lamented; Major Herne [Edmund Hyrne] and two privates were wounded. The enemies loss is reported to be from twelve to sixteen killed. A French gentlemen, who was a volunteer in the action, says he counted eight and a Highland deserter says Col. St. Clair was mortally wounded.”

30 March. Allaire: “Thursday, 30th. Incessant firing of small arms on the neck; cannon at short intervals. This firing was at the Commander-in-chief and his family reconnoitering. He forbid the British returning the fire. Lord Cathness, standing by the side of Gen. Clinton, was shot through the body by a musket ball; one Yager killed."

31 March. Having now effectively surrounded Charleston by both land and sea, Sir Henry Clinton formally commenced the siege of Charleston, and began digging on the first parallel.

De Brahm: "At day-break we observed that the enemy had opened his trenches in three places."

Clinton: "(I)n the night of the first of April we broke ground within 800 yards of the rebel works." James gives the distance as 1,100 yards.

1 April. De Brahm: "April 1 and 2, 1780. The enemy's [British] works were a little extended, and ours augmented."

For the next few days preliminary redoubts and batteries were constructed, and the whole completed by April 8. Artillery lost in the voyage had been replaced by guns from Admiral Arbuthnot's ships-of- the-line, or obtained from posts elsewhere, such as Savannah, while detachments of seaman were sent on shore to assist in their operation. At the time, Charleston was plagued with small pox.

3 April. De Brahm: "This morning the battery was discovered upon a height, at Hampstead. At battery of four pieces was constructed on our right to oppose that of the enemy, from which, as well as from all the others, a continued firing of shot and bombs was kept up the following night along the lines."

4 April. De Brahm: "This morning, daylight discovered to us the enemy's [the British] battery very much injured."

5 April. De Brahm: "Last night's fire of our batteries was kept up as heretofore. The enemy's galley approached the town, and fired upon it all night. We began to dig wells in our front, and to close up the gorge of the horn work."

6 April. Brig. Gen. William Woodford crossed the Cooper River, and joined the Charleston garrison with 700-750 Virginia Continentals.

Lossing: “On the day of his [Woodford’s] arrival the terms of enlistment of about seven hundred North Carolinians expired, and they all went home at an hour when they were most needed.”

De Brahm: "The fire of the batteries and the works continued as before. To-day the reinforcement under General Woodford arrived."

Entry for the 7th: "Very little fire from our batteries last night, and more on the part of the enemy. The enemy has prolonged the right of his first parallel. All our workmen employed digging wells."

7 April. [coastal battle] Fort Moultrie, also Sullivan’s Island (Charleston, S.C.) A British squadron detachment, consisting of Roebuck, Richmond, Romulus, Blonde, Virginia, Raleigh, Sandwich (armed ship) and Renown, passed the heavy guns of Fort Moultrie, commanded by Brevet Brig. Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, with the loss of only 27 men, and loss of Arteus an ordnance ship which went aground and was burned. Richmond's foretop mast was shot away. The flotilla then anchored off Fort Johnson, the move having marked a major breach in the American defenses.

Allaire: "Saturday, 8th. But little firing from the Rebels. Rainy, disagreeable morning. The rebels were reinforced with thirteen hundred men last night, commanded by a Gen. Scott. They fired a feu de joie, and rang all the bells in town on the occasion. About four o'clock this afternoon the fleet hove in sight, coming up under full sail with a fresh breeze at south west, and passed Fort Moultrie -- the Rebel fort that they boasted of on Sullivan's Island, which no fleet could ever pass. They were but a few minutes passing. What damage is sustained we have not yet learned. The Richmond lost her fore top-mast; a cutter lay opposite the fort all the time the fleet was passing, with a flay hoisted to point out the channel. A heavy cannonade from the Rebels' batteries, which the shipping returned as they passed with a spirit becoming Britons."

De Brahm: "Last night the [British] enemy commenced a battery of six pieces. All our workmen employed making traverses. A quarter of an hour before sun-set, the English fleet passed Fort Moultrie, under a heavy fire on both sides, and anchored in a line near Fort Johnson. Nobody wounded or killed in Fort Moultrie. The fleet consisted of the following vessels: -- One of 50 guns, two of 40, four frigates, two vessels armed en flute, and two other smaller ones; one of these armed en flute grounded on a band called "The Green."

William Dobein James: "On the 7th, twelve sail of the enemy's ships passed Fort Moultrie, under a heavy fire. The garrison had been assiduous in preparing for defence; the old works were strengthened, and lines and redoubts were extended from Ashley to Cooper river. A strong abbatis was made in front, and a deep, wet ditch was opened from the marsh on one side, to that on the other, and the lines were so constructed as to rake it."

9 April. De Brahm: "The vessel [the Arteus] which grounded was abandoned, and burnt by the crew last night. This morning the commencement of a battery appeared in front of our left. Our workmen employed as heretofore.”

9 April. Allaire: "Sunday, 9th. Admiral Arbuthnot came on shore, and went over to Headquarters on the Neck. By him we were informed that there were only seven men killed, and fifteen wounded, in passing Sullivan's Island. The shipping damage was so trifling that 'twas not worth mentioning." See 7 April.

10 April. The British completed their first parallel, and summoned the town to surrender. Lincoln asked for a temporary truce, which was granted. By the end of the day he replied to the British ultimatum:

Lincoln to Major General Sir Henry Clinton and Vice Admiral Arbuthnot:

"Charles town, April 10, 1780

Gentlemen,

I have received your summons of this date. Sixty days have passed since it has been known that your intentions against this town were hostile, in which time has been afforded to abandon it; but duty and inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last extremity.

I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) B. Lincoln, Commanding in the south department."

There were those like Brig. Gen. Lachlan McIntosh who advised taking the army out of Charleston and continuing the fight from the countryside. However, Lieut. Col. Gadsden and many city leaders insisted that Lincoln and the army remain. Lincoln, for his part, felt he had no choice but to acquiesce to the state and city officials wishes.

De Brahm: "The works of the enemy [the British] were advanced. Our negroes employed in making a battery of five pieces of redoubt, and the soldiers on fatigue in making traverses. This evening [the 10th] a parley was received from the enemy, demanding the surrender of the town; it was refused.”

William Dobein James: "All attempts at removing the force besieged, out of the town, had, while it was practicable, been opposed by the governor and council, and the officers of the South Carolina troops; and Gen. Lincoln, had not the resolution to counteract them. At length it was thought advisable, that the governor and three of his council should leave the town; and that Lieut. Gov. Gadsden and five others should remain. The ships of war, in the harbour of Charleston, being quite inadequate to oppose the force which had passed Fort Moultrie, were divested of their guns, to reinforce the batteries, and were sunk nearly opposite the exchange, to impede the passage of the enemy up Cooper river."

11 April. De Brahm: "Our batteries kept up a great deal of fire last night. The enemy had repaired his batteries, and mounted some cannon. Finished the battery in the redoubt. Our workmen employed in making traverses, and strengthening the profiles of some works. This evening Major Gilbank was accidentally killed, making some experiments with shells.”

11 April. Allaire: "Tuesday, 11th. Col. Ferguson came from Headquarters. Informs us that the town was summoned to surrender to his Britannic Majesty. Answer was returned, that they thought it necessary as well as their duty to defend it to the last extremity, which they meant to do. Wednesday, 12th. Received orders to march. The North Carolinians were ordered to join Col. Ferguson. We left Lining's plantation about seven o'clock in the evening, and marched to Bacon's Bridge, twenty-two miles, where we arrived at five o'clock on Thursday morning; very much fatigued. We halted to refresh till seven. Cool weather."

12 April. De Brahm: "Very little firing last night. The enemy [the British] had more cannon mounted. The workmen employed as before. Our sailors employed in elevating the parapet near Exchange Battery, and making embrasures to it. At 12 o'clock, meridian, three chalops passed Fort Moultrie, and joined the fleet, although fired upon all the time by the Fort."

13 April. De Brahm: "Very little firing last night. This morning one of the batteries of the enemy [the British] was finished, the others not quite; the trenches extended. This morning, at 9 o'clock, the enemy opened his batteries, firing bombs, carcasses and hot balls, which were returned with all our force from the batteries. This lasted about two hours, when the firing was abated on both sides, till about 5 o'clock, when all the fire was on the side of the enemy. We had one 18 pounder dismounted, and two houses burnt in town. Our workmen employed as before."

14 April. [raid-skirmish] Monck's Corner, also Biggin Church (Berkeley County, S.C.) The corps of Tarleton and Ferguson, supported by the 33rd and 64th Regiments led by Lieut. Col. James Webster -- all together totaling some 1,400 men -- launched a surprise night attack on Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger’s force at Biggin Church. Biggin Church lay across Biggin Creek, about a mile north east of Monck’s Corner, and Huger was deployed there with a mind to help keep northern communications open with Charleston. His force consisted of about 200 to 300 cavalry under Washington, White and John Jameson, Vernier, and Peter Horry, plus 100 to 200 South (and or North Carolina) militia. The Americans were thoroughly surprised and routed, though most of Huger’s cavalry made good their escape. The success of the British was later attributed in part to failure of the American to post a proper picket above the bridge which guarded the approach to the American camp. 60 to 100 Americans were taken prisoner, while 30 (Allaire) to 50 (Tarleton) wagons loaded with arms, ammunition and clothing, as well as 180 to 400 much needed horses, fell into the hands of the British who suffered only 3 men wounded, and 5 horses killed and wounded. Specifically, Allaire speaks of 60 Americans being captured and of these 15 to 20 were wounded. James says there were 100 captured and 25 killed. McCrady states Huger lost 100 men (wounded and not wounded prisoners), and 15 killed. Ward says American losses were 20 killed and wounded and 67 captured, 42 wagons all loaded, 102 wagon horses, 83 dragoon horses. Maj. Pierre-François Vernier of Pulaski’s Legion, however, was taken, and so badly wounded that he died shortly afterward. His loss resulted in the de facto disbanding of Pulaski’s Legion cavalry.

Tarleton: “On the 12th of April, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, being reinforced at the quarter house by Major Ferguson's corps of marksmen, advanced to Goose creek: Colonel Webster arrived on the following day at the same place, with the 33d and 64th regiments of infantry; Tarleton again moved on in the evening, with his own and Ferguson's corps, towards Monk's Corner, as had been previously concerted with the commander in chief, in order, if possible, to surprise the Americans encamped at that place: An attack in the night was judged most advisable, as it would render the superiority of the enemy's cavalry useless, and would, perhaps, present a favourable opportunity of getting possession of Biggin bridge, on Cooper river, without much loss to the assailants. Profound silence was observed on the march. At some distance from Goose creek, a negro was secured by the advanced guard, who discovered him attempting to leave the road. A letter was taken from his pocket, written by an officer in General Huger's camp the afternoon of that day, and which he was charged to convey to the neighborhood of Charles town: The contents of the letter, which was opened at a house not far distant, and the negro's intelligence, purchased for a few dollars, proved lucky incidents at this period: Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton's information relative to the situation of the enemy was now complete. It was evident, that the American cavalry had posted themselves in front of Cooper river, and that the militia were placed in a meeting house, which commanded the bridge, and were distributed on the opposite bank. At three o'clock in the morning, the advanced guard of dragoons and mounted infantry, supported by the remainder of the legion and Ferguson's corps, approached the American post: A watch word was immediately communicated to the officers and soldiers, which was closely followed by an order to charge the enemy's grand guard on the main road, there being no other avenue open, owing to the swamps on the flanks, and to pursue them into their camp. The order was executed with the greatest promptitude and success. The Americans were completely surprised: Major [Pierre-François] Vernier, of Pulaski's legion, and some other officers and men who attempted to defend themselves, were killed or wounded; General Huger, Colonels Washington and Jamieson [Maj. John Jameson], with many officers and men, fled on foot to the swamps, close to their encampment, where, being concealed by the darkness, they effected their escape: Four hundred horses belonging to officers and dragoons, with their arms and appointments, (a valuable acquisition for the British cavalry in their present state) fell into the hands of the victors; about one hundred officers, dragoons, and hussars, together with fifty waggons, loaded with arms, clothing and ammunition, shared the same fate. Without loss of time, Major [Charles] Cochrane was ordered to force the bridge and the meeting house with the infantry of the British legion: He charged the militia with fixed bayonets, got possession of the pass, and dispersed every thing that opposed him. In the attack on Monk's corner, and at Biggin bridge, the British had one officer and two men wounded, with five horses killed and wounded. This signal instance of military advantage, may be partly attributed to the judgment and address with which this expedition was planned and executed, and partly to the injudicious conduct of the American commander; who, besides making a false disposition of his corps, by placing his cavalry in front of the bridge during the night, and his infantry in the rear, neglected sending patroles in front of his videttes; which omission, equally enabled the British to make a surprise, and prevented the Americans recovering from the confusion attending an unexpected attack.”

