Some areas of this topic are filled out, some more and some less than might be deemed desirable or necessary. This is a result of information available or else a judgment call made by myself as to importance. Without attempting to include every last possible detail, it could not be avoided. As much as I have tried to be thorough there are bound to be gaps in the record as presented here, which taken individually and by themselves might not have been impossible to fill. However, insufficiency of time and resources prevented me from be completely exhaustive which respect to what would otherwise have been possible to include. Even so, enough information is contained here so that the work should still be useful to historians and scholars of this subject.

Some skirmishes are included in the Calendar with no more information than a date, name and county. Except in the case of some engagements that are mentioned in pension statements, I have insisted that an action at least fulfill all three of these criteria if it is to be listed. Initially I was not going to include such skirmishes at all, but changed this when I considered that they could still be a starting point for others who perhaps might be better situated than I have been to uncover further information on these events.

The movements of light troops such as those of Lee and Washington during the Guilford Court House and Ninety-Six campaigns, are difficult, if not impossible, to record. There is often a similar problem with the movements of militia. Consequently, presentation of these is necessarily somewhat restricted. While a more specific recording of cavalry, small detachment, and militia movements is desirable, as a rule, it simply has not always been possible to provide as much as one might wish.

Similarly, it is very difficult to keep track of militia strengths since often times the men would come and go as they pleased. For this and other reasons, there were militia presences and minor skirmishes well beyond what has been recorded here. And while a search through pension statements and contemporary periodicals may be able to bring many more skirmishes to light, a full and accurate listing is probably impossible. The numbers given for a given force are sometimes derived from reconnaissance reports of the enemy, an officer’s casual statement in a letter to a very distant superior, or a secondary source which gives no reference. Understandably, such evidence should not always be given full credit for accuracy, yet many times it is all the information there is to go on with respect to the numbers in question, or for that matter data in general.

Most of the time, troop strengths do not necessarily include officers, non commissioned officers (NCOs), supernumeraries, musicians, and instead only count "Rank and File," that is individual privates and corporals.

To get the full total number of effectives for a rank and file unit or force: in the case of the British add 17.5%, in the case of the Americans add 28%. To obtain the rank and file strength from the total force of effectives, subtract the 17.5 or 28. These percentages come from the work of Hoffman Nickerson, as cited in Boatner.

Promotions and the exact date they took place it was not always possible to find out. It is prudent then to be aware that ranks given for officers in histories do not always s reflect the person’s rank when they served in the war. This problem, for example, is found in Lee or Tarleton where someone might be mentioned as a captain, or a major, who at the time of the fighting was a lieutenant or a captain (respectively,) or vice versa. Also Lieutenant Colonels are very often referred to as Colonels, and one has to be careful in not mixing up the two. With respect to militia officers, it is highly probable that someone listed as being a colonel was actually a lieutenant colonel, only information was not conveniently to be had to clarify this.

There are occasionally lacunae in other points of data and reference, which for lack of available sources, it was not possible to fill. This does not mean that such missing information is nowhere available only that I did not know of or have access to it. Some information was deliberately omitted, perhaps unwisely, as being too trivial or else thought to be something which could be inferred from other information already presented. This was deemed necessary to avoid overload. Most of this more detailed and elaborate information in question usually was to be found in the sources cited, most especially Showman-Conrad's Nathanael Greene Papers which has proved indispensable, particularly with respect to the military strengths and movements of 1781. Military historians and scholars who study this period and theater of the Revolutionary war owe Mr. Showman, Mr. Conrad, and their assistants great thanks for clearing up much that was previously obscure or muddled.

In a work of this kind, which covers so much and various information, it is well to make a few preliminary historical remarks and observations in order to account for both significant and interesting facts, which might otherwise be unknown, overlooked, or not properly appreciated in the course of reading the main text. Additional data of this kind is also found in many of the footnotes.

To begin, the following are some fairly general and random points that deserve to be mentioned.

* An astonishingly large number of major Carolina and Georgia military leaders, either themselves or their parents, had emigrated to South Carolina and North Carolina from Virginia and Pennsylvania sometime just prior to the war. A few had even been born in England, such as William Richardson Davie and James Jackson. Sumter and many of his regimental commanders were originally from Virginia. Pickens, William Lee Davidson, and Edward Lacey were born in Pennsylvania, while Elijah Clark, the Georgian, had come from North Carolina. Of all the prominent leaders among the southern militia and partisans, only Marion was an authentic South Carolinian.

* Many names of the cities and towns mentioned are spelled differently today, than they were in the late 18th century. Charleston, for example, was “Charles town,” Hillsboro “Hillsborough,” Orangeburg “Orangeburgh,” and Winnsboro “Winnsborough” or “Wynnesborough.” Most of the time, the older version will be used in this work. In some rare instances there are towns and other geographical locations and features that have names entirely different from that which they had back then, for instance, Cross Creek is now Fayetteville, and Drowning Creek is now Lumber River.

* The British and loyalists often tended, due in part to lack of training aiming and or excessive powder in their cartridges, to over shoot their targets. Firing downhill would only increase the likelihood of the ball going higher than the intended point of impact. This phenomenon of overshooting is mentioned specifically as occurring at King’s Mountain and in the Guilford Court House campaign. By contrast, the Continentals and a small number of the whig militia were generally sparing of powder and lead, and thus were compelled to make more economical use of their shots. Lawrence E. Babits addresses the topic of overshooting more precisely in his Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Cowpens, pages 14-15.

* In times of heavy rains, fords, and even ferries, could become difficult, highly dangerous, or impossible to cross or use.

* Prior to an important march, troops would usually be doled out provisions, which they were sometimes instructed to cook in advance of that march.

* During the warmer times of the year, armies would often march during the evening, night, or very early morning to avoid the sweltering heat.

* Most of the time, the horses of the Continental cavalry, often being derived from Virginia thoroughbreds, were faster and heartier than those of the British. This made a big difference both on the campaign and in combat. On the campaign, the American cavalry could move longer distances and more quickly without showing strain too early. In a charge in combat, their stronger and heavier horses added additional power to the force of the attack. Lee speaks on this topic a few times in his memoirs.

* In most cases, in order for Continentals to be raised in a given state the British would either have to be absent, or else greatly circumscribed from operating within it borders. One reason for this being the case, is that men who would otherwise become Continentals would be drawn off into the militia first to meet the enemy threat.

* The presence of either British or American regular forces, normally, would tend to encourage their respective militias significantly. Both large and small successes prompted local men to join an army as militia. While this was true of both sides, as the war in the south wore on it became more difficult for the British to make use of this advantage, since the number of southern loyalists willing to fight tended to decrease. In fact by the summer of 1781, some who had initially been loyalists ended up serving with the whigs. When the Continental army was present, this tended to increase whig militia activity. Correspondingly, when their absence became prolonged, as after Charleston and Camden, the number of whig militia who would turn out dropped.

* Both sides would often try to recruit from among the prisoners they might take, and on some occasions, particularly that of a major victory, they succeeded. However, the offer to enlist was not always open to everyone. Sumter, for instance, would only recruit loyalist prisoners whom he thought to be good and responsible men.

* It was common practice to “parole” someone taken prisoner. This meant that the captive was allowed to go free, yet if he were again taken in the fighting he was liable to be executed. This civilized approach for dealing with prisoners had the advantage of sparing the conqueror the task of transporting, housing, and feeding them. Also if the prisoners were wounded, it spared them having to be moved unnecessarily. Though violations of parole did occur, what is perhaps more remarkable is that most of the time they were respected and observed. Paroled prisoners could be exchanged just like regular prisoners, and in such trading had equal status as the latter. This all said, the difference between a paroled captive and one confined could perhaps be likened to that between a promise versus actual payment in hand.

* "In those days there were no post-offices or country stores for the congregating of the people. The flouring mills were the points of assembling, and the roads usually named for the mills to which they led."

* There were two main agricultural harvests in a given year one in early summer and the other in early autumn. These harvests would often draw men from the militia home, and away from the army.

* With armies camping in and passing through them, an area of territory could be exhausted of food and provisions, either for reasons of supply or because of willful destruction. And even if left untouched afterward, that area still might not substantially recover (as to be able to feed an army of 1,000 or more) for many months or even years. What happened above Camden, and around Charlotte in 1780 are good illustrations of this problem.

* Waterways were a very often sought after means of transport as typically wagons, horses and oxen, were scarce, and the roads difficult. However, the British were usually prohibited from using river transport to and from Camden and Cross Creek, due to interdiction by enemy militia and partisans.

There were some exceptions, like Jane Black Thomas, but normally we don’t hear of women being involved in the fighting. The more usual female a soldier might see would be among the camp-followers which included wives, mothers, companions, and children. For the most part they took care of the soldiers, doing many of those routine, yet necessary and essential tasks that made a soldier’s life more livable, including cooking and mending clothes, as well as caring for the sick and wounded. Officers, when they could, regularly corresponded with their wives and daughters. Some times they would include small pictures of what was going on in the war, but mostly they wrote about family matters, such as how the children were doing with their schooling, along with wishes to be together again. Among the historical traditions, there are tales of young ladies in love with British officers. One in particular reportedly died of a broken heart when the officer was forced to leave the province. Emily Geiger became a little folk-tale in the hands of Benson Lossing, with the story of how she was captured by the British, while attempting to deliver an important message from General Greene. Through a bit of slyness she succeeded in destroying the message before it could be found. Another favorite story is how when Greene was at Salisbury in early February 1781, he had stopped at an inn there. Without a dollar to the army chest, he was feeling especially overwrought with the responsibilities and cares that fell under his charge. Elizabeth Maxwell Gillespie Steele, wife of the innkeeper, then gave him a bag of money that represented a substantial part of her savings. Greene, much moved by her generosity, wrote on the back of a portrait of King George in the inn, “Oh George, hide thy face and mourn!” He then left the picture facing the wall. What is claimed to be the portrait (which happens to be a print by the way) still exists in the hands of Thyatira Presbyterian Church in Millbridge, Rowan County. While we unfortunately don’t have the leisure to inquire into the specific historicity of this anecdote, we can, on the other hand, safely say that the story about Nancy Hart, the Georgia woman, who, almost single-handedly, captured or killed a group of 6 tories who had invaded her home, probably didn’t happen. There was indeed a real Nancy Hart. However modern scholarship tends to take the view that the tale itself was bit of 19th century story-telling that became popular at that time.

Whig was the common term used to describe those militia and others supporting the American cause. Given the important implications of the Revolutionary War, the name derived from an old political faction might sound rather odd and trivial. Nevertheless, this was the title they most used. However, towards early 1781, “American” or “republican,” came to be gradually more adopted, where not specified otherwise. To the British, however, these militia were most all of the time “Rebels” (or “rebels,” depending on the temperament of the individual speaking of them.)

William Johnson, Nathanael Greene’s early biographer states, "(B)oth the regulars and militia were for ever fluctuating in number; for, the continentals of the Virginia line, having been enlisted for various periods of service, and calculating their time from the date of enlistment, were continually claiming their discharges; and their commander had the mortification of seeing daily his best troops drop off in detail. As to the militia, most generally, being volunteers they came and went when they pleased; or being summoned into service for a short time, one half of their term was consumed in marching and countermarching, and they could never be calculated upon for a week together."

Terms of enlistment for militia might range from weeks to months. By state law the South Carolina militiaman’s tour was two months, even as late as July 1781. North Carolina often had men in the field for two months, but sometimes these tours were consecutive, so that a citizen soldier might end up serving four months, maybe more, at least if he was so inclined. The Virginia militia with Greene at Guilford Court House had been enlisted for six weeks. Most though went home before the six weeks were up, in part due to the oncoming of harvest, for which the men were needed at home. Since Georgia was without a state government for most of 1780-1781, their militia generally acted as volunteer partisans staying or leaving as they felt necessary. Nevertheless, one should not infer that they were lackadaisical about this, as the threat from Indians alone gave them cause to serve regularly.

Much, if not most, of the time, the militia, especially those in the western halves of a given state, would be mounted. This had its advantages and disadvantages. George Hanger, a member of the British Legion, succinctly observed: “The crackers and militia in those parts of America are all mounted on horse-back, which renders it totally impossible to force them to an engagement with infantry only. When they chuse to fight, they dismount, and fasten their horses to the fences and rails; but if not very confident in the superiority of their numbers, they remain on horse-back, give their fire, and retreat, which renders it useless to attack them without cavalry: for though you repulse them, and drive them from the field, you never can improve the advantage, or do them any material detriment.” Greene and a number of his officers did not want too many mounted militia because it made the militia harder to train, discipline, and organize, and gave them too easy an excuse to avoid combat if they felt like it. In addition, the presence of many horses could deplete foraging in an area severely. On the other hand, though being mounted could make the militia’s presence in a battle precarious, it did on occasion allow them to carry out effective raids.

The quality of the militia would often vary according to where they came from and who was leading them. Very frequently militia would come and go as they pleased, and this could sometimes significantly delay, or interfere with, a commanders plans. As Tarleton observed of these troops: “(T)o keep undisciplined people together it is necessary to employ them.”

Many of the western militia acquired military experience from fighting with the Indians, which often stood them in good stead against the British. As well, many, both east and west served in earlier parts of the war. Not all militia then were green recruits or inexperienced civilians. This said, they still had their peculiar idiosyncrasies compared to regular soldiers, and leading them could be difficult. "It is an invariable trait of the character of Militia,” says Davie who commanded some of them, “that they will only obey their own officers in the line of action." While their courage would sometimes surprise both British and Continentals alike, and though they were a necessary staple in the forces on both sides, the militia generally could not be relied upon for very much, or that for very long.

Their numbers were not great, perhaps anywhere from 60 to 200 warriors at a time at most, but as allies with the colonists against the Cherokees, the Catawbas fought the British also. They served with Davie in July 1780, when their leader was General Newriver. They were part of Rutherford’s army on its way to Ramsour’s Mill, and also participated in the retreat of Gates' army after Camden. They were at Pyle’s Defeat, and later fought alongside Lee’s Legion, and the Virginia riflemen at Clapp’s Mill (the battle of Alamance, February 1781) against Tarleton’s cavalry and the light infantry of the Guards. Joseph Graham describes how the Catawbas led the attack at Clapp’s Mill when “one of the Indians snorted like a deer, whereupon he and his comrades ran forward a few steps to the first timber, and fired.” While after engaging in some musketry they fled, they can be no more especially faulted for this than most any of the other militia who did the same.

The tribe fell on hard times about the mid-19th century. But in recent years they have made a comeback and thrive to this day.

The British had the Cherokee and Creek Indians with them, but this had mixed benefits. While incursions by the Indians of the frontier took significant pressure off British forces, one modern genealogist, in writing of their revolutionary ancestor, correctly remarked, “It is interesting [to note] that Joseph chose to fight the Cherokee first. Perhaps, had the British not stirred the Cherokees against the settlers, he might have not made the decision to join the revolutionists.” The Cherokees, a numerous and widely spread people, were most to be found in southwestern Virginia, eastern Tennessee, western Georgia, and far western South Carolina. Though we rarely hear of them fighting in South Carolina, attacks by them into Georgia were not at all unusual.