Allaire: "Thursday, 13th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning. Marched through a small village called Dorchester. It contains about forty houses and a church. Continued our march to Middleton's plantation at Goose creek, about fifteen miles from Bacon's Bridge, and ten from Dorchester. Here we met the Legion about one o'clock in the afternoon, and halted till ten at night. Then, in company with them, got in motion and marched eighteen miles to Monk's Corner, being informed that Col. Washington's, Pulaski's, Bland's, and Horry's Light Horse lay here. We arrived just as day began [the 14th] to appear on Friday morning, and found the above enemy here, in number about four hundred, including some militia that arrived the day before, commanded by Gen. Huger. Luckily for them, they were under marching orders, which made them more alert, when the alarm was given, than usual, which alone prevented their being all taken completely by surprise. They made off with great expedition. We pursued, overtook and killed Pulaski's Major Vernier, wounded a French Lieut. Beaulait, and one other officer; about sixty privates were taken, fifteen or twenty of whom were wounded. We had but one man wounded, and he very slightly. We took thirty wagons, with four horses in each. A number of very fine horses that belonged to their troops were likewise taken, and converted to British Light horses. Col. Washington and all their officers made but a narrow escape; their baggage, letters, and some of their commissions were taken."

William Dobein James: "On the 13th April, the American infantry and cavalry under Gen. [Isaac] Huger, lay, the infantry at Biggen church, and the cavalry under Col. Washington, at Monk's corner. Col. Tarleton with Ferguson's corps of marksmen, advanced on from the quarter-house to Goose Creek, where he was joined by Col. [James] Webster, with the 33d and 64th regiments of infantry. There an attack upon the American post was concerted, and it was judged advisable to make it in the night, as that would render the superiority of Washington's cavalry useless. A servant of one of Huger's officers was taken on the road, and he agreed for a few dollars, to conduct the enemy through a by-road, to Monk's corner. At three o'clock in the morning, they charged Washington's guard on the main road, and pursued them into the camp. The Americans were completely surprised. Major [François] Vernier, of Pulaski's legion, and twenty-five men, were killed. One hundred officers, and dragoons, fifty waggons loaded with ammunition, clothing and arms, and four hundred horses, with their accoutrements, were taken. A most valuable acquisition to the British. Major [Charles] Cochrane with the British legion of infantry, forced the passage at Biggen bridge, and drove Gen. Huger and the infantry before him. -- In this affair, Major James Conyers, of the Americans, distinguished himself by a skilful retreat, and by calling off the attention of the enemy from his sleeping friends, to himself. The British had only one officer and two men wounded. The account of the loss of the Americans in this affair, is taken from Tarleton…In this surprise, the British made free use of the bayonet, the houses in Monk's corner, then a village, were afterwards deserted, and long bore the marks of deadly thrust, and much bloodshed."

14 April. De Brahm: "A slow fire was kept up on both sides last night. The approaches of the enemy a little advanced. The enemy's galley fired all night. He commenced another battery opposite the town, on the banks of Ashley River."

15 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries and works as before. The enemy had a bomb battery. His second parallel commenced, and manned by the Chasseurs, who kept up a continued fire upon our lines."

16 April. Maj. Gen. Johannes Baron de Kalb with near 1,400 Maryland and Delaware Continentals left Morristown, New Jersey on their way south.

16 April. De Brahm: "In addition to his usual fire, the enemy opened his new battery. Last night we extended from our redoubt a counter-mine with a small parallel whence we could return the fire of the enemy's musketry. This evening one of our Gallies ascended Cooper river to a place whence she enfiladed the English camp for several hours, which was briskly answered by field pieces from the camp."

17 April. De Brahm: "The enemy [the British] enfiladed the town on all sides last night and threw a great quantity of bombs-sometimes from fifteen to twenty at once. We worked upon our counter mine. We received intelligence from our detachment at Lamprieres, that one thousand or fifteen hundred of the enemy under General Lord Cornwallis had passed Monk's Corner, Strawberry, Bonneau's Ferry, and Wappetaw, and actually arrived within six miles of the said post. This morning the enemy's second parallel was prolonged towards our left, supplied with bags of earth and full of Chasseurs."

17 April. St. Thomas Parish, north of Charleston, was occupied by the British thus completing the encirclement of Charleston by land. Allaire. " Monday, 17th. Crossed Bono Ferry and passed on to Miller's Bridge, over a branch of Wando river, where we took up our ground about nine o'clock in the evening. This day passed St. Thomas' church, where we met the Thirty-third regiment.

17 April (sometimes incorrectly given as 18 April.) A considerable body of troops, under Col. Maxwell von Westerhagen (von Dittfurth Regt.), and which had sailed from New York City on 1 April, were landed outside Charleston to reinforce Clinton. The reinforcement numbered 2,566 rank and file effectives, of which 1863 were fit for duty. It included the 42nd Regiment, Regt. von Dittfurth, the Queen’s Rangers, the Prince of Wales American Volunteers, the Volunteers of Ireland, and some replacements. Col. Francis Lord Rawdon, along with his regiment the Volunteers of Ireland, was also present. Webster's detachment of the 33rd was reinforced as soon as some of the replacements from Westerhagen’s force made it possible. Many historians (such as James) mistakenly state that these reinforcements were under Cornwallis. Cornwallis, however, had accompanied Clinton in the initial expedition.

William Dobein James: " Soon after this, Sir Henry Clinton, being reinforced by two thousand five hundred men, under Lord Cornwallis, pushed them over Cooper river, and enclosed the besieged on the side of St. Thomas' parish and Christ church; and the town was now completely invested by land and water. "

BRITISH FORCES PRESENT IN AND AROUND THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON

BRITISH

Maj. Gen, Sir. Henry Clinton, Commander in Chief

Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis

Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie

Maj. Gen. Henry Julian Kospoth

Maj. Gen. J. C. von Huyne,

Brig. Gen James Paterson

1st and 2nd Grenadier Battalions: 900

7th Regt.: 400

23rd Regt.: 400

33rd Regt.: 450, Lieut. Col. James Webster

42nd Regt.: 700

63rd Regt.: 400

64th Regt.: 350

Royal Artillery: 200, Maj. Peter Traille

Guides and Pioneers: 150

GERMAN

Hessian Grenadiers: 1000, including

1st Bttn. Grenadiere von Linsingen, Lieut. Col. Otto Christian W. von Linsingen

2nd Bttn. Grenadiere von Lengerke, Lieut. Col. George Emmanuel von Lengerke

3rd Bttn. Grenadiere von Minnigerode, Col. Frederick Henry von Schuler

4th Bttn. Grenadiere von Graff, Lieut. Col. von Graff

Regt. von Huyne: 800, Col. Friedrich von Benning

Regt. von Dittfurth, Col. Maxwell von Westerhagen

Jägers: 200, including

2nd Company, Anspach-Bayreuth Jägers

Hesse Cassel Jagers (1 company)

Hesse-Cassel chasseur company (dismounted), Capt. George Hanger

Hessian artillery detachment

TOTAL Germans (including Hessian Grenadiers): 2,264 rank and file.

PROVINCIALS

King's American Regiment: 100, Col. Edmund Fanning

Queen’s Rangers: 200

Volunteers of Ireland, Col. Francis Lord Rawdon

Prince of Wales Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Thomas Pattinson

71st Regt.

Light Infantry

A detachment of 17th Light Dragoons

British Legion: cavalry: 250, infantry: 300, Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton

Loyal American Volunteers, Maj. Patrick Ferguson

New York Volunteers, Lieut. Col. George Turnbull

South Carolina Royalists, Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes

Royal North Carolina Regt.

TOTAL Strength of Paterson’s detachment: 1,400 to 1,500

TOTAL LAND FORCES UNDER CLINTON: 12,000

Clinton says about 7,000 first came with him, which adding Westerhagen’s 2,500 reinforcement brings the number to roughly 9,500. Counting the Loyalist regiments originally from Savannah which were with Paterson would make the number at least 10,000. Adding officers and supernumeraries then gives us the 12,000 total muster typically given by historians. This figure, however, does not include Arbuthnot’s 4,000 to 5,000 sailors and marines, a number of whom served with the land forces. Boatner states that Clinton had at his disposal about 12,700 troops including 450 seaman and marines, while Arbuthnot had 4,500 seamen and marines additional.

Coleman, in his The American Revolution in Georgia, states that British troops taken out of Georgia before the fall of Charleston were never returned, and British holdings in that province became even more vulnerable after Cornwallis moved into N.C. in the fall of 1780. Artillery would also have been removed from Savannah to assist in the siege at Charleston.

ROYAL NAVY

Vice Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot

For ships and men under Arbuthnot’s command see 26 December. It is not clear what warships accompanied Westerhagen’s convoy. It may very well be that a few of those listed by Carrington as escorting Clinton’s expedition south, were actually part of the flotilla that brought Westerhagen.

AMERICAN FORCES DEFENDING CHARLESTON

Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln

Brig. Gen. Louis DuPortail, Chief Engineer

Brig. Gen. James Hogun

Brig. Gen. Lachlan McIntosh

Brig. Gen. William Moultrie

Brevet Brig. Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney

Brig. Gen. Charles Scott

Brig. Gen. William Woodford

Lieut. Col. John Laurens, present as a volunteer.

CONTINENTALS

1st South Carolina Regt.: 231

2nd South Carolina Regt.: 246

3rd South Carolina Regt.: 259

1st North Carolina Regt.: 287

2nd North Carolina Regt.: 301

3rd North Carolina Regt.: 162

1st Virginia Regt.: 336

2nd Virginia Regt.: 306

3rd Virginia Regt.: 252

1st Detachment of Virginians: 258

2nd Detachment of Virginians: 232

Attached Virginia officers: 46

Light Dragoons: 41

Georgia Continental officers: 5

South Carolina artillery: 93

North Carolina artillery: 64

Charles town Battalion of Artillery: 168

Cannoniers, manning town batteries (probably militia): 167

157 guns in battery

MILITIA

South Carolina and North Carolina militia: 1,231

1st Battalion of Charles town militia: 352

2nd Battalion of Charles town militia: 485

Davie states that there were 300-400 North Carolina militia in Charleston.

French and American sailors serving with city: 1,000

French company: 43

TOTAL OF AMERICAN LAND AND NAVAL FORCES: 6,662-6,684

The above list of units and total taken from Lumpkin and McCrady does not include Washington’s and White’s Virginia cavalry, Pulaski’s Legion, Horry’s South Carolina Light Horse and some odd number of militia posted outside the city, all under Huger.

AMERICAN NAVAL FORCES

Commodore Abraham Whipple

American Ships

The Bricole, pierced for 60, mounting 44 guns, twenty-four and eighteen pounders

Truite, 26 guns, twelve-pounders

Queen of France, 28 guns, nine-pounders

General Moultrie, 20 guns, six-pounders

Notre Dame, brig, 16 guns

Providence, 32 guns, eighteen and twelve pounders,

Boston, 32 guns, eighteen and twelve pounders

Ranger, 20 guns, six-pounders

French Ships

L'Avanture, 26 guns, nine and six pounders

Polacre, 16 guns, six-pounders

Also were some “empty brigs lying at the wharfs, with other small vessels…[and] four armed galleys.”

Most of these ships had earlier been deliberately sunk between Charleston and Shute's folly on March 9-10 in order to block British passage up the Cooper River. Some historians have been critical of Whipple for not putting up a fight with these ships, even given the odds he was facing.

18 May. Allaire: “Tuesday, 18th. Began to fortify at the Bridge, and make a block house in order to keep post here with a few men."

18 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as heretofore, and a shower of musketry all day; this day like last night very rainy."

19 April. Allaire: "Wednesday, 19th. Maj. Ferguson, with fifty of the American Volunteers, and part of the North Carolinians, moved on to join the Thirty-third and Sixty-fourth regiments, and the British Legion, which had gone forward to attack a Rebel post at Lempriere's Point. The British were coming back; they had marched up to the fort, but found it so strong that it was imprudent to storm it with so few men."

19 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as heretofore. This evening three of the enemies Gallies [British] descended from Wappoo down Ashley river to the Fleet under a heavy fire from our batteries; one lost her mail mast. This night the communication is made from the battery of the French sailors to the town."