In historical accounts, loyalists are commonly referred to as Tories. The word “Tory” has different meanings and associations. Yet usually it was seen then as having a negative connotation, and became the American equivalent of “Rebels,” though with perhaps more mocking and derision to it.

Andrew Hamilton, of Abbeville County, S.C., along with many other veterans expressed the view: “(I)n opposing Tories, Indians, and British and of all enemies he conceived the Tories, most detestable and most obnoxious to the Liberty of his country.”

Part of the reason for how the “Tory” problem arose was the British confiscating rebel property and estates in large quantities. When this took place after the fall of Charleston in May 1780, some men became loyalists in order to behave as thieves and plunderers. Hence there was this distinctly criminal element among otherwise legitimate loyalists, with some amount of shade in between. This of course is by no means to say that the Americans did not have some of the same problem, only that Clinton’s outlawing of non-loyalists is what got it all started. Cornwallis, in order to get a handle on the situation, set up the system of sequestration and confiscation in which an administrator, John Cruden, was appointed to oversee property taken. While this took care of the problem on a broad level, which is to say most of the time, it could not halt the illicit seeking of profit on the common and individual level.

Among the lower class elements, neither side had a complete monopoly on cruelty and loose obedience to law. There were rogues and bandits on either persuasion who acted under the banner of loyalty or patriotism to excuse their criminal intentions. Adoption of either one side or another became an excuse to commit a crime against another’s person or property. It reached such a point that in late 1781 that in some parts of South Carolina it didn't matter whose side you were on, and bands of brigands passed themselves off as whoever they liked, bringing trouble to whig and loyalist indiscriminately.

Although the British were thus scourged with the “Tories,” they were also blessed with the law-abiding pacifists. The strategically important Moravian settlement in western North Carolina, although aloof from the fighting, tended to be loyalists. There was also among the loyalist people who were idealistic about their King and the mother country, and perhaps whose credulity and innocence may have caused them to unnecessarily suffer at Pyle’s Massacre.

Major Thomas Barclay, a Provincial officer, said: "I find that those who were termed Royalists or Loyalists, in addition to their attachment to their king and country, preserve their principles of honor and integrity, of openness and sincerity, which marked the American previous to the year 1773; while those who have sold their king for a Republican Government, have adopted all the frivolity, intrigue, and insincerity of the French, and in relinquishing their allegiance, resigned at the same time, almost universally, religion and morality."

In terms of relations, strict British treatment and methods, did not always sit well with even the well-meaning loyalists. Some felt taken advantage of when it came to their property. Stedman writes, “The militia of South Carolina were in general faithless, and altogether dissatisfied in the British Service. One great cause of complaint with them was, that their horses were frequently pressed for the cavalry and quarter-master-general's department; and that those who could obtain certificates for them at a fair price, were nevertheless great losers by disposing which very much injured the public credit in that colony. It is to be observed that a distinction was made between a receipt and a certificate. Where the word Receipt was made use of, it was intended that the proprietor should be paid upon his resenting the receipt at Charlestown, and many of those receipts were afterwards actually paid by orders on the paymaster-general. Where the word Certificate was made use of, it was intended as an evidence in the hands of the holder, of such and such property being taken, its payment to depend on contingencies. This regulation governed the conduct of the commissary until lord Cornwallis moved from Wynnesborough in January 1781; then, when receipts were given, they not only specified the property, but the value of that property, which gave them a negotiable authority. When certificates were given, the property was specified, but no value affixed. Its payment, as before, was to depend on the merit or demerit of the party at the end of the war. Receipts were frequently refused; but certificates never, unless the person whole property had been taken was known to be a decided enemy, and his character marked by acts of inhumanity towards the loyalists.”

Many loyalists resented being drafted, all the more so as the service had to be repeated or became continuous. The states drafted as well, of course, but they could afford to be more flexible in obtaining recruits, leaving it up to counties to fill up quotas as they could. Clinton’s proclamation, on the other hand, called for mandatory military service from all who fit certain categories, was therefore more broad in its application, and hence more onerous to the population at large. South Carolina loyalist Alexander Chesney wrote: “A dissatisfaction prevailed at this moment [early September 1780] amongst the Militia founded on General Clinton's hand-bill which required every man having but three children, and every single man to do six months duty out of their province when required, this appeared like compulsion, instead of acting voluntarily as they conceived they were doing, and they were in consequence ready to give up the cause; but owing to the exertions of their officers a great part of which I attribute to myself, the tumult was happily appeased…”

To add to their hardships, towards the end of the war some loyalists lost estates, both small and large, in the Carolinas and Georgia. These properties ended up being parceled and bought out at auctions by some of those who fought against them. While in retrospect this seems harsh, it must be recollected that many of the Rebels had their own estates confiscated during the British occupation. It then became, as it does so often in war, a rule of them or us. On the other hand, many loyalists were still able to reside peaceably in the new states, and not a few went on to become esteemed and honored participants in the community and government.

In the course of putting together this book, I myself have been in contact with a number of people who are descendants of loyalists. I have regularly found them to be intelligent and generous persons, which perhaps can be interpreted as a comment on their ancestors.

Blacks as slaves did much labor for both armies, playing a key role in the moving of supplies and the establishment and dismantling of fortifications. There are relatively little records of work done by slaves in various military roles. The heaviest concentration of blacks was generally on the plantations along the coast and in the immediate hinterland. Beyond that slaves were not nearly so common by comparison. Not all farmers, particularly those in the backcountry and more remote areas, were slaveholders of perhaps more than a few slaves, and we often see references to the need for whites at planting and harvest.

Although reference is not frequently made to the fact, they fought on occasion as well. Marion is known to have had them in his ranks. Scholars have compiled lists of Cowpens participants who were men of color. Greene’s black manservant was a private in the Maryland regiment, and gave his life for his country in fighting just after Eutaw Springs. We find pension statements, as well, in which the black soldiers express a proud patriotism. This all said, it is unlikely to have found many black soldiers at a time in one unit. Further north the elite 1st Rhode Island Regiment, which served at Yorktown, had a large proportion of black infantrymen. But raising such an organization in the deep south was unthinkable. The placement and predominance of the bugler in the well-known folk painting of the cavalry encounter at Cowpens, probably gives a good pictorial sense of how the black presence in the army was usually then seen: participating but inferior; noble in his deeds, but still only a boy.

Many blacks, however, came over to the British side and saw the latter as liberators. Of these we don’t have much record so to what extent they were used in the fighting down south is not quite clear. We know of at least one that fought in a Provincial regiment at Hanging Rock. While only a single case, given the relative scarcity of records for blacks generally, there were undoubtedly a good many more than that individual who served as soldiers. George Fenwick Jones, in an article for South Carolina Historical Magazine, describes blacks being recruited by the Hessians. It is possible that slaves carrying muskets were part of the Augusta garrison in the spring of 1781. Yet in the south the arming of blacks in large numbers was a sensitive issue. So the British had to tread cautiously. However, by 1782, a Provincial black regiment was formed in Charleston. They saw some fighting, and were called the Black Dragoons.

The war was very much a civil war as has been many times observed, but perhaps not sufficiently appreciated. The grievous nature of warfare between neighbors is brought out vividly in incidents that took place at and after the battle of Ramsour’s Mill:

"In some instances this was a fight between neighbors and kindred, although there were not many Whigs in the Lincoln forces-the militia of the County being with Colonel Graham, who was with Rutherford.

In the thickest of the fight a Dutch Tory, seeing an acquaintance, said: ‘How do you do, Pilly? I have knowed you since you was a little boy, and never knew no harm of you except you was a rebel.’ Billy, who was out for business and not to renew acquaintance, as his gun was empty, clubbed it and made a pass at his friend's head, who dodged and said:

‘Stop! Stop! I am not going to stand still and be killed like a damn fool, needer,’ and immediately made a lick at Billy's head, which he dodged. A friend of Billy whose gun was loaded put it to the Dutchman's side and shot him dead...