20 April. [raid] Wando River, S.C. (Charleston County, S.C.)

Allaire: "Thursday, 20th. Remained at Miller's Bridge, finishing the block house. Col. Tarleton surprised and took nine sloops with goods, stores, etc., and twenty pieces of cannon."

20 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This evening the Ravelin commenced in front of the horn work."

21 April. Allaire: "Friday, 21st. Capt. [Samuel] Ryerson, with forty American Volunteers, a subaltern, and twenty of the Thirty-third, and a subaltern, and twenty of the Sixty-fourth regiments, remained at Miller's Bridge to defend and keep the pass. The remainder of the Thirty-third and Sixty-fourth regiments, American Volunteers, and British Legion, countermarched twelve miles and took up our ground at St. Thomas' church."

21 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This morning the enemy had commenced two batteries, near his second parallel."

22 April. William Dobein James: "About this time, the American forces in the field having been defeated...and the British having completed their second parallel, an offer to capitulate was made by Lincoln, to Sir Henry Clinton, and rejected."

De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary; and from the musketry more than ever. This morning a parley was sent to the enemy and the answer returned about 9 o'clock in the evening."

23 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary. The enemy extended the saps of his second parallel."

23 April. Clinton sent Cornwallis with a detachment of the army, including the 33rd Regt., British Legion, Ferguson's corps, 64th Regt., to cut off northern approaches to the city. On the 25th, Cornwallis, camped near St. Thomas ‘ church, was reinforced with the 23rd Regt. and the Volunteers of Ireland.

William James Dobein: " Soon after this, Sir Henry Clinton, being reinforced by two thousand five hundred men, under Lord Cornwallis, pushed them over Cooper river, and enclosed the besieged on the side of St. Thomas' parish and Christ church; and the town was now completely invested by land and water. "

24 April. [sortie] Charleston (Charleston County, S.C.) An American party within Charleston, under Lieut. Col. William Henderson made an effective sally against British besiegers, the British losing 8 prisoners and some 60 killed and wounded. Americans lost at least 2 killed. The minor tactical success, even so, had no real impact on the siege overall.

Lossing: “At daybreak on the twenty-fourth of April, a party under Lieutenant-Colonel [William] Henderson made a sortie, surprised a British picket, and with the bayonet killed about twenty of them. Twelve were made prisoners. Captain Moultrie, a brother of the general was killed, and two other Americans were wounded.”

Allaire: "Monday, 24th. Lord Cornwallis joined us and took command. About ten o'clock in the evening there was the most tremendous cannonade I ever heard, and an incessant fire of musketry. The Rebels sallied out and took eight of the Light Infantry prisoners, upon which the whole line got under arms; some in their hurry getting out without putting on their coats, were taken by the others for Rebels, and fired on, which unluckily occasioned warm work for a few minutes. Sixty odd of ours got killed and wounded by our own men. The Rebels were repulsed, and they finding their muskets rather an incumbrance threw thirty odd of them away."

De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This morning at daybreak, a party of two hundred men under Col. Henderson made a sortie upon the enemies works which caused a general fire of musketry on both sides. The party returned in a little while with twelve prisoners. Our loss was one Captain and one soldier killed."

25 April. Allaire: "Tuesday, 25th. About eight o'clock in the morning got in motion; were joined by the Twenty-third regiment and Volunteers of Ireland. We proceeded on, passed over Miller's Bridge and Waputa {Wappetaw] Bridge, took possession of Waputa meeting house, about seven o'clock in the evening, where we halted till two in the morning."

25 April. De Brahm: "As ordinary. Last night Col. Parker of the Virginia line was killed by a musket shot."

26 April. De Brahm: "The enemy commenced his third parallel. Troops from a vessel and four gallies, landed at Mount Pleasant, and took possession of a battery of one piece, losing one galley in this affair."

27 April. De Brahm: "As ordinary."

28 April. De Brahm: "As ordinary. Last night our Fort at Lamprier's was evacuated, and taken possession of by the enemy to-day. It was not until this moment that Charlestown was completed invested; the enemy having possession of James Island, Wappoo, Charlestown Neck, Hobcaw Point, Lamprieres, and Haddrell's Point; and his fleet anchored in the Road-stead before the town."

28 April. Allaire: "Friday, 28th. Fortified the small house by the side of the meeting house, at ten o'clock at night. Intelligence being received that the Rebels had left the fort at Lempriere's Point, and gone to Charleston, we got in motion and marched down to discover the fact. We arrived about four in the morning, and found the fort occupied by the Navy, a Lieutenant of the Navy, commanding officer. The Rebels were gone to Charleston."

29 April. De Brahm: "The enemy's [British] third parallel almost finished, and a battery commenced; as likewise a redoubt on our side."

29 April. Admiral Arbuthnot formed a brigade of 500 seaman and marines under Captain Charles Hudson, which landed at Mount Pleasant. This forced the American evacuation of Lempriere's Point, with loss of nearly 100 men, who were captured by the guard-boats of the fleet when they tried to retreat to Charleston.

Arbuthnot, in a letter to Mr. Stevens dated Charleston 14 May, wrote: “Having stationed ships and armed vessels off the different inlets, upon the coast, and the town being now nearly invested, attempts were made to pass a naval force into Cooper river, by Hog's island, (the main channel being rendered impracticable) and small vessels to carry heavy guns were fitted for that service: But on being found the enemy had also sunk vessels in that channel, and its entrance was defended by the works on Sullivan's island, and mount Pleasant, it was resolved to dispossess them of the latter, by the seamen of the fleet; and in the mean time, to arm the small vessels that had been taken by Earl Cornwallis in the Wandoo river. For this purpose a brigade of five hundred seamen and marines was formed from the squadron, and under the command of the Captains Hudson, Orde, and Gambier, landed at day break, on the 29th, at mount Pleasant; where receiving information that the rebels were abandoning their redoubt at Lamprie's point, (an advantageous post on Cooper river) they marched with a view of cutting off their rear, but, on a near approach, found the garrison had escaped in vessels to Charles town; but their sudden appearance prevented the rebels from carrying off their cannon and stores, or from destroying their works. About the same time, a major, a captain, and some other commissioned and non-commissioned officers, with eighty privates, were made prisoners by the guard boats of the fleet, in retiring to the town.”

30 April. De Brahm: "As ordinary."

Allaire: "Sunday, 30th. Got in motion at three o'clock in the morning, in company with the [New] York Volunteers, and marched to Lempriere's Point to take post there. We got to our ground about seven o'clock in the evening, where we found four eighteen, two four pounders, and five swivels, that the Rebels left in their fort. A very disagreeable post it is, being nothing but a bank of sand, where, in a windy day, you must keep your eyes shut or have them filled with sand. Here used to be a ferry called Lempriere's Ferry."

Late April. By the end of the month, Brig. Gen. William Caswell (son of Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell) was at Lenud’s Ferry on the Santee River with 700 North Carolina militia (Rankin says 400). Also with him was South Carolina Governor John Rutledge who was endeavoring to call out the South Carolina militia, but with little success. Many of the inhabitants of the state, intimidated by the large British forces, and the potential danger posed by tories and Indians to their districts thought it best to remain at home.

May. Maj. Gen. Augustine Prevost was replaced by Col. Alured Clarke as commander at Savannah, which position Clarke retained (with a brief intermission in April 1781) till that town’s evacuation in July 1782.

1-3 May. De Brahm: "1st, 2nd, and 3rd. As ordinary. Our hospital ship taken by the English and carried higher up the river."

2 May. [skirmish] Haddrell’s Point, also Mount Pleasant (Charleston County, S.C.) Coming by land from the north, Maj. Patrick Ferguson led an attack on Haddrell's point, part of the Charleston fortifications (located across the Cooper River and to about the east of the city), and captured it.

Allaire: "Tuesday, 2nd. Began to fortify Lempriere's Point. Maj. Ferguson, with a detachment of American Volunteers, marched down to Mount Pleasant, stormed and took possession of a little redoubt, located partly on the main, and partly on the bridge that leads to Fort Moultrie. This cuts off the communication from Sullivan's Island, and keeps them on their proper allowance. The Rebels ran off from the redoubt, though it was very strongly situated, after they fired about a dozen shot. "

3 May. De Kalb, continuing his journey southward, reached the Head of Elk (modern Elkton, Maryland.)

4-6 May. De Brahm: "4th, 5th, and 6th.--The enemy employed in making three batteries upon his third parallel. And we to make two redoubts."

4 May. Allaire: "Thursday, 4th. Continued fortifying the Point. Rode from Lempriere's Point to Mount Pleasant; dined with Capt. Ord, of the Navy. After dinner rode to Hurdle's [Haddrell's] Point to view the redoubt which Col. Ferguson stormed the second of May, with only sixty men and never was more surprised in my life, for twenty men like the American Volunteers would have defied all Washington's Army."

5 May. [ambush] Wambaw’s Plantation (Berkeley County, S.C.) 1 officer and 17 privates belonging to Tarleton’s light infantry (presumably the British Legion) were surprised and captured by Lieut. Col. Anthony White at Wambaw’s Plantation near Strawberry Ferry. White then removed to Lenud’s Ferry to join the American forces collecting there. Lossing says this raid took place on the morning of the 6th.

6 May. Clinton's third and final siege parallel is finished.

William Dobein James: "The batteries of the besiegers, having now obtained a decided superiority over those of the besieged, when the third parallel had opened its cannonade, and the British having crossed the wet ditch by sap, they opened a fire of rifles within twenty-five yards of the Americans. "

6 May. [raid-battle] Lenud's Ferry, also Lanneau's Ferry, and Lenoo's Ferry (Berkeley County, S.C.) Smarting from the loss of some of his men at Wambaw Plantation (see 5 May), Tarleton proceeded after Lieut. Col. Anthony White who had retreated to Lenud’s Ferry on the Santee River where the remaining American cavalry, some 200 to 300, under Lieut. Col. William Washington and Col. Peter Horry were gathering. Tarleton, with 150 British Legion cavalry, after a long, hard ride, at 3 pm caught up with, surprised, and completely routed the group. What Americans which were not killed or wounded, were scattered or made prisoner. A number escaped, including Washington, White, Jameson, and Horry by abandoning their horses and swimming the river. The Americans lost all their horses, arms, and accoutrements. In casualties, the Americans lost 41 men killed and wounded 67 dragoons taken prisoner. About 100 horses fell into Tarleton's hands, who was in much need of them to further better mount his men. British light infantry who had been taken prisoner were rescued. British lost 2 men and four horses in the action, though as well another 20 horses expired from fatigue.

Tarleton: “The American cavalry began to assemble on the north of the Santee river, towards the latter end of April, under the protection of two Virginia regiments of infantry and the militia of Carolina: Colonel White had brought some dragoons from the northward, and had collected those who escaped from Monk's corner; he was soon after joined by a detachment from George town, and by Colonel Horry's regiment of light horse. On the 5th of May, he crossed the Santee at Depui's ferry. Fortune favored his first attempt. He suddenly surrounded a detachment of an officer and seventeen dragoons, who were foraging the next morning at Ball's plantation, and made them prisoners without resistance: From thence he directed his march towards Lenew's [Lenud’s] ferry, with an intention to recross the river, under the protection of two hundred continental infantry, ordered by Colonel Buford to meet the cavalry at that place. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, without any knowledge of the misfortune which it happened to the detachment of light-infantry cavalry, was proceeding on the same day with the patrole of one hundred and fifty dragoons, to gain intelligence at Lenew's ferry, of the force and motions of the enemy: On the road, the British were overtaken by a loyal American, who had been a witness to the success which attended Colonel White in the morning, but had luckily escaped his power. The description of the troops, the assurance of their intention to pass the river at Lenew's, and the hope of retaking the prisoners, stimulated Tarleton to push forward his patrole with the greatest expedition: At the same time, the distance of Lord Cornwallis's camp, the fatigue of the march, the heat of the weather, and the sight of their infantry on the opposite bank, threw the Americans quite off their guard. At three o'clock in the afternoon, the advanced dragoons of the English arrived in presence of their videttes: Tarleton instantly formed his troops, ordered them to charge the enemy's grand guard, and to pursue them into the main body. The corps being totally surprised, resistance and slaughter soon ceased. Five officers and thirty-six men were killed and wounded; seven officers and sixty dragoons were taken prisoners; and the whole party of the light infantry were rescued, as the boat was pushing off to convey them to the opposite shore. All the horses, arms, and accoutrements of the Americans were captured. Colonels White, Washington, and Jamieson [Jameson], with some other officers and men, availed themselves of their swimming, to make their escape, while many who wished to follow their example perished in the river. The British dragoons lost two men and four horses in the action; but returning to Lord Cornwallis's camp the same evening, upwards of twenty horses expired with fatigue.”