Fifty-six dead lay on the face of the ridge, up and down which the forces advanced and retreated.

Many of the dead were buried on the field...

Wives, mothers, daughters and other kindred of the contestants came that afternoon and next morning to inquire for their friends. As they discovered them among the dead and dying, there were heart-rending scenes of distress and grief. Mrs. Falls came twenty-five miles on horseback, accompanied by her negro cook. Finding her gallant husband dead, she obtained a quilt from Mrs. Reinhardt, whose husband lived near the battleground, and carried his body across Sherrill's Ford and buried it with his kindred."

While Ramsour’s Mill was an untypical engagement, still it was these attitudes, feelings, and gestures so overtly expressed there, that were the common experience of many.

Since the war itself, not a few have often pointed out how not many of the Americans were Revolutionaries, and how not that many of the Revolutionaries were men and women of ideals and principle. But exactly what makes the American Revolution one of the greatest of human achievements is that the principals and ideals of a few succeeded against the designs, selfishness, or incompetence of a number far greater than themselves. The British Army historian, Fortescue, believes that it was the ineptness of Lord Germain and political parties in Parliament that lost the colonies to Britain. Yet the ineptness of the British administration does not begin to explain or account for the endurance and self-sacrifice of so many who stuck to the cause at times when things seemed most bleak and resources were nil, staying the course when others decided to jump ship. In this lay the greatness of the American soldiery, which in turn lies as part of the legacy of the American Revolution.

Fortescue also maintains that the Provincial troops were generally better soldiers than the Continentals, while at the same time the loyalists believed more in what they were fighting for. The Americans, by comparison, were generally less principled and more desirous of gain. Without denying that many of the Provincials did fight from principle, this is a rather odd argument seeing that the Provincials were invariably far better paid and supplied than the Continentals. The North Carolina Continentals were largely drafted troops, yet provided with proper leadership they became a very respectable combat brigade, fighting bravely and suffering more losses than any other American unit at the bloodier-than-usual battle of Eutaw Springs. The hardihood and fortitude of the Maryland, Delaware and Virginia Regiments is so extraordinary to those who have some idea of what they had to suffer in the course of long campaigning, that very few or no historian has yet been able to, or could, properly esteem it.

Writes Tarleton in the conclusion to his Campaigns, “It is impossible to do justice to the spirit, patience, and invincible fortitude, displayed by the commanders, officers, and soldiers, during these dreadful campaigns in the two Carolinas. They were not only to contend with men, and these by no means deficient in bravery and enterprize, but they encountered and surmounted difficulties and fatigues from the climate and the country, which would appear insuperable in theory, and almost incredible in the relation. They displayed military, and, we may add, moral virtues, far above all praise. During renewed successions of forced marches, under the rage of a burning sun, and in a climate, at that season, peculiarly inimical to man, they were frequently, when sinking under the most excessive fatigue, not only destitute of every comfort, but almost of every necessary which seems essential to his existence. During the greater part of the time, they were totally destitute of bread, and the country afforded no vegetables for a substitute. Salt at length failed; and their only resources were water, and the wild cattle which they found in the woods. Above fifty men, in this last expedition, sunk under the vigour of their exertions, and perished through mere fatigue. We must not, however, confine the praise entirely to the British troops, as a detachment of Hessians, which had been lent upon the occasion by General de Bose, deservedly came in for their proper share. The same justice requires, that the Americans should not be deprived of their share of this fatal glory. They had the same difficulties to encounter, joined to a fortune in the field generally adverse: Yet, on the whole, the campaign terminated in their favour; General Greene having recovered the far greater part of Georgia and of the two Carolinas.”

Although Tarleton’s impartiality is commendable, the Continentals, arguably, still had it worse. In addition to enduring exceedingly long marches, suffering extremes of weather and sickness, often lacking proper food, fighting far from home, and neglected by their countrymen, they received little or no pay or clothing, and were usually limited in their supply of ammunition (compared to their opponents.) In addition they were fighting the finest army in the world. Relatively little mention has been made of the remarkable achievement of these southern soldiers, whether serving for the American or British side. But that, in a sense, is perhaps only best, since it would seem in the final analysis that only Heaven will ever do them proper justice.

The Revolutionary War was a contest for self-determination, while at the same time a continuation of an effort to seek a new way of life that arose above the mistakes, injustice and blindness of the old world. It was an idealistic cause that began with the colonies earliest settlement, and which the higher-minded Revolutionaries continued. Yet there were, and always had been others, whose goals were less idealistic and progressive, more materialistic and selfish. And it has ever been the clash between these two forces that has brought about the saddest moments in the nation’s history, and criticism by foreign nations of the American experiment. The history of the Revolution, like all other periods in American history has been one of great successes and great failures. But it will not do to ignore the errors, or to forsake the hope because of those errors. Better it is to learn from both the successes and the failures as lights and warnings to guide us into our future, while insisting on our goal “life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”

The “American Revolution,” in its truest sense, was, and is, a struggle for the realization of moral and civil ideals, transcending any geographical location, that carries on to this day. How successfully they were manifested in the war between America and Britain will, of course, be a subject of dispute. But that in the course of that conflict much significant ground was gained toward those goals, should not be. And even if the examples of endurance, long suffering and courage manifested in the struggle for freedom and equality were all the accomplishment the Revolutionary War as such provided, these, in their lasting way, remain encouraging examples deserving the emulation of both ourselves and those who come after us.

While an effort has been made to compile a reasonably thorough roster, of both American and British leaders, of high rank, or otherwise special note, these lists do not presume to be exhaustive, but merely provide the most significant and representative leaders. Most always the information given for a leader pertains exclusively to their involvement in the war in the south 1780-1781, and is not intended as a summary biography as such. The leaders given here were selected on the basis of their being either a field commander, unit commander, or participant of special note. Most likely there is bound to be missing some officer whom some might feel should have been included, and other officers not named due simply to lack of adequate historical information about them. This problem, unfortunately, could not be much helped given the large number of officers involved in this wide-ranging conflict. I have, for example included Capt. Patrick Carnes of Lee’s Legion, but not Capt. George Armstrong who fell at Ninety-Six because it is sometimes difficult to follow whether an officer in Lee’s Legion is in the infantry or cavalry, while gallant officers like Armstrong are so relatively numerous (given the number of men involved in the southern campaigns) that it would have enlarged my task too much to have attempted to list them all. Who knows or can say if an officer, killed at an early engagement, or sidelined before he had a chance to be involved in more battles, might have reached a prominence that his early forced absence completely denied him. Some of those taken at Charleston in 1780 come to mind. As well, there might be nominally known, yet unsung, soldiers, including the privates and sergeants, whose impact was much greater than history could ever take notice of. Such cases, for understandable reasons, we can only acknowledge the general possibility of. These comments having been made, it is hoped that the list is sufficiently comprehensive to account for the vast majority of key leaders on both sides.

Though many very important military leaders of the Virginia and Yorktown campaigns, particularly those on the Franco-American, side are not included in this main roster, their names, rank, and specific service during this period will be found in the course of the main text.

It being not always possible to track who was where and when, in mentioning engagements an officer fought at, the given listing should not be assumed to be complete, but, for practical purposes, a general summary. Additional details on these leaders, and others not listed here, can also be found in the main text.

Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln

Head of the Southern Department for the Continental army from 25 September 1778 to 13 June 1780, Lincoln oversaw the American forces at Charleston during its siege and surrender in early 1780. Becoming one of city’s prisoners, he was paroled. However, he was only able to return to Philadelphia a year later, being finally exchanged in July 1781. Lincoln went on to lead a division, in the Yorktown Campaign, during which he also served as Washington's second in command. He was subsequently appointed to head the Congressional Board of War on October 25, 1781. Although not one of the Continental army's more dashing and successful field commanders, he was well liked and did not suffer anything like the reproach for Charleston Gates did for Camden.

Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates

Gates was appointed by Congress as Lincoln's replacement on 13 June 1780, taking actual command of the army on 25 July at Coxe's Mill on the Deep River. He subsequently led the American forces at the debacle at Camden in August 1780. A move was then made in Congress by certain officers and factions to have him ousted. As a result, on 30 October 1780, he was himself replaced by Greene, and served out the remainder of his position till Greene arrived after the first of December. Although criticized by many, then and since, for his performance at Camden (and the events leading up to) less known is the fact that officers like Charles Pinckney, William Richardson Davie, and Greene saw him as rather a victim of bad luck and circumstance, preferring to blame the defeat on the often clumsy leadership of the North Carolina militia -- even though the Virginia militia, it could be argued, performed worse in the battle. Gates has also been depicted as vain and self-seeking, in part because of his incidental involvement in the earlier cabals against Washington. However, as southern commander Gates showed himself, if not a brilliant, at least a conscientious and responsible leader. It was he, not Greene, who first dispatched Carrington to look into the crossings on the Roanoke, a measure which laid the foundation for the preserving of Greene’s army in the Race to the Dan.

Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene

After serving as the Quartermaster General for the Continental army (2 March 1778 to 5 August 1780), Greene was selected by Congress to replace Gates on 30 October 1780, having been recommended by Washington. He arrived in Charlotte, North Carolina and took command in the first week of December 1780, serving in this position till the end of the war. Although technically defeated on the fields at Guilford Court House, Hobkirk's Hill, Ninety-Six, and Eutaw Springs, in every one of these setbacks the losses to his regular troops never greatly exceeded that of his opponent, and each battle "lost" invariably resulted in his finally winning the given campaign. Yet Greene's most memorable generalship was seen the "Race to the Dan" phase of the Guilford Court House campaign: praised by British as well as American commanders. His holding together a rag-tag army that had been neglected and abandoned by just about everyone else, was no small achievement either. Though Greene’s tactical judgment was, on occasion, highly questionable (such as in the wide separation of his lines at Guilford, his use of William Washington's cavalry at Hobkirk's Hill, and in his too-forward initial approaches to Ninety-Six), and, as well, manifested at times odd quirks of temperament (as in his harsh treatment of Gunby after Hobkirk’s Hill), he possessed both a remarkable capacity for organization, and a penetrating intellect for seeing the broad strategic picture.

Maj. Gen. Johannes de Kalb

De Kalb, a native of German Alsace who had once served in the French army, arrived in North Carolina in July 1780 with two brigades of Maryland and Delaware Continentals. Despite his high rank, he had a difficult time getting the North Carolinians to cooperate with him. He was second in command to Gates at Camden in August. His performance at that battle, in which helmet clad, sword in hand fighting like a lion, he only submitted after suffering eleven sword, bayonet and bullet wounds, remains one of the most memorable and heroic moments of the Revolutionary War.

Brig. Gen. Louis Le Begue de Presle Duportail, Continental Army engineers

By March 170, Duportail, a volunteer officer from France, served as chief engineer in Charleston, and was taken prisoner when the town surrendered. He was exchanged on October 25, and on his return northward briefly stopped at Greene’s camp on the Pee Dee River. He subsequently participated in the planning for an attack on New York, which he advised against, and afterward acted as Washington’s chief engineer at Yorktown. Duportail has been spoken of as the father of the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers.

Brig. Gen Mordecai Gist, Delaware Continentals

Gist commanded the 2nd Maryland Brigade (which included his own Delaware Regt.) at the battle of Camden, where his efforts were praised. He afterwards left the southern army and returned to Delaware where he helped in recruiting. After serving at Yorktown, he returned to join Greene in 1782, and was present at the engagement of Combahee Ferry in late August of that year.

Brig. Gen. James Hogun, North Carolina Continentals

Hogun was an officer of the North Carolina line, who brought reinforcements to Charleston in February 1780, and was among those captured when the town capitulated. Hogun refused parole and remained at Haddrel’s Point in Charleston, to care for the suffering prisoners there, and to encourage them to resist British offers of enlistment. He died of natural causes while serving in this manner on January 4th 1781.

Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger, South Carolina Continentals

Huger participated in the defense of Charleston, and was badly defeated by Lieut. Col. James Websters’s forces at Monck’s Corner in April 1780. He was, however, able to avoid being taken when Charleston fell. Though he would not have had a command, it is likely he was present at Camden. When Greene arrived in December 1780, Huger was appointed his second in command, a position he served in throughout 1781, with a period of absence (due to illness) in the late spring and early summer. He led the Virginia brigade at Guilford Court House (where he was shot in the hand) and at Hobkirk’s Hill. In 1782, he was one of the representatives attending the reunited South Carolina assembly.

Brig. Gen. Lachlan McIntosh, South Carolina Continentals

McIntosh commanded South Carolina militia at Charleston in 1780, where he was taken prisoner. When others insisted that Lincoln stay and defend the town, McIntosh was one of those who advocated abandoning the city , and carrying on a strategic defense from without. Boatner says he was probably paroled soon after, and was finally exchanged for Brig. Gen. Charles O’Hara (taken at Yorktown) in February 1782.

Brig. Gen. Daniel Morgan, Virginia Continentals

Morgan joined Gates army (at Charlotte) in late September 1780, where he was appointed to head a corps of light troops. On Gates' recommendation, he was raised in rank from Colonel to Brigadier General by Congress, and received his commission on October 25th. One of the reason for this promotion was to prevent any temperamental militia commander from disputing his seniority. Morgan led the American forces at Cowpens in January 1781, and achieved one of the greatest and most ingenious tactical triumphs of the entire conflict. On the other hand, he could have been said to been only very lucky in evading Cornwallis' pursuit after that battle. On 10 February 1781, rheumatism and "sciatica" forced him to return to Virginia and leave the service. Though he re-appeared briefly in mid summer 1781 to lead a body of rifleman in the pre-Yorktown campaign, illness again soon forced his early retirement. Morgan was unusual because in his background, personality and ability he managed to bridge the gap between the common soldiers and the higher-ranking officers, a quality which endeared him to many.

Brig. Gen. William Moultrie, South Carolina Continentals

Moultrie was one taken prisoner at the surrender of Charleston. He was paroled, though he remained in Charleston where, without formal authorization, he acted as head and representative of the other American prisoners. The British attempted to bribe and get him to change sides, an offer which he indignantly scorned. Lossing states that Moultrie ultimately went to Philadelphia, and was ultimately exchanged in February 1782, at which time he returned to South Carolina.

Brig. Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, South Carolina Continentals

Pinckney was at Charleston where he was taken prisoner. He was thereafter paroled, and finally exchanged in February 1782. To him has been attributed the famous oath of defiance, “Millions for defense, but not one cent for tribute!” Though, in his reply to the French diplomat at the time of the XYZ affair, what he had actually said was “It is No, No! Not a sixpence!”

Brig. Gen. Charles Scott, Virginia Continentals

Scott was captured at Charleston and within some months paroled to Virginia, though he was not released from this status till the war’s end. In his Campaigns, Tarleton states that in the British raid on Charlottesville in June 1781, Brig. Gen. Scott was one among a group of Virginia assembly members and state officers who were “killed, wounded or taken [prisoner].” Though he definitely was not killed, it is not clear whether Scott was wounded, captured, or both. If captured it would be something of legal question what his status would have been seeing that, at the time of his speculated capture, he was on parole.