Allaire: "Saturday, 6th. Very disagreeable, windy day. Still at Lempriere's. News just received from Lord Cornwallis, that Lieut. Nash and eleven dragoons that were patrolling, were taken by Washington and Horry's Light Horse near Santee river. Col. Tarleton was immediately ordered to pursue them. He overtook them at the river; charged and killed a number, and took a Major and thirty privates. The patrolling party that had been taken were in a boat, rowing across the river. Upon their seeing Col. Tarleton, they immediately seized the guard, threw them overboard, rowed themselves back and joined their regiment again. Col. Washington and Horry took to the river and swam across it. "

William Dobein James: "[After Monck's Corner] Col. White soon after took the command of the American cavalry, but with no better fortune. On the 5th May, he took a British officer and seventeen men of the legion, at Ball's plantation, near Strawberry, in the morning, and pushed back twenty-five miles, to Lenud's ferry, on Santee. While crossing there, Tarleton surprised him, at three in the afternoon; who states, that five officers and 36 men of the Americans were killed and wounded, and seven officers and sixty dragoons were taken; while he lost only two men, and retook his dragoons. Cols. White and Washington, Major Jamieson [Jameson], and several officers and men, escaped by swimming the river, but many perished in the like attempt. Thus the American corps of cavalry and infantry, in the open field, was completely annihilated, and from the Saltketcher to the Santee, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, either terror or a general depression of spirits, had spread through the country. What served to increase this, was the cannonade at the town. This was a novel thing in South Carolina, and along water courses, it was heard more than one hundred miles. In that distance, there were but few families, who had not a husband, father, brother or son in the garrison; and these listened to the sound, with the deepest anxiety, and, as was natural, with no little despondency."

Lossing: “This day was marked by disasters to the Americans. On that morning, Colonel Anthony Walton White, of New Jersey, with the collected remnant of Huger's cavalry, had crossed the Santee and captured a small party of British. While waiting at Lanneau's [Lenud’s] Ferry for boats to recross the river with his prisoners, a Tory informed Cornwallis of his situation. Tarleton was detached with a party of horse to surprise White, and was successful. A general rout of the Americans ensued. About thirty of them were killed, wounded, or captured, and the prisoners were retaken. Lieutenant-colonel Washington, with Major [John] Jamieson and a few privates, escaped by swimming the Santee. Major Call and seven others fought their way through the British cavalry, and escaped.”

7 May. [surrender] Fort Moultrie, also Sullivan’s Island (Charleston, S.C.) Capt. Charles Hudson, from the HMS Richmond, and 500 Royal Marines receives surrender of Fort Moultrie on Sullivan's Island, and its 216 man garrison, from Lieut. Col. William Scott, after threatening to storm it. Fort Moultrie had played a key role in the repulse of Clinton and Sir Peter Parker’s expedition to take Charleston in 1776. Hudson took 117 Continentals and 100 militia prisoner, plus 9 twenty-four-pounders, 7 eighteen-pounders, 10 twelve-pounders, 9 nine-pounders, 2 six-pounders, 4 four-pounders, 4 ten-inch mortars, and a large quantity of artillery ammunition and equipment.

Tarleton: “This success [at Lenud’s Ferry] was closely followed by the reduction of fort Moultrie. The admiral having taken the fort at Mount Pleasant, acquired from it, and the information of deserters, a full knowledge of the state of the garrison and defences of fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's island. In pursuance of this intelligence, and wishing not to weaken the operations of the army, which became every day more critical, he landed a body of seamen and marines, under the command of Captain Hudson, to attempt the fort by storm, on the west and north-west faces, whilst the ships of the squadron battered it in front. The garrison, consisting of continentals and militia, to the amount of [two hundred men, seeing the imminent danger to which they were exposed, and sensible of the impossibility of relief, accepted of the terms offered by a summons on the 7th of May; and by capitulation, surrendered themselves prisoners of war.”

Allaire. "Sunday, 7th. Orders to get ready to march with two days' provision, at a minute's notice. Maj. Ferguson had obtained permission to attack Fort Moultrie. He rode forward with four dragoons to reconnoitre. We were to remain at our post till we got orders for marching. The first news we heard was the fort was in possession of the British; the Rebels had surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Capitulation was as follows: Capt. Hudson of the Navy summoned the fort on Friday, and received for answer: " Tol, lol, de rol, lol: Fort Moultrie will be defended to the last extremity." On Saturday he sent another flag, and demanded a surrender, acquainting Col. Scott that the Lieutenant with the flag would wait a quarter of an hour for an answer. If the fort was not given up, he would immediately storm it, and put all the garrison to the sword. At this Col. Scott changed the tune of his song, begging that there might be a cessation of arms, that the fort would be given up on the following conditions: that the officers both Continental and militia, should march out with the honors of war, and be allowed to wear their side arms; the officers and soldiers of. the militia have paroles to go to their respective homes, and remain peaceably till exchanged; and the continental soldiers to be treated tenderly. Granted by Capt. Hudson. About eight o'clock Sunday morning, Colonel Scott with his men, about one hundred and twenty, marched out of the fort, piled their arms, Capt. Hudson marched in, took possession of Fort Moultrie, the key to Charleston harbor; which puts it in our power to keep out any forcing enemy that would wish to give the Rebels any assistance. Taken in the fort, fifty barrels of powder, forty-four pieces of cannon, one brass ten inch mortar, three thousand cannon cartridges, five hundred ten inch shells, forty thousand musket cartridges, three month's salt provision, a lot of rice, forty head black cattle, sixty sheep, twenty goats, forty fat hogs, six wagons, two stand of colors, an amazing quantity of lunt [match-cord for firing cannon]; and, in short, so many other articles which are necessary in a fort that it would take me a week to set them down. "

De Brahm: "This morning at eight o'clock Fort Moultrie capitulated. A sixty-gun ship joined the English Fleet."

8 May. Clinton submitted a second ultimatum to Lincoln.

William Dobein James: "The caution of Sir Henry Clinton, in advancing so slowly, had been extreme, and the unsuspecting security of the Americans was still great; but Gen. Duportail, a French officer of engineers, having arrived in town before the communication was closed with the country, declared, that the works of the besieged were not tenable, and might have been stormed ten days before. This disclosed his true situation, and induced Gen. Lincoln to listen to a capitulation, which was proposed to him on the 8th of May. From that until the 10th, the negotiation was continued. On the 11th, the capitulation was agreed to, and, on the next day, the Americans marched out and grounded their arms."

De Brahm: "As ordinary. Another redoubt was commenced last night in rear of our left line. This morning the enemy sent a parley again to demand the town-the truce was prolonged throughout the whole day. In a Council of War composed of all officers of the General Staff, it was resolved by a majority of votes, to propose a capitulation."

Allaire: "Monday, 8th. Six o'clock in the morning, Sir Henry Clinton sent in a flag, and demanded the surrender of Charleston. General Lincoln requested cessation of hostilities till eight o'clock -- from eight to twelve; and the truce continued until four o'clock Tuesday evening when Sir Henry Clinton receiving a very insolent request, sent in word that he plainly saw that Gen. Lincoln did not mean to give up the town; that the firing should commence at eight o'clock in the evening, at which time began a most tremendous cannonade, throwing of carcases and shells into the town, and an incessant fire of musketry all night."

Lossing: “The citizens, appalled by the destructive agencies at work around them, worn out by want of sleep and anxiety, and coveting any condition other than the one they were enduring, now expressed their willingness to treat for a surrender. A flag was sent out, and Clinton's ultimatum was received. He demanded the surrender of the garrison and the citizens as prisoners of war, with all the forts and other works, and their appliances, together with the shipping that remained in the harbor. He would promise nothing except that the town property of those within the lines should remain unmolested, and that all prisoners should be paroled. A truce until the next day [May 9, 1780.] was asked by the besieged, and was allowed, when Lincoln again refused compliance with Clinton's demands. At eight o'clock in the evening the firing commenced again. It was a fearful night in Charleston. The thunder of two hundred cannons shook the city like the power of an earthquake, and the moon, then near its full, with the bright stars, was hidden by the lurid smoke...At two o'clock on the morning of the eleventh [May, 1780.], Lieutenant-governor Gadsden, the council, and many leading citizens, requested Lincoln to signify his agreement to Clinton's proposed terms of surrender, if better could not be obtained. A signal was given, the firing ceased, and before dawn all the guns were quiet. Articles of capitulation were agreed to, and signed by the respective commanders, and by Christopher Gadsden in behalf of the citizens. Between eleven and twelve o'clock on the twelfth of May, the Continental troops marched out with the Turk's march, and laid down their arms, after a gallant and desperate defense of about forty days. General Leslie immediately marched in and took possession of the town.”

8 May. De Kalb with the Delaware and Maryland Regiments set sail, with 50 ships, from Head of Elk bound for Petersburg, Virginia which they arrived at on the 23rd of May.

9 May. De Brahm: "The enemy had cannon mounted in the batteries of his third parallel. The two commanders not agreeing upon the terms of capitulation the siege commenced this evening at nine o'clock with greater warmth than ever."

11 May. De Brahm: "As ordinary. The enemy's trenches are extended under the abbatis of the advanced battery. This afternoon a parley was sent to the enemy to propose fresh terms of capitulation."

Allaire: Thursday, 11th. The town set on fire by a carcase, which burnt several houses. The Rebels sent out a flag soon after; our firing continued without taking notice of their flag. They showed the second flag, which we accepted. It was begging the terms that had been offered the last truce. Sir Henry Clinton answered them the firing should cease until he could send and consult Admiral Arbuthnot. The terms were granted. "

11-12 May. [surrender] CHARLESTON (Charleston County, S.C.) On the 11th, after an approximately six week siege, Charleston capitulated to the British, who then entered the city the next day. At least 2,560 Continentals and 1000 militia were captured. It was the worst defeat suffered by an American army in the course of the entire war, a fact often overlooked by Clinton’s detractors.

Allaire: "Friday, 12th. The gates were opened, Gen. Leslie at the head of the British Grenadiers, Seventh, Sixty-third and Sixty-fourth regiments, and Hessian Grenadiers marched in, and took possession of Charleston, and soon leveled the thirteen stripes with the dust, and displayed the British standard on their ramparts. Still at Lempriere's."

Tarleton: “During these operations, the besieging army finished their third parallel, which they had carried close to the canal, and by a sap pushed to the dam which supplied it with water on the right, drained it in several parts to the bottom. On the 6th and 7th of May, the artillery was mounted in the batteries of this parallel, and the traverses and communications were perfectly completed. Thus enclosed on every side, and driven to its last defences, Sir Henry Clinton wishing to preserve Charles town from destruction, and to prevent that effusion of blood which must be the inevitable consequence of a storm, opened a correspondence on the 8th with General Lincoln, for the purpose of a surrender: But the conditions demanded by the American commander being deemed higher than he had a right to expect from his present situation, they were rejected, and hostilities renewed. The batteries on the third parallel were then opened, and by the superiority of fire, both of artillery and small arms, the British troops were enabled to gain the counterscarp of the outwork which flanked the canal; which they likewise passed, and then pushed on their approaches directly towards the ditch of the place. The present state of danger now urged the citizens and militia, who had formed the objections to the late conditions, to acquiesce in their being relinquished: General Lincoln accordingly proposed to surrender on the terms lately offered. The commander-in-chief and the admiral, besides their dislike to the cruel extremity of a storm, were not disposed to press to unconditional submission an enemy whom they wished to conciliate by clemency. They now granted the same conditions which they had before prescribed as the foundation for treaty. The capitulation was signed the 11th of May, and on the 12th, Major-general Leslie, by the order of Sir Henry Clinton, took possession of Charles town.

As the siege was not productive of sallies, or desperate assaults, which were in a considerable degree prevented by situation and the nature of the works, the carnage was not great on either side, and was not unequally shared. The loss of the King's troops during the siege, before the town and in the country, amounted to seventy-six killed, and one hundred and eighty-nine wounded; and that of the Americans, in the town, to eighty-nine killed, and one hundred and forty wounded.