Brig. Gen. William Smallwood, Maryland Continentals

Smallwood commanded the 1st Maryland Brigade at Camden. Though he did not particularly distinguish himself in that battle, he did play a significant role in regrouping and reorganizing the army afterward. He became Gates’ second in command and in late September 1780, he was appointment by the North Carolina Board of War to command the North Carolina Militia, replacing Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell. Smallwood apparently had hoped to command the Southern army himself, but was disappointed in this. On 19 December 1780, he left the Southern army and returned to Maryland. There he was involved in recruiting men for the southern army, while engaged in some political wrangling over his lack of promotion.

Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner, North Carolina Continentals.

Was generally recognized as North Carolina's pre-eminent Continental officer, having served with merit in Washington's army earlier in the war. For a time in late 1780 he assumed a high-ranking command in the North Carolina militia, when Davidson replaced Smallwood in October. After Greene's arrival, he was put in charge of forming and re-organizing the state's Continental Regiments, which task he performed with a resolute dedication and great professionalism. When enough men had been collected and armed to form the newly created North Carolina Continentals he returned actively to the field in August 1781, commanding those troops with honor at Eutaw Springs.

Brig. Gen. William Woodford, Virginia Continentals

Woodford arrived in Charleston with reinforcements for the city on 7 April 1780, and was one of those captured with the garrison. Yet unlike most of the other higher ranking American officers taken at Charleston, he was not paroled, though it is not clear if this was out of choice as it was with James Hogun. He was taken to New York City where he died, still a prisoner, in November 1780, and was buried in Trinity Church Yard.

Col. Charles Armand, 1st Partizan Corps, also known as Armand's Legion

A French volunteer, his actual name was Charles Armand Tuffin, Marquis de la Rouerie, but he shortened it to “Charles Armand” while in America. Sometime after the fall of Charleston what had remained of Pulaski’s Legion became part of Armand’s Legion. Armand was at Camden with Gates army, though his troops behaved poorly during and after that engagement. Following Camden, Armand's Legion was sent to forage and make cantonments in Warren County, North Carolina, "from whence,” says Otho Williams, “Armand went to Philadelphia and never returned [to the southern army.]" In February 1781, he sailed to France to obtain support and supplies for his men, and by May he and his legion were serving with Lafayette in the latter’s Virginia campaign, being present at Green Spring and later Yorktown.

Col. Abraham Buford, 11th Virginia Regiment

Buford commanded the American forces at the defeat at Waxhaws in May 1780. To de Kalb’s dismay, he left with his men to Virginia, pleading that they were without clothing or supplies. Though Gates called him back, he did not return in time for Camden. Not long after Greene's arrival in Charlotte, Buford, came down with an illness, and, as a result, was sent to command the post at Salisbury, where there was a hospital and a company of N.C. militia under Captain Yarborough. He received leave of absence to go home to Virginia to recuperate on March 5, 1781, and there remained.

Col. John Gunby 2nd Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Gunby was at Camden where he commanded the 7th Maryland Regiment (not his own, the 2nd.) After Greene arrived to the army in December, Gunby was commanding the post and magazine at Hillsborough, and was involved in removing the stores from thence to Prince Edward Court House, VA., when Cornwallis invaded North Carolina in February 1781. He left Prince Edward to rejoin Greene on March 12th. Gunby received most fame at the battle of Hobkirk’s Hill when he ordered the 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781) to fall back in the face of Rawdon’s forces. This purportedly resulted in the retreat of that unit and the subsequent route of the entire army. Greene angrily blamed the defeat on him, and arranged to have him court-martialed, but Gunby was mercifully acquitted. Not long following this, Gunby became ill from dysentery and was appointed to Charlotte to oversee that post and the hospital there. In August, still very sick, he requested leave to go home to Maryland, which Greene reluctantly granted. He did not subsequently return.

Col. Charles Harrison, 1st Continental Artillery (Virginia)

Harrison came to North Carolina with de Kalb, and took command of Continental artillery at Camden. After that

Battle he left the southern army, and did not rejoin it till a few days before Guilford Court House. He subsequently headed Greene’s artillery at Hobkirk’s Hill and Ninety-Six, at least in name. In August of 1781, Greene sent him into North Carolina to report on military stores at Oliphant’s Mill, Charlotte and Salisbury, and the possibility of creating a munitions laboratory at Salisbury. While dutifully applying himself to this task, Harrison became ill and by the 28th, went to Salem, N.C. to recuperate. After this he went to Virginia, where he ended up remaining, working to obtain supplies and support for Greene’s army. He only returned to the southern army in late spring of 1782. Despite his being at the famous battles named, Harrison does not seem to have been very much, if at all, involved in the actual working of the artillery, but served more as a supervisor, staff officer, and logistical administrator.

Col. Thaddeus Kosciuszko, Engineer

Kosciuszko, of Lithuanian origin (which was then a part of Poland), joined the southern army after Gates defeat, and following the arrival of Greene became the latter’s chief engineer. He was busily employed in various projects, including building boats and establishing fortifications (such as those on the Dan River). Kosciuszko’s presence during the southern campaigns was most conspicuous at the siege of Ninety-Six in 1781. Lee unfairly blames him for the failure of the siege when, after all, as Johnson rightly points out, Greene was the one in charge of the operations there. At the same time, but for the loss of perhaps a few days, the siege might well have succeeded. At Eutaw Springs, Kosciuszko acted as a mounted volunteer. If not the consummate expert he has perhaps sometimes been implied to have been, Kosciusko was, nonetheless, a competent, dedicated and energetic officer whose services were indispensable to Greene.

Col. Otho Williams, 6th Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1780)

At Camden, Williams came south with de Kalb and acted as Gates’ Assistant Adjutant General. He figured significantly in the reorganization of the Maryland Regiments after that action, and became commander of 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1780-1781), then the Maryland Brigade itself. He commanded Greene’s light corps in the maneuvering prior to Guilford. Exactly where Williams’ strengths lay as a combat leader are not so readily obvious. His performance as commander of the light corps in the Race to the Dan is justifiably assumed by historians to be to his credit. Yet Davie, a shrewd assessor of his contemporaries, was in after years critical of Williams being caught napping, as "a corps of observation" at Weitzell's Mill, and for giving, at a crucial moment, an ill-advised order to the 2nd Maryland at Guilford Court House (somewhat like Gunby at Hobkirk's Hill.) The quality of writing in Williams' own Narrative (arguably the best literary work by an American observer of the war in the south) on the other hand, shows him to have been a highly cultivated and intelligent person of broad experience, gifted with keen powers of discernment. It is great pity he did not write a lengthier account of his experiences in the southern campaigns.

Lieut. Col. Peter Adams, 1st Maryland Regiment

Adams commanded the 1st Maryland Regiment at Camden, but left the southern army afterward, and was replaced by Col. Otho Williams.

Lieut. Col. John Baptiste Ashe, 1st North Carolina Regiment (of 1781)

Ashe commanded the 1st North Carolina Regiment of 1781, leading his unit in battle at Eutaw Springs.

Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell, 1st Virginia Regiment (of 1781)

Campbell came south with (what would become) Samuel Hawes’ Virginia Continentals and served at Guilford Court House. He assumed command of John Green’s 1st Virginia Regiment after Green's departure in early April 1781. On July 19th, he was given command of the Virginia brigade (replacing Huger), which combined the 1st and 2nd Virginia regiments, while Capt. Thomas Edmunds took his place as head of the 1st Virginia Regiment. Campbell was mortally wounded at Eutaw Springs, though he survived some hours after the battle.