By the articles of capitulation the garrison were allowed some of the honours of war; they were to march out of the town, at an hour appointed for that purpose, to the ground between the works of the place and the canal, where they were to deposit their arms; but the drums were not to beat a British march, or the colours to be uncased: The continental troops and seamen were to keep their baggage, and to remain prisoners of war until they were exchanged: The militia were to be permitted to return to their respective homes, as prisoners on parole; and while they adhered to their parole, were not to be molested by the British troops in person or property: The citizens of all descriptions, to be considered as prisoners on parole, and to hold their property on the same terms with the militia: The officers of the army and navy to retain their servants, swords, pistols, and their baggage unsearched: They were permitted to sell their horses, but not to remove them out of Charles town. A vessel was allowed to proceed to Philadelphia with General Lincoln's dispatches, which were not to be opened.”

CASUALTIES AND CAPTURES

BRITISH

Clinton’s return: “Return of the killed and wounded of the troops under the command of his Excellency General Sir Henry Clinton, from the debarkation in South Carolina the 11th of February, to the surrender of Charles town the 12th of May.

Royal artillery. 5 rank and file killed; 7 ditto wounded.

1st battalion of light infantry. 8 rank and file killed; 1 serjeant, 17 rank and file wounded.

2d battalion ditto. 11 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant, 12 rank and file wounded.

Detachment of ditto. 3 rank and file killed; 7 ditto wounded.

1st battalion grenadiers. 1 serjeant, 4 rank and file killed; 2 lieutenants, 1 serjeant, 13 rank and file wounded.

2d battalion ditto. 10 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant, 11 rank and file wounded.

7th. 1 rank and file killed; 2 ditto wounded.

23d. 4 rank and file wounded.

33d. 1 rank and file killed; 2 ditto wounded.

62d. 2 rank and file killed.

63d. 4 rank and file killed.

64th. 1 rank and file wounded.

71st. 2 ensigns, 6 rank and file killed; 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 14 rank and file wounded.

GERMAN

Yagers. 7 rank and file killed; 14 ditto wounded.

Linsing. 2 rank and file killed; 7 ditto wounded.

Lengerck. 1 rank and file killed; 15 ditto wounded.

Schuler. 3 rank and file killed; 18 ditto wounded.

Graff. 2 rank and file killed; 2 lieutenants, 8 rank and file wounded.

Huyne. 5 rank and file wounded.

PROVINCIAL

New-York volunteers. 2 rank and file killed; 1 ditto wounded.

British legion. 5 rank and file killed; 9 ditto wounded.

Ferguson's corps. 5 rank and file wounded.

Total BRITISH, GERMAN, and PROVINCIAL.

2 ensigns, 1 serjeant, 73 rank and file, killed; 1 captain, 7 lieutenants, 2 serjeants, 179 rank and file, wounded.”

TOTAL Based on Clinton’s Return: 76 killed, 189 wounded

In his memoirs, Clinton later stated the British lost 268 killed and wounded.

Arbuthnot: “Our [the Royal Nay’s] whole loss in the ships and galleys, and the batteries on shore, is twenty-three seamen killed, and twenty-eight wounded; among the latter is Lieutenant Bowers, of the Europe, but in fair way of recovery.”

AMERICAN

Tarleton gives Americans losses, exclusive of prisoners taken, as 89 killed, 140 wounded, while Clinton speaks of them as being 300. Ward repeats these figures but makes the wounded total 138.

Lossing: “Great skill and courage were brought to bear upon the patriots during the siege, and never was a defense more obstinate and heroic, and yet it was not a bloody one. The loss on both sides in killed and wounded was nearly equal; that of the Americans, exclusive of the inhabitants of the town not bearing arms, was ninety-two killed, and one hundred and forty-eight wounded. The British lost seventy-six killed, and one hundred and eighty nine wounded. The number of prisoners, including the inhabitants of the town, was between five and six thousand. About four hundred cannons were a part of the spoils of victory. Thirty houses were destroyed during the siege…[Lossing’s footnote:] The terms of the capitulation were partly honorable and partly humiliating. The town, fortifications and shipping, artillery and stores, were to be given up; the Continental troops and sailors were to be conducted to some place to be agreed upon, there to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militia to be permitted to return home, as prisoners of war, on parole, and to be secured from molestation as long as they did not violate these paroles; the arms and baggage of the officers and their servants were to be retained by them; the garrison were to march out, and lay down their arms between the works and the canal, the drums not to beat a British march, nor the colors to be uncased; the French consul, and French and Spanish residents should be unmolested, but considered prisoners of war; and that a vessel should convey a messenger to New York, that he might carry dispatches to General Washington.”

Regarding the fate of many of the prisoners, Lossing further writes: “But the camp and typhoid fevers, and dysentery, swept off hundreds before the cruel hand of the oppressor relinquished its grasp. Maddened by torture, and almost heart-broken on account of the sufferings of their families, more than five hundred of the soldiers who capitulated at Charleston agreed to enroll themselves as royal militia, as the least of two present evils, and were sent to do service in the British army in Jamaica. Of nineteen hundred prisoners surrendered at Charleston, and several hundreds more taken at Camden and Fishing Creek, only seven hundred and forty were restored to the service of their country.

Return of John Andre, Deputy adjutant general: “Total of the rebel forces commanded by Major-general Lincoln at the surrender of Charles town, May 12, 1780, now prisoners of war. Two major generals, 5 brigadier generals, 3 majors of brigade, 16 colonels, 9 lieutenant colonels, 41 cornets or ensigns, 1 paymaster, 7 adjutants, 6 quarter masters, 18 surgeons, 6 mates, 322 serjeants, 137 drummers, 4710 rank and file.”

Tarleton: “Seven general officers, ten continental regiments, and three battalions of artillery, became prisoners upon this occasion. The whole number of men in arms who surrendered, including town and country militia, and French, amounted to five thousand six hundred and eighteen, exclusive of near a thousand seamen.”

Ramsay: "The numbers which surrendered prisoners of war, inclusive of the militia, and every adult male inhabitant, was above 5000, but the proper garrison at the time of surrender did not exceed 2500. The precise number of privates in the continental army was 1977 of which 500 were in the hospitals. The captive officers were much more in proportion than the privates, and consisted of one Major General, 6 Brigadiers, 9 Colonels, 14 Lieut. Colonels, 15 Majors, 84 Captains, 84 Lieutenants, 32 Second lieutenants and Ensigns. The gentlemen of the country, who were mostly militia officers, from a sense of honor repaired to the defence of Charleston, though they could not bring with them privates equal to their respective commands. The regular regiments were fully officered, though greatly deficient in privates."

William Dobein James: "After a siege of a month and fourteen days, 2500 men submitted to an army of 12,000; and it was only surprising they held out so long. The continental troops and sailors were to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militia were permitted to return home as prisoners on parole, which, as long as they observed it, should secure them from being molested in their property."

Arbuthnot’s return: "A List of rebel ships of war taken or destroyed in the harbour of Charles town. The Bricole pierced for 60, mounting 44 guns, twenty-four and eighteen pounders, sunk, her captain, officers, and company, prisoners --- The Truite, 26 twelve pounders, sunk, her captain, &c. prisoners - Queen of France, 28 nine pounders, sunk, ditto. - General Moultrie, 20 six pounders, sunk, ditto. - Notre Dame, (brig) 16 ditto, sunk, ditto. - Providence, 32 guns, eighteen and twelve pounders, taken, captain, officers, and company, prisoners. - Boston. Of the same force, taken, ditto - Ranger, 20 six pounders, taken, ditto. French Ships L'Avanture, 26 nine and six pounders, commanded by Sieur de Brulot, lieutenant de Vaissseau, taken, ditto. - Polacre, 16 pounders, taken. - Some empty brigs lying at the wharfs, with other small vessels, were also taken, with four armed galleys.”

From the return by Maj. Peter Traille, of the Royal Artillery, of arms and ordnance taken from the Americans:

“Munitions captured: French Musquets. Eight hundred and forty-seven in store, 4569 delievered at the abbatis, 15 stands of regimental colours. Large quantities of musquet cartridges, arms, and other small articles, not included in the above return: The scattered situation of the different stores not admitting of collecting them in so short a time. A more exact account will be given as soon as possible.

Abstract of Ordnance: Brass guns, 21; mortars, 9; howitzers, 1; iron guns, 280. Total, 311. Besides the ordnance taken in fort Moultrie, Lampries, Mount Pleasant, and on board the vessels, amounting in the whole to eighty or ninety pieces; and one ten-inch mortar.”

12-13 May. After receiving word of the surrender of Charleston, Brig. Gen. William Caswell on the north side of Lenud’s Ferry, withdrew with his 400 North Carolina militia, and a few of South Carolina, towards Camden. Not long before a force of about 400 Virginia Continentals, 2 cannon, and some 28 wagons carrying ammunition and supplies originally intended for the relief of Charleston, under Col. Abraham Buford had joined Caswell at Lenud’s. Buford retreated as well to Camden, taking with him Governor John Rutledge and his legislative council. Caswell and Buford subsequently became separated at Camden: Caswell and the North Carolina militia continuing toward Cross Creek, while Buford's column headed, via Rugeley's Mills, in the direction of Salisbury. According to James, at some point Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger took command of Buford's force. Then a day or two before Waxhaws on the 29th, he relinquished it to Buford, taking in his charge instead the task of escorting Governor Rutledge and his council members to safety.

Pension statement of Isham Bobbet of Warren County, N.C.: “[Bobbet] entered the service of the United States as a volunteer in the county of Warren, North Carolina, about the first of February 1780. That he was mustered into service at that time under the command of Captain Chirstman and marched to Halifax where we were met by Colonel Allen, who took the command of the regiment. He marched us to Tarborough and thence to Cross Creek and Camden, thence to Nelsons Ferry near Monks Corner, thirty miles from Charleston. In a few days the Brittish (sic) troops took Charleston and then we were marched back to Camden in company with Colonel Bluford [Abraham Buford], at which place we parted from him. We marched under the command of General Caswell to Fayettesville [Cross Creek] and continued stationed there until the last of June, at which time we were discharged.”

Pension declaration of David Cockerham of Surry County, N.C.: “David Cockerham entered service for three months in the spring of the year when Charleston, SC, was taken. He was in the company of Capt. James Freeman of Surry County. David was a substitute for his uncle William Cockerham of Surry County. The company marched to Richmond where they remained some weeks and then marched to Salisbury in Rowan County, and then marched to Camden, SC, and from there to [Nelson's or Wilson's] Ferry on the Santee River, and then down this side of the River for the purpose of aiding in the defense of Charleston which was then beseiged (sic) by the British. At Camden Capt. Freeman joined Gen. Caswell from North Carolina with a considerable body of the North Carolina militia also marching for the relief of Charleston. When they had gone down the River toward Charleston and were so near it as to hear the firing of the cannon, Gen. Caswell was told by some of the American soldiers who had escaped from the seige (sic) that Charleston had fallen. Gen. Caswell then ordered the troops under his command to march back to Camden and from there to Fayetteville [Cross Creek], NC, and from there to a place called Dobsons Crossroads in Surry County (but now Stokes County), where David was discharged.”

15 May. A major ammunition magazine in Charleston exploded, burning a number of houses in the city and killing at least 33 British soldiers. Allaire: "Monday, 15th. Magazine blew up -- set the town on fire -- burnt several houses. Capt. Collins and Lieut. Gordon, of the artillery, Lieut. M'Leod of the Forty-second regiment, and about thirty privates, perished by the explosion. In what way the accident happened is not certain; 'tis supposed by throwing the captured arms into the magazine, one went off, and set fire to the powder."

Mid to late May. In the days and weeks following the fall of Charleston, the question was put to remaining South Carolina militia units whether they would submit to the terms of protection and parole imposed on the Charleston garrison. A meeting was convened at Augusta of top ranking Georgia officials and military leaders, some Continental officers, and Brig. Gen. Andrew Williamson, who was top ranking officer of the South Carolina militia regiments around Ninety-Six and the western part of the state, to decide the question. Although nothing decisive was agreed upon, Governor Richard Howley of Georgia, and some of that states military officers, including Colonel Clary, decided they would flee northward and continue the fight. Williamson, meanwhile, arranged for another meeting of Georgia and South Carolina officers at Whitehall, near Ninety-Six. Many came to the gathering with a view to making plans to retire with military forces at hand into North Carolina, including Capt. Samuel Hammond, Maj. Bennett Crafton (also Crofton), Capt. James McCall, and Capt. McLidle. Colonels John Dooly and Elijah Clark of Georgia had retreated into Wilkes County, apparently under the impression that the Whitehall council would decide to continue fighting, and awaited arrangements for cooperation. However, Williamson and most of the other militia leaders including Col. Le Roy Hammond, Col. John Thomas, Sr., Col. Andrew Pickens, Maj. John Purvis decided to submit to the Charleston articles of surrender. Only one officer of the staff, one field officer, and four or five captains, at the Whitewall conference voted against an immediate acceptance of the terms. A flag of truce was sent to a Colonel Parriss (or Parris) representing the British, and forthwith over 300 troops, including three companies of regular infantry, raised by the State and enlisted for three years or the war, and 150 to 200 other militia were surrendered by Williamson to be paroled. A number of the troops, however, under some of the dissenting officers resolved to carry on the struggle, and either temporarily went into hiding in their home state, or else prepared to retreat into North Carolina to join republican forces there. According to one account, Williamson had expressed a desire to resume the fighting, but submitted only when it became the clear consensus to do so. Williamson evacuated Augusta on May 29th. Most of eastern Georgia submitted to British rule. Even Col. John Dooly was reported to have offered to surrender his troops. Whether or not this was true, he was murdered in his home by some Tories.

Elsewhere in South Carolina, the same question was also decided on by individual officers and smaller units. Of those who also took Royal protection at that time were Col. James Mayson, Col. Isaac Hayne, and Major John Postell. Most all of these, including those mentioned with Williamson, later returned to fight for the American cause. Pickens, for example, who accepted terms of protection and parole by British, later considered himself not bound to them when his home was attacked by some tories. The British having failed to protect him, he concluded he was no longer bound by his prior agreement. He then took to the field with his men sometime in December 1780. Of other leaders who did not accept British terms at the outset were Col. Thomas Sumter, Col. James Williams, Col. Samuel Watson, Col. William Hill, Col. John Thomas, Jr., Col. William Bratton, Col. Andrew Neal, Col. Francis Marion, Col. John Twiggs, Maj. John James, Maj. William Harden, Major Richard Winn, Capt. Edward Lacey, and Capt. John McClure.

Lossing: “Colonel John Dooly entered the Continental army in Georgia, as captain, in 1776, and, rising to the rank of colonel, was very active in the neighborhood of the Savannah, until [August] 1780, when a party of Tories, sent out from Augusta by Colonel Brown, entered his house, in Wilkes County, at midnight, and barbarously murdered him in the presence of his wife and children.”

Ramsay: "At Beaufort, Camden, and Ninety-Six, they generally laid down their arms, and either submitted as prisoners or subjects. Excepting the extremities of the state bordering on North Carolina, the inhabitants who did not flee out of the country preferred submission to resistance. This was followed by an unusual calm, and the British believed that the state was thoroughly conquered."

16 May. Allaire. "Tuesday, 16th. The American Volunteers relieved the Navy, and took command of Fort Moultrie."

17 May. Clinton sent Cornwallis, located at St. Thomas’ Parish north of Charleston, to take Camden. Arbuthnot meanwhile feared the possible approach of the French fleet under Admiral Charles Louis d’Arsac, Chevalier de Ternay and was eager to leave Charleston as soon as possible.

Clinton, in Charleston, wrote to Cornwallis on this date: "Your lordship has already with you (in the field) two thousand five hundred and forty-two rank and file; but if you have the least reason to suppose the enemy likely to be in great number, you shall be reinforced with the 42d, the light infantry, and any other corps you chuse. As your move is important, it must not be stinted. I will give you all you wish of every sort. Let me know what it is as soon as possible. In the mean time, I shall order the light infantry and 42d regiment to prepare; depending upon it, that as soon as you can spare them, you will return them to me for all operations to the northward must be cramped without them. If you chuse to keep the 17th dragoons, you are heartily welcome to them during this move." Cornwallis in his reply of the 18th said the 42nd Regt., the Light Infantry, would not be needed, and declined the extra temporary support. However, he retained the 17th dragoons which he already had with him. These did nevertheless end up returning to New York with Clinton.

18 May. Cornwallis left his ground near Huger's Bridge on the 18th and directed his march to Lenud's ferry with 5 pieces of cannon and upwards of 2,500 men (2,542 rank and file.) Boats were collected with difficulty as the Americans had concealed or destroyed all within their reach. While Cornwallis was engaged with crossing with his main force Tarleton "received instructions to march to George Town, in order to chase away or take prisoners, all the violent enemies to the British government, and to receive the allegiance of the well-affected. This service was performed without any opposition, during the passage of the other troops.

21 May. Cornwallis on the north side of Lenud's ferry resumed his march toward Nelson's Ferry, ultimately heading toward Camden.

22 May. Clinton, in cooperation with Arbuthnot, issued the first of three proclamations. The tenor of this first was rather mild compared to what would follow. It spoke of the restoration of “civil government,” and promised severe punishment to those who should oppose Royal government or aid the Rebels, and protection to those loyal to the crown.

22 May. Clinton wrote Maj. Patrick Ferguson appointing him Inspector of Militia in the Southern Provinces, by which authority Ferguson was to raise and train loyalists militia units, and to hand out minor officer commissions. Ferguson was given very specific instructions as to how the loyalists were to be paid, clothed and organized: “This Militia you will form into Companies consisting of, from 50 to 100 Men each, and will when the local and other Circumstances will admit of it, form Battalions consisting of, from 6 to 12 Companies each, allowing such as cannot conveniently be assembled in Battalions, to remain as Independent Companies. Each Company to be under a Lieutenant chosen by the Men, to whom you may add if you find it necessary, an Ensign from the Non Commissioned Officers and others who have served in the Army, to assist in establishing a certain Degree of Order, Regularity and Discipline, which however must be done with great Caution, so as not to disgust the Men, or mortify unnecessarily, the Love of Freedom…” Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes of the South Carolina Royalists and Major Graham were to assist him in this. When Ferguson arrived at Ninety-Six on 22 June, he was joined by Robert Cunningham and Capt. David Fanning, the latter from North Carolina. Fanning also participated for a brief time in this enterprise to enlist and train loyalists. After Cornwallis took overall command in South Carolina, he commissioned Cunningham a Lieutenant Colonel, and bestowed on him command of the loyalists in the Ninety-Six district.

24 May. Allaire: "Wednesday, 24th. Lay at Fort Moultrie."

25 May. Allaire. "Thursday, 25th. The detachment was relieved by British and Hessian Grenadiers. The American Volunteers [Ferguson’s Corps] marched up to Mount Pleasant, and crossed over to Charleston. Marched through the town, and took up their ground just in front of the lines. The horses and baggage with myself crossed from Lempriere's Point to the Ship Yard, which is about two miles from the town.”

26 May. Allaire. "Friday, 26th. The following corps got in motion about three o'clock in the morning, under the command of Col. Balfour, of the Twenty-third regiment, viz - Light Infantry, commanded by Maj. Graham, three companies of the Seventh by Capt. Peacock, American Volunteers by Maj. Ferguson, and the Prince of Wales American Volunteers by Lieut. Col. Patterson [Thomas Pattinson] - in number about six hundred. Marched out to the Ten Mile House, and halted. Made bough houses to cover the men from the heat of the sun. Heavy thunder shower."

26 May. (also possibly 29 May, 3 June, or later) [raid] Mobley's Meeting House, also Gibson’s Meeting House, Brierly’s (Fairfield County, S.C.) Col. William Bratton and Captain John McClure, who had been camped beside the Catawba with some whig partisans, were enlisted to assist Major Richard Winn, and 100 of Capt. Edward Lacey’s men under Winn’s command, in a raid on a gathering of loyalists at Mobley's [Baptist] Meeting House (or else possibly at the not too distant Gibson's Meeting house) in Winnsborough. Despite British successes at this time, Lacey, Winn and some others had themselves been collecting men at New Acquisition. Bratton, Winn, and McClure then surprised and routed the loyalists. Bass speaks of this event as two separate actions, followed by a third where another group of loyalist at Brierly’s were sent retreating into the Dutch Fork. The Dutch Fork was a settlement area, largely loyalist in sympathy, located between the Broad and Saluda Rivers, and which occupied part of what is now Newberry, Lexington and Richland counties.

Lossing: “Already Whigs between the Catawba and Broad Rivers, led by Bratton, M'Clure, Moffit, Winn, and others, had smitten the enemy at different points. The first blow, struck at Beckhamville [see 7 June], is noticed on the preceding page. To crush these patriots and to band the Loyalists, marauding parties, chiefly Tories, were sent out. At Mobley's meeting-house, on the banks of Little River, in Fairfield District, a party of these men were collected just after the affair at Beckhamville [June, 1780.]. Around them were gathering the Tories of the district, when Captains Bratton and M'Clure fell upon and dispersed them.”

26 May. Buford left Rugeley's Mills and resumed his retreat northward. Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger meanwhile, remained along with Governor John Rutledge and his council, as guests of wealthy loyalist Henry Rugeley. Rugeley, apparently was acting both diplomatically and simply as a gracious host. William Dobein James’ version of what took place might sound as if Buford's column itself had halted at Rugeley's along with the Governor's party, and did not proceed northward till the 28th. This, however, this seems unlikely given the distance from Rugeley's to Waxhaws and the heavy baggage Buford was carrying (see below Waxhaws 29 May.)

27 May. From Nelson's ferry on this date, Cornwallis dispatched Tarleton with 40 cavalry of the 17th Light Dragoons, 130 Br. Legion dragoons, 100 mounted infantry of the legion (these last on horses allotted by Cornwallis) and a three-pounder in pursuit of Col. Abraham Buford's force retreating northward. The same day Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger and the South Carolina officials at Rugeleys' received advanced word of Tarleton's approach. Acting as escort, Huger moved with the governor and his council to escape capture, after having passed on command of the Continentals and supply column to Col. Abraham Buford. Long marches and severe heat caused the loss of number of horses, yet in 54 hours Tarleton managed to cover 125 miles and caught up with Buford on the 29th.

28 May. Tarleton's force arrived at Camden, arriving at Rugeley's at dawn on the 29th.

28 May. Sumter left his family and civilian life, riding to Salisbury, North Carolina, to help raise troops to fight British. North Carolina leaders as well busied themselves about this time with the same task. Almost immediately afterward, his home was burnt down by Tarleton’s men under Capt. Charles Campbell after an effort to apprehend him. Sumter ended up in Charlotte and then removed to New Acquisition (west of Waxhaws), where he was joined by compatriots.

29 May. [battle] WAXHAWS (Lancaster County, S.C.) At 3 pm, Tarleton, with his advance detachment, reached a squad of Buford’s, under Lieut. Pearson, which he captured, or else as James puts it “cut to pieces.” Buford, in the meantime, had been moving north along a road on the South Carolina side of the Waxhaws settlement. He had with him 350 to 380 Virginia Continentals. In addition he had a detachment of the 3rd Continental Light dragoons under Col. William Washington and two six-pounders. Tarleton then approached Buford, whose main body was within view of Pearson’s capture. Tarleton’s force consisted of 130 Legion dragoons, 40 17th Light Dragoons and 100 mounted British Legion infantry, under Maj. Charles Cochrane, and a three pounder. However, it was only his advanced detachment of which participated in the main attack. This consisted of 60 dragoons from the 17th Light Dragoons and the British Legion cavalry, and 60 mounted infantry of the British Legion, plus a flanking force of an additional 30 British Legion dragoons and some infantry. The remainder of Tarleton's force came up gradually in the rear as a reserve. While allowing time for the reserve to move up, Tarleton sent Buford a summons to surrender, which Buford refused. Buford, while the parley was taking place, had tried to keep the supply wagons moving, while he formed up his men in line to receive the British attack. When Tarleton did attack, Buford's men waited till the British cavalry was within ten yards, and then fired. The waiting till the last minute to fire caused few casualties among the horsemen, and in moments Buford's force was broken up and routed. Buford's own cavalry was with the wagons and when apprised of the disaster fled northward. Many of Buford's infantry who continued fighting, and even those who surrendered, were mercilessly cut down by Tarleton's dragoons. Some were hacked at and mutilated so gratuitously that the action was later widely denoted a massacre. The Americans claimed that Tarleton had violated the flag of truce, but since Buford had already answered Tarleton's summons with a refusal this does not seem to have been the case. Tarleton stated that his own horse had been shot out from under him after the single volley from the Continentals. His men thinking him killed, acted out of retaliation, while it then took Tarleton that much more time to bring them back under control. Buford later maintained that the rampant butchery commenced after a white flag had already been lifted. According to Tarleton’s after battle report, the Americans lost 113 men killed, 147 wounded and left on parole (over 200 prisoners in all), 2 six pounders, (plus 2 accompanying wagons with ammunition, 1 artillery forge cart, 55 barrels of powder), 26 wagons with new clothing, arms, musket cartridges, new cartridge boxes, flints, and camp equipage. The British lost 5 killed, 12 wounded, plus 11 horses killed and 19 horses wounded. Allaire states that the Americans lost 114 killed, 150 wounded, 53 taken prisoners, and that the British lost 5 killed and 12 wounded. Buford with Washington's cavalry, and a few men who cut horses from the wagons, were all who escaped. Lee specifically states that 80 or 90 of Buford’s infantry evaded capture.