Lieut. Col. Edward Carrington, 1st Continental artillery (Virginia), Quartermaster General for the Southern Army

Carrington, with the 1st Continental artillery met up with de Kalb in Virginia on the latter’s march into North Carolina. However, due to a dispute with his superior Col. Charles Harrison, Carrington withdrew from his command. When Gates arrived to take charge of the army, he sent Carrington to Virginia to inquire into the availability of crossings on the Roanoke River, which Greene extended to the Dan River. Greene appointed Carrington his Quartermaster General in which capacity he served admirably. He did actually join Greene's army till 7 February 1781, about which time he was soon employed in collecting the boats for Greene’s subsequent passage at Irwin’s and Boyd’s ferries on the Dan River. In March through May, he led the American negotiations with Cornwallis for the exchange of prisoners, while continuing to carry out his functions as quartermaster. One of his last actions while with the southern army was securing 200 horses from North Carolina for Greene. In July he went into Virginia for the purposes of obtaining more supplies, but ended up serving with Washington’s army at Yorktown. After that he returned south and resumed his duties as Greene’s quartermaster.

Lieut. Col. Benjamin Ford (also Foard), 5th Maryland Regiment, and 2nd Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Ford commanded the 5th (or, says one good source, the 6th) Maryland Regiment at Camden. Whether he was captured at that engagement is not clear. In any case, he was with Greene’s army at Guilford Court House and Hobkirk’s Hill, where he commanded the 2nd Maryland Regiment. It was at Hobkirk’s that Ford received a death wound.

Lieut. Col. John Green, Green’s Virginia Regiment, later referred to as the 1st Virginia Regiment (of 1781)

Green commanded a regiment of newly formed Virginia Continentals, which acted as Greene’s rear guard at Guilford Court House. He left the southern army for Virginia on or before April 4th due to rheumatism, and to recruit for the regiment.

Lieut. Col. Samuel Hawes, 2nd Virginia Regiment (of 1781)

Hawes led the 2nd Virginia Regiment at Guilford Court House and Hobkirk’s Hill. He became ill in May 1781, and, about June 19th, command of the 2nd was given to Major Smith Snead.

Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard, 5th Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Howard commanded 2nd Maryland Regiment at Camden, and subsequently the 1st Maryland Regiment, and, in a detached capacity, the Maryland-Delaware light battalion at Cowpens. Howard saw as much battle field service in the southern campaigns as almost any of the higher ranking officers in the southern campaigns, being present at Camden, Cowpens, the Race to the Dan, Weitzell's Mill, Guilford Court House, Hobkirk's Hill, Ninety-Six and Eutaw Springs, as well as Camden and Cowpens. The gallantry and achievement of the 1st Maryland Regiment under his command in these engagements (Hobkirk's Hill excepted) speaks more highly of him than any panegyric could.

Lieut. Col. John Laurens, 3rd Light Infantry Battalion, Hazen’s Division

Laurens was a member of the South Carolina assembly at the time of Clinton’s invasion of the south in 1779. He joined the troops defending Charleston and served under Moultrie as volunteer, his troops skirmishing with the British in their advance on the city. Captured at its fall, he was paroled then exchanged. In the spring of 1781, he sailed to France to assist Franklin in getting money and supplies. When he successfully returned in August, he re-joined Washington’s army and commanded a battalion of light infantry at Yorktown, participating in the assault on Redoubt number 10. He later returned to fight in South Carolina and was tragically killed just months before the war’s end at Combahee Ferry on 27 August 1782. Laurens was the son of Henry Laurens, the well-known American envoy to France.

Lieut. Col. Henry Lee, 2nd Partizan Corps, also known as Lee’s Legion

Lee joined Greene’s army in January 1781, and remained serving with Greene until after Eutaw Springs, at which time he went to Virginia to be present at the siege of Yorktown, and was possibly present at the fighting on Gloucester Point. By November, he returned to Greene’s army, but in February 1782 he left for Virginia where he remained till after the war ended. Though ambitious for glory, sometimes brash, and not always easy for some to get along with, Lee was the American response to Tarleton, ever active and aggressive. Yet in fairness to Lee, his daring capture of Paulus Hook in August 1779 took place almost a year prior to Tarleton’s famous southern exploits. His Legion instilled a pride to American arms, which won the respect of friend and foe alike. Though criticized for his performance at Guilford Court House and Eutaw Springs, as well as the fact that he was probably too cavalier in risking the lives of militia in order to protect his own men, his omnipresence in the Guilford Court House campaigns, and his running successes while assisting at the reductions of Fort Watson, Fort Motte, Fort Granby, and Augusta more than demonstrate his extraordinary effectiveness as a military leader. His history of the war in the south, though often unreliable in its details and perhaps too self-promoting, is an otherwise noble work, and among the very best of Revolutionary War memoirs.

Lieut. Col. David Vaughn, Delaware Regiment

Vaughn commanded the Delaware Regiment at Camden where he was taken prisoner.

Lieut. Col. William Washington, 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, and later the combined 1st and 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, also referred to as the “Virginia Cavalry”

A cousin of the General, after Tarleton, no other leader was present at more engagements in the south than Lieut. Col. Washington. He was present at the defense of Charleston in 1780. Fighting outside of the city, however, he was spared being made prisoner by the British. While absent at the battle of Camden, Washington actively served with the southern army up until the time of Eutaw Springs, where he was wounded and captured. He was not released till the war’s end, at which time he settled in South Carolina. As well as being a highly successful cavalry and partisan officer, Washington was (unlike Lee) evidently an affable individual, as one never encounters a bad word spoken of him.

Lieut. Col. Anthony White, 1st Continental Light Dragoons

White led cavalry at the minor victories at Rantowle’s Bridge and Wambaw’s Plantation, while being also among the American leaders defeated at Monck’s Corner and Lenud’s Ferry in the spring of 1780. His and William Washington’s units were not at Camden apparently because, at that time, they were seen as being too great a burden to Gates’ already suffering supply situation. White was with Greene’s army for brief while, but because of lack of horsemen and proper clothing and equipment, he returned to Virginia, to recruit and obtain supplies, and there remained.

Lieut. Col. Thomas Woolford, 4th Maryland Regiment

In mid August 1780, Woolford was sent with a detachment of Maryland Continentals to assist Sumter in the latter’s successful raid on the Wateree Ferry below Camden. Because Otho Williams speaks of him as leading the Continental detachment that reinforced Sumter, it is believed he was wounded and taken prisoner at Sumter’s defeat at Fishing Creek just a few days later. On the other hand, Woolford is often listed as being one of those wounded and taken prisoner at Camden, so that he might not, after all, have been with the detachment, at least not at the time of Fishing Creek.

Maj. Archibald Anderson, 3rd Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Anderson fought at Camden, and distinguished himself by keeping himself and his men collected in the post battle withdrawal. Though not at Cowpens, he was at Guilford Court House, where he was killed.

Maj. John Armstrong, 1st and shortly afterward, 2nd North Carolina Regiment (of 1781)

Originally part of Ashe’s 1st North Carolina Continental Regiment (of 1781), Armstrong was placed in charge of the newly formed 2nd North Carolina within the month prior to Eutaw Springs.

Maj. Reading Blount, 3rd North Carolina Regiment (of 1781)

Blount commanded the 3rd North Carolina Regiment at Eutaw Springs.

Maj. Pinkertham Eaton, Light detachment of the North Carolina Continentals

Greene first appointed Eaton to command at Hillsborough, N.C. on January 31, 1781, to replace Gunby who was needed in Greene's camp, and who had been commanding there. Gunby, however, ended up remaining in Hillsborough. Eaton later commanded the very first detachment of Sumner’s newly formed North Carolina Continentals sent to Greene, serving at Fort Motte, and the siege of Augusta. He was killed on 21 May 1781 during (possibly after) the fighting at Fort Grierson, one of the two posts at Augusta.