Tarleton: “At three o'clock in the afternoon, on the confines of South Carolina, the advanced guard of the British charged a serjeant and four men of the American light dragoons, and made them prisoners in the rear of their infantry. This event happening under the eyes of the two commanders, they respectively prepared their troops for action. Colonel Buford's force consisted of three hundred and eighty continental infantry of the Virginia line, a detachment of Washington's cavalry, and two six pounders: He chose his post in an open wood, to the right of the road; he formed his infantry in one line, with a small reserve; he placed his colours in the center, and he ordered his cannon, baggage, and waggons, to continue their march.

Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton made his arrangement for the attack with all possible expedition: He confided his right wing, which was composed of sixty dragoons, and nearly as many mounted infantry, to Major [Charles] Cochrane, desiring him to dismount the latter, to gall the enemy's flank, before he moved against their front with his cavalry: Captains Corbet and Kinlock were directed, with the 17th dragoons and part of the legion, to charge the center of the Americans; whilst Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with thirty chosen horse and some infantry, assaulted their right flank and reserve: This particular situation the commanding officer selected for himself, that he might discover the effect of the other attacks. The dragoons, the mounted infantry, and three pounder in the rear, as they could come up with their tired horses, were ordered to form something like a reserve, opposite to the enemy's center, upon a small eminence that commanded the road; which disposition afforded the British light troops an object to rally to, in case of a repulse, and made no inconsiderable impression on the minds of their opponents. The disposition being completed without any fire from the enemy, though within three hundred yards of their front, the cavalry advanced to the charge. On their arrival within fifty paces, the continental infantry presented, when Tarleton was surprised to hear their officers command them to retain their fire till British cavalry were nearer. This forbearance in not firing before the dragoons were within ten yards of the object of their attack, prevented their falling into confusion on the charge, and likewise deprived the Americans of the further use of their ammunition: Some officers, men, and horses, suffered by this fire; but the battalion was totally broken, and slaughter was commenced before Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton could remount another horse, the one with which he led his dragoons being overturned by the volley. Thus in a few minutes ended an affair which might have had a very different termination. The British troops had two officers killed, one wounded; three privates killed, thirteen wounded; and thirty-one horses killed and wounded. The loss of officers and men was great on the part of the Americans, owing to the dragoons so effectually breaking the infantry, and to a report amongst the cavalry, that they had lost their commanding officer, which stimulated the soldiers to a vindictive asperity not easily restrained. Upwards of one hundred officers and men were killed on the spot; three colours, two six-pounders, and above two hundred prisoners, with the number of waggons, containing two royals, quantities of new clothing, other military stores, and camp equipage, fell into the possession of the victors.”

Allaire: "Thursday, June 1st. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and marched to Nelson's Ferry, Santee river. By express were informed that Col. Tarleton, Monday, the 29th, fell in with a body of Rebels, (Buford's corp-L.C.D.) forty miles above Camden. He summoned them to surrender-received all insolent answer, charged them, killed one Lieutenant-Colonel, three Captains, eight Subalterns, one Adjutant, one QuarterMaster, and ninety-nine Sergeants and rank and file. Wounded three Captains, five Subalterns, and one hundred and forty-two rank and file. Made prisoners two Captains, one Subaltern, fifty rank and file. Total killed, wounded and taken prisoners, one Lieutenant-Colonel, eight Captains, fourteen Subalterns, one Adjutant, one Quarter-Master, and two hundred and ninety-one Sergeants, rank and file; three stand of colors taken, two brass six-pounders, two howitzers, two wagons with ammunition, one artillery forge wagon, fifty-five barrels powder, twenty-six wagons loaded with clothing, camp equipage, musket-cartridges, cartridge-boxes, flints, etc., etc. Killed of the Legion, Lieut. McDonald and Ensign Campbell, serving with the cavalry, two privates of the cavalry, and one of the Light Infantry. Total, two Subalterns, and three rank and file. Wounded, Lieut. Patterson, seven dragoons, making eight rank and file of the cavalry, and three of the infantry. Total wounded, one Subaltern, and eleven rank and file."

William Dobein James: "At Camden, Caswell, with the militia, quitted Buford, who then commanded the continentals, and retreated by the way of Pedee. Buford's regiment was soon after placed under the command of Gen. Huger, as an escort to Gov. Rutledge, then at Camden; and was detained, with a fatal security, by the general, for two days in that place. And so much off their guard, were our rulers themselves, that Gov. Rutledge, and his council, were soon after hospitably entertained, at Clermont, by Col. Rugely[Henry Rugeley], an Englishman, professedly opposed to the American cause. At midnight, he woke them up, advised them of Tarleton's approach, and with some difficulty, persuaded them to escape; at daylight, Tarleton arrived at Clermont. That morning, Huger gave up the command again to Buford, and took the Charlotte road, with the governor and his two remaining council, Daniel Huger and John L. Gervais. Buford proceeded on rapidly, upon the Salisbury road, and from circumstances, his baggage waggons must have been sent on before he took the command again, that morning; otherwise, in making the very quick march he did, they must have been left far in his rear. But Tarleton blames him, for sending them ahead, because they might have served him as a rampart, and other historians have adopted his account. After a pursuit of one hundred miles, in fifty-four hours, Tarleton approached Buford, about forty miles from Camden, and twenty-six from Clermont; and dispatched Capt. David Kinloch with a flag, summoning him to surrender upon the terms granted to the garrison of Charleston. Buford called a council of his officers, who deeming it a deception, he continued his march. In the afternoon, Tarleton overtook him, unfortunately, in an open wood, and cut to pieces his rear guard. At the sound of his bugle, Buford drew up his men, all infantry; but Capt. Carter, (not Benjamin,) who commanded his artillery, and led the van, continued his march. Tarleton advanced, with his infantry in the centre, and his cavalry on the wings. He was checked by Buford's fire; but the cavalry wheeling, gained his rear. Seeing no hope of any longer making a defence, Buford sent Ensign Cruitt with a flag of truce, and grounded his arms. Disregarding the flag, and the rules of civilized warfare, Tarleton cut Cruitt down, and charged upon Buford, with his cavalry in the rear; while Maj. Cochrane, an infuriated Scotchman, rushed with fixed bayonets, in front. A few of Buford's men, resumed their arms, and fired, when the British were within ten steps, but with little effect; as might have been expected, from what has been stated. Buford's regiment was entirely broken by the charge, no quarters were given by the British; 113 men were killed of the Americans, and 151 so badly wounded as to be left on the ground. This was nearly two thirds of the whole American force, according to Tarleton's own account; and the manner in which those left on the ground were mangled, is told, by others, as horrible. No habitation was near, but the lone cabin of a poor widow woman; and the situation of the dead, was fortunate, when compared with that of the living. Tarleton says, he lost but two officers, and three privates killed, and one officer and thirteen privates wounded. The massacre took place at the spot where the road from Lancaster to Chesterfield now crosses the Salisbury road."

29 May. Brig Gen. Andrew Williamson evacuated Augusta. Following shortly upon this, the Rebel militia forces under his command were disbanded either as parolees to the British, or else they continued resistance to the British elsewhere.

30 May. The Delaware and Maryland Regiments, under de Kalb, left Petersburg on their way to North Carolina.

June. Sometime in the month, Lieut. Col. Charles Porterfield with 300 Virginia State Troops arrived to join or deploy near to Caswell’s N.C. militia above the Pee Dee. Although Otho Williams speaks of Porterfield’s arriving in South Carolina in the spring, too late to help the garrison at Charleston, strangely he is not mentioned being in the vicinity at the time of Waxhaws in late May. He was, however, in South Carolina by at least early July, which is when we find our first (known) reference of his actually being present. These facts then would seem to indicate that he came to South Carolina probably in June. This at least seems a reasonable conclusion, that is unless and until possible new information on this point is uncovered.

June. The British began setting up a series of outposts and fortifying certain locations in South Carolina to protect the frontier and coastal regions. Specifically these were: Camden, Cheraws, Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Ninety-Six and Georgetown. Some loyalists soon began gathering in bands threatening whigs with horse stealing, cattle rustling, home burning. The whigs then gathered, east of Catawba, under Col. Thomas Brandon, Col. William Bratton, Capt. John McClure, Col. William Hill, Maj. Richard Winn and Capt. Edward Lacey. (to name some of the more prominent.)

After Cornwallis arrived at Camden on June 1st, Colonel Francis Lord Rawdon, with a detachment which included the Volunteers of Ireland and the detachment of legion cavalry, made a brief excursion into the Waxhaws settlement. Writes Tarleton: “The sentiments of the inhabitants did not correspond with his lordship's expectations: He there learned what experience confirmed, that the Irish were the most adverse of all other settlers to the British government in America. During the stay of the volunteers of Ireland in the Wacsaws, many of the inhabitants gave their paroles; an obligation they readily violated, when called to arms by the American commanders.” Rawdon then withdrew to Camden, during which time Cornwallis was transforming that town into a fortified base of operations, and launching ground for an invasion of North Carolina. Stores such as rum, salt, artillery stores, were sent from Charlestown to start a magazine there in Camden. With Cornwallis were the 23rd Regt., the 33rd Regt., the 71st Regt. (subsequently moved to Cheraws), the Royal North Carolina Regt., the Prince of Wales American Volunteers, the Volunteers of Ireland, the British Legion, and a detachment of artillery.

Not long after occupying Camden, Cornwallis dispatched Maj. Archibald McArthur with 71st Regt. to occupy the Cheraws settlement on the south side of the Pee Dee River to cover that area of the country. Over time, many of McArthur’s men suffered from heat and fevers, which significantly weakened his detachment.

As with McArthur at Cheraws, Lieut. Col. George Turnbull, with the New York Volunteers and some loyalist militia, were sent to establish posts at Rocky Mount, and nearby Hanging Rock. Some British Legion infantry, if not with Turnbull originally, were subsequently added to his force. Turnbull, however, does not seem to have been with Cornwallis when the latter first reached Camden, and was probably moved up to that location shortly afterward, and then moved from Camden to Rocky Mount.

The town of Ninety-Six was occupied, and without resistance, by Lieut. Col. Nisbit Balfour with detachments of light infantry and the South Carolina Royalists, coming from Charleston, on 19 June, which date see. It was so named for being supposedly Ninety-Six miles from the main Cherokee town of Keowee or Keewee, or else, as Ward states, Ninety-Six miles from “the old frontier fort of Prince George on the Keowee River.” Johnson speaks of Cambridge as being the actual main town of the area, but Cambridge was not built till after the war.

William Hill: “At that time [i.e. after the fall of Charleston] all the upper division of the State [South Carolina] was commanded by Genl. Pickens, as Genl. Williamson that had the chief command previous to that time, turned a traitor to his country & went to the enemy then in Savannah, & made his peace with them—Previous to the fall of Charleston, at that time there being a considerable quantity of arms & ammunition deposited at a fort in Ninety Six District, the British commander Earl Cornwallis, commissioned a certain Capt. Parriss, that commanded about 80 tories, to go ahead of his troops to take the submissions of all the Americans that was disposd. (sic) to become British subjects. To this Parriss & his small party of Tories did Genl. Pickens submit and surrender the before mentioned fort together with all the military stores. And likewise marched several hundred men with their firearms & surrendered to the said Parriss.”

Clinton had early on wanted to seize Georgetown, which was still occupied by some rebel militia, but the trouble of securing galleys for this purpose, given the departure of Arbuthnot prevented a sea borne attack which he preferred. Since moving by land would only succeed in dispersing the militia in Georgetown (rather than capturing them), it was decided to put off taking the town till a later time. After resistance had died down, a small detachment of provincials was sent there (probably in June.) After that, Maj. James Wemyss and the 63rd Regt, were dispatched to the post no later than mid July.

Memorial of Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger: “In June 1780 Lord Cornwallis Commanding in the Southern District ordered your Memorialist with his Battn. and three other Regts. to take post so as to Cover the frontiers of Georgia and South Carolina which he did with such good effect, as to establish the tranquility of the Country.”

1 June. Cornwallis reached Camden.

1 June. Clinton and Arbuthnot issued a second proclamation which said that all previous resistors to the crown who accepted allegiance, except the most egregious violent offenders and murderers, would be offered pardon. They also invited all inhabitants to assist in the restoration of British rule. Arbuthnot and the commissioners who accompanied the expedition desired to reinstate the civil government. Clinton, however, felt that given the then current state of things such a measure would be premature and imprudent.

3 June. Clinton, without Arbuthnot’s collaboration this time, issued a third, more drastic proclamation which announced that all paroles given to the inhabitants of South Carolina would be considered null and void, and that it would be assumed that all citizens were to continue as loyal subjects of the crown, meaning among other things, that the males of age were potentially liable for military service, either in the loyal militia of the regular army, all previously paroled militia must take up arms for England, or be classified as traitors, and consequently risk hanging. Those with families were to form militia at home, and young men without family were to be ready to assemble when required, and to serve with the King's troops for any 6 months of the ensuing 12 that might be found requisite. They would not, however, be required to be marched beyond the Carolinas or Georgia, and when their term of service expired were freed from all claims of military obligation, excepting the common and usual militia duty at the place of his residence. This edict, in effect, explicitly denied the right of inhabitants to remain neutral. It outraged many, and thereby emboldened many to take up arms or otherwise resume resistance against the British. Not long thereafter rebel militia groups started forming, including one in the Kingstree area under Maj. John James, one in the neck between the Pee Dee and Lynches Rivers under Lieut. Col. Hugh Giles, and another regiment on Britton's Neck under Col. John Ervin.

6 June. Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis, at Camden, assumed command of the British Army in the South as Sir Henry Clinton prepared to sail back to New York.

Cornwallis later wrote to Lord German, on August 20, 1780: "Sir Henry soon afterwards embarked for New York, and appointed me to the command of His Majesty's Forces in the Southern Provinces. I was then at Camden, but the Corps with me being totally destitute of Military Stores, Clothing, Rum, Salt & other articles necessary for Troops in the operations of the Field, and Provisions of all kinds being deficient, almost approaching to a Famine in North Carolina, it was impossible for me to penetrate into that Province before the Harvest. I therefore employed myself in fixing posts of Troops from the Pedee to the Savannah rivers, to awe the disaffected and encourage the loyal Inhabitants, And I took every measure in my Power to raise some Provincial Corps, & and to establish a Militia as well for the Defence as for the internal Government of South Carolina. One Provincial Corps, to consist of five hundred men, was put in Commission to be raised between the Pedee and Wateree, to be commanded by Mr. Harrison with the rank of Major; And another of the same number was ordered to be raised in the district of Ninety-Six, to be commanded by Mr. Cunningham, to whom, on account of his active Loyalty for several years past, I gave the rank of Lieut Colonel; And there appeared to be great reason to expect that both these Corps would be soon compleated as well as the first South Carolina Regt., which was composed of Refugees who had now returned to their native Country. In the district of Ninety-Six, by far the most populous and powerful of the Province, Lt Col. Balfour, by his great attention & diligence, and by the active assistance of Majr Ferguson, who was appointed Inspector General of the Militia of this Province by Sir Henry Clinton, had formed seven Battalions of Militia, consisting of above four thousand Men, and entirely composed of persons well affected to the British Government, which were so regulated that they could with ease Furnish fifteen hundred Men at a short notice for the defence of the Frontier or any other home Service. But I must take this opportunity of observing that this Militia can be of little use for distant Military operations, as they will not stir without an Horse, & on that account Your Lordship will easily conceive the impossibility of keeping a number of them together without destroying the Country. Many Battalions were likewise formed by myself & other Officers on the very extensive line from Broad River to Cheraws, but they were in general either weak or not much to be relied on for their fidelity. In order to protect the raising of Harrison's corps & to awe a large tract of disaffected Country between the Pedee & Black River, I posted Major McArthur with the 71st regiment & a troop of Dragoons at Cheraw Hill on the Pedee, where his detachment was plentifully supplied by the Country with Provisions of all kinds. Other small Posts were likewise established in the front & on the left of Camden, where the people were known to be ill disposed, And the Main body of the Corps was posted at Camden, which, for this Country is reckoned a tolerably healthy place, and where the Troops could most conveniently subsist & receive the necessary supplies of various kinds from Charlestown. I likewise had settled good channels of Correspondence with our friends in North Carolina, and had given them positive directions to attend to their harvests, & to remain quiet untill I could march to their relief."

6 June. Allaire. "Tuesday, 6th. Got in motion at three o'clock in the morning, and marched thirteen miles to Col. Thomson's [Thompson’s Plantation], and halted on the march..."

Thompson's Plantation was situated just south and east of the confluence of the Congaree and Wateree rivers.

7 De Kalb camped at “Genl. Parsons” in Granville County, N.C. where he remained till June 21st.

8 June. Clinton, along with Arbuthnot's squadron, sailed for New York. He took back with him "British Grenadiers and light infantry, Hessian Grenadiers, German Chausseurs, Forty-second Regiment, Queen's Rangers, and a detachment of British artillery, amounting in the whole to about 4500." Although not mentioned he also took with him the detachment of the 17th Light Dragoons. His return expedition reached New York by June 18th. Charleston was left with the 7th Regt., the 63rd Regt., the 64th Regt., 2 battalions of Hessians from the von Huyne, and von Dittfurth, a large detachment of royal artillery, and some provincials, all under the command of Brig. Gen Patterson, who had been appointed commandant of the town. According to Tarleton, after the victories at Charleston and Waxhaws, the British were able to raise 4,000 loyalist militia in Georgia and South Carolina. These added to the 6,000 British, Hessians and Loyalist units left by Clinton (5,400 effectives in South Carolina, 1,000 in Georgia) gave Cornwallis 10,000 men.

7 June. (possibly late May, or else 6 June) [skirmish] Beckham's Old Field, also Beckhamville, Alexander's Old Field (Chester County, S.C.) About 200 loyalists, collecting under a leader named Houseman, were surprised and scattered by a smaller, whig force of 32 mounted men under Capt. John McClure and the Reverend John Simpson.

Lossing: “Here was the scene of exciting events during the early part of the summer of 1780. Rocky Mount was made a royal post. Captain Houseman, the commander, sent forth hand-bills, calling the inhabitants together in an "old field," where Beckhamville post-office now stands, to receive protection and acknowledge allegiance to the crown. One aged patriot, like another Tell, refused to bow to the cap of this tiny Gesler. That patriot was Joseph Gaston, who lived upon the Fishing Creek, near the Catawba. In vain Houseman, who went to his residence with an armed escort, pleaded with and menaced the patriot. His reply was, "Never!" and as soon as the British captain had turned his back, he sent his sons out to ask the brave among his neighbors to meet at his house that night. Under Captain John M'Clure, thirty-three determined men were at Judge Gaston's at midnight. They were clad in hunting-shirts and moccasins, wool hats and deer-skin caps, each armed with a butcher-knife and a rifle. Early in the morning, they prepared for the business of the day. Silently they crept along the old Indian trail by the margin of the creek, and suddenly, with a fearful shout, surrounded and discomfited the assembled Tories upon the "old field," at Beckhamville. The British soldiers in attendance fled precipitately to their quarters at Rocky Mount. Filled with rage, Houseman sent a party to bring the hoary-headed patriot, then eighty years of age, to his quarters; but they found his dwelling deserted. His wife, concealed in some bushes near, saw them plunder the house of every thing, and carry off the stock from the plantation. Nothing was left but the family Bible -- a precious relic, yet preserved in the family…”

8 June. Brig. Gen. Griffith Rutherford, hearing of Rawdon’s advance into the Waxhaws settlement, issued orders for the militia of the Salisbury District, and Rowan, Mecklenburg and Lincoln (or Tryon) counties to meet on the 10th at Rees’ (or Reese’s) Plantation eighteen miles northeast of Charlotte.

10 June. Rutherford’s militia collected at Rees’ (or Reese’s) Plantation and numbered 700 to 800.

10 June. Allaire: "Saturday, 10th. Got in motion and left Thomson's at twelve o'clock at night, and marched eighteen miles to Beaver creek, where we halted. Maj. Graham, and two flank companies of the Prince of Wales American Volunteers, remained at Thomson's. This day a company of militia came in with their arms..."

10 June. [skirmish] Moore's First Gathering. (Lincoln County, N.C.) Col. John Moore, a Lieut. Col. in the Royal North Carolina Regiment acting as an agent for Cornwallis, arranged for meeting among the loyalists of Tryon County, North Carolina at Indian Creek, seven miles from Ramsour's Mill. Major Joseph McDowell, with about 20 mounted men, attempted to ambush and capture some of its attendees, but upon being found out was himself chased off by Moore's larger force of around 40. No casualties to either side were reported.

William A. Graham:" He [Cornwallis] sent Colonel John Moore into this country to inform the people that he was coming and would reward and protect the loyal, but would inflict dire punishment upon his opponents; for them to secure the wheat crop and be in readiness, but to make no organization until he should direct. Moore had gone from this section [Tryon County] and joined the British army some time previous and had been made Lieutenant-Colonel of Hamilton's Tory regiment. Colonel Moore returned to the vicinity and appointed a meeting for June 10th at his father's (Moses Moore) residence on Indian Creek, seven miles from Ramsaur's. The place of the "Tory Camp" is still pointed out, and is on the Gaston side of the County line on the plantation which was owned by the late Captain John [I.]Roberts. Forty men met him on that day. He delivered Lord Cornwallis' message, but before they dispersed a messenger informed them that Major Joseph McDowell (who was one of the most ubiquitous officers of the North Carolina militia during the Revolution) was in the neighborhood endeavoring to capture some of the men who were present. Moore, having a force double in number to that of McDowell, sought him and followed him to South Mountains, but did not overtake him. He then dismissed the men with directions to meet at Ramsaur's Mill on the 13th of the month."

12 June. Ferguson marched to the "Congarees" or Congaree Stores, near (just south east of) what would later be Fort Granby, south of the confluence of Congaree (i.e. Broad/Congaree river) and Saluda Rivers, or modern Cayce, South Carolina.

Allaire: "Monday, 12th. Got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and marched fourteen miles to Congaree Stores..."

13 June. Congress elected Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates head of the Southern Army to replace Lincoln.

13-18 June. Moore's Second Gathering (Lincoln County, N.C.) Col. John Moore and Maj. Nicholas Welch prematurely called out the loyalist to Ramsour's Mill, contrary to Cornwalllis' instructions, and by the 18th, on which 200 more joined him, Moore had assembled 1,300 men. Many, however, were without weapons or ammunition. Col. Hugh Brevard and Maj. Joseph McDowell with a small company again attempted to disrupt Moore's gathering, and was again chased off.

14 June. Allaire: "Wednesday, 14th. Lay at Congaree Stores. Capt. Peacock and the three companies of Royal Fusileers [23rd Regt.] under his command, remain here; Col. Patterson [Thomas Pattinson] and his battalion [Prince of Wales Volunteers] to go to Camden."

14 June (or thereabouts) Cornwallis approved Robert Cunningham's plan to convert his levies of militia from the Ninety-Six district into a provincial regiment. A short while before this, Cornwallis had also granted John Harrison a Majors commission and permission to create a provincial regiment. On 30 June, he wrote to Clinton: "I agreed to a proposal made by Mr. Harrison, to raise a provincial corps of five hundred Men, with the rank of Major, to be Natives of the Country between the Pedee and Wateree." This unit in time became the South Carolina Rangers, or Harrison's Corps. The unit, however, in practice performed little better than ordinary militia, and was quite dissimilar to the more professional provincial regiments like the Royal North Carolina Regiment or the Volunteers of Ireland, though the latter had its own share of discipline problems. Both Cunningham and Harrison were men of fortune and influence in their respective districts.

Mid June. Cornwallis formally instituted a policy, inaugurated by Clinton, by which rebel estates "were seized, and placed in the hands of commissioners, who were vested with power to sell the produce, which with the stock of cattle and horses found upon them was appropriated to the use of the army."

14 June. On the evening of the 14th, Rutherford, his force now organized, learned of the gathering of Moore and the loyalists at Ramsour’s Mill, forty miles to the northwest of him. He ordered Col. Francis Lock, based in Salisbury, to bring together an additional force to assist in going after Moore.

Davie: "The Militia were every where in arms, but every place wanted protection; at length about [‘three hundred’] men [‘composed of the militia of Burke, Lincoln, & Rowan Counties’] assembled under Colonel Francis Lock and seven hundred under General Rutherford including the South Carolina refugees, under Col. Sumpter, Neale and others, and some Cavalry under Major Davie who had a commission to raise an Independent corps [‘near Charlotte’]."

15 June. Ferguson continued his march