Major Henry Hardman, 3rd Maryland Regiment, and 2nd Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Hardman saw action at Camden, Guilford Court House, Hobkirk’s Hill, Ninety-Six and Eutaw Springs. He assumed command of the 2nd Maryland Regiment on the death of Col. Ford after Hobkirk’s Hill.

Maj. John Jameson, 1st Continental Light Dragoons

Jameson was at Rantowle’s Bridge, and Monck’s Corner in the spring of 1780. He afterwards joined Sheldon’s 2nd Continental Dragoons in Westchester, New York, and played a part in the events immediately preceding the discovery of Arnold’s treason.   

Major John Rudulph (also Rudolph), Lee’s Legion Cavalry

Rudulph, brother of Michael, was one of Lee’s regularly active cavalry officers. He was sent to Virginia in August 1781 to get horses for the Legion, but was unsuccessful because the horses collected ended up being used at Yorktown. He had become a major by late September 1781.

Maj. Chevalier Pierre-François Vernier, Pulaski's Legion

A French volunteer, Vernier was one of those badly cut up by the British Legion at Monck's Corner on 14 May 1780. The gratuitous brutality of some of the British cavalry “provoked [Maj. Patrick] Ferguson to such wrath,” says Fortescue, “that he was hardly restrained from shooting some of Tarleton’s dragoons on the spot.” Vernier, shortly after, died from his wounds.

Capt. Armstrong, Lee's Legion Cavalry

The name of Capt. Armstrong, as a dutiful and intrepid officer, comes up regularly in Lee’s Memoirs, yet it is not clear exactly what his name was, or if, as with the brothers Rudulph of Lee’s Legion, there were two Armstrongs with the Legion. Lossing speaks of him as “Captain Mark Armstrong,” even providing a reproduction of his signature. More commonly, and in Heitman’s Register, he is given as “James.” The editors to the Greene Papers, on the other hand, make reference to a Capt. John and a Capt. Joseph Armstrong of Lee’s Legion. Having fought in many actions in 1781, Armstrong was ultimately captured at Dorchester on 13 December of that year, and was held captive till the end of the war. Perhaps Armstrong’s most famous moment was at Quinby Bridge. There he sent a messenger back to Lee, a mile or two behind, to ask if he should continue with the attack, without telling Lee, however, that most of the planks had been loosened on the bridge. Lee replied back, correspondingly, with an emphatic yes. After receiving it, Armstrong, with his small troop, charged over the precarious and flimsy bridge span, and for a while, with additional help from the legion and Marion’s men, scattered the majority of a regiment.

Capt. Patrick Carnes (also Carns), Lee's Legion Infantry

Capt. Joseph Eggleston, Lee's Legion cavalry

In Joseph Graham’s account of Pyle’s Massacre, it was Eggleston who set the slaughter going when he delivered the first blow against an unsuspecting loyalist. Elsewhere, he made a name for himself in early July 1781, by laying a successful ambush later referred to as “Eggleston’s capture,” which, although only a skirmish, Tarleton felt necessary to mention.

Capt. Thomas Edmunds, 1st Virginia Regiment (of 1781)

Edmunds was given command of the 1st Virginia Regiment on 19 July 1781, when Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell left that spot to take command of the Virginia battalion. Edmunds was wounded at Eutaw Springs.

Capt. Griffin Faunt le Roy (also Fauntleroy), 1st Continental Light Dragoons

Faunt Le Roy commanded the 1st Continental Light Dragoons when Col. Anthony White was ill in late 1780, and, says Babits, served at Cowpens. He remained with Greene when many of the 1st Dragoons returned to Virginia with White at the close of January 1781, continuing to serve with Washington’s cavalry.

Capt. Ebenezer Finley, 1st Continental Artillery

Finley first saw action with the Southern army at Guilford Court House. He was present with Lee at most of the latter’s sieges.

Capt. George Handy, Lee’s Legion Infantry

In his Memoirs, Lee singles out Capt. Handy’s performance at Augusta for special praise. The passage seems to suggest that Handy was of the Maryland line, when in fact he was with Lee’s Legion, though it is true, he also happened to be a citizen of Maryland.

Capt. Robert Kirkwood, Delaware Regiment

Kirkwood was with the southern army from Camden till 1 January 1782, when he was furloughed and returned home to Delaware. Truly one of the Continental Army’s very best company commanders, he was an unpretentious man. At the same time, he and his company of Delawares were distinguished as elite.

Capt. Pierre Charles L'Enfant, engineer

L’Enfant, a French volunteer who would later play a leading role in the architectural formation of Washington, D.C., served at the siege of Charleston, though at the time was suffering from poor health. He was taken prisoner, and was not set free until January 1782, when Rochambeau arranged for his exchange. In May of that year he was promoted to Brevet Major.

Capt. Edward Oldham, 5th Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Oldham was at Camden, served at Guilford Court House, and commanded a company detachment of Maryland light infantry that assisted Lee at Pyle's ambush, and the sieges of Ft. Watson, Ft. Motte and Ft. Granby. Lee writes "To the name of Captain Oldham, too much praise cannot be given. He was engaged in almost every action in the South, and was uniformly distinguished for gallantry and good conduct. With the exception of Kirkwood of Delaware, and Rudolph [Michael Rudulph] of the Legion infantry, he was probably entitled to more credit than any officer of his rank in Greene's army."

Capt. Michael Rudulph (also Rudolph), Lee’s Legion Infantry

See Lee’s quote contained in the entry for Capt. Edward Oldham.

Capt. Anthony Singleton, 1st Continental Artillery

Singleton officered the guns of the southern army at Camden, Guilford, Hobkirk’s Hill, and was part of the Dog Day’s Expedition.

Capt. John Smith, 3rd Maryland Regiment, and 1st Maryland Regiment (of 1781)

Smith, referred to by Greene in one letter as “Jack,” served at Camden, Guilford Court House (where he was wounded), Hobkirk's Hill, and Eutaw Springs. At Camden, Smith was wounded and taken prisoner. He was back with the army soon after, but whether through escape or exchange is not clear: the idea that he might have been one of those Marion liberated at Great Savannah stands as an intriguing possibility. He acquired some notoriety for slaying Lieut. Col. Stuart of the Guards at Guilford in sword-to-sword combat, though some of the British accused him of murdering Stuart after having taken him prisoner. The truth is Smith dealt the death-blow when Stuart had lost his footing, but would have had no time to have taken him prisoner. Capt. Smith’s survey of the Dan River was crucial in the saving of Greene’s army during the crossing of that river in February 1781. However, there was evidently a second Capt. John Smith of the 6th Maryland Regiment, and it may have been he, not “Jack,” who did the survey. If so then “Jack” Smith may have been at Cowpens. At Hobkirk’s Hill, as at Guilford Court House, he and his men fought like “bulldogs” (one eyewitness description.) In attempting to rescue the artillery, all of his men were killed, though the guns were finally saved. Suffering a contusion, Smith was taken prisoner, but was left in Camden on parole when Rawdon evacuated the town (May 10th.) He shortly afterward (on May 21st) went voluntarily to Charleston as a prisoner in order to be exchanged. Johnson tells the story of how on his subsequent return from Charleston, Smith was waylaid by a band of tories, masquerading as whigs, who gave him a good flogging. Though not much formally educated, Smith appears to have been an intelligent, as well as a brave and colorful individual.

Capt. Robert Smith, 1st North Carolina Regiment

Smith, formerly of the 4th North Carolina Regiment, took command of the North Carolina light infantry detachment at Augusta from Maj. Pinkertham Eaton, who was killed following the assault on Fort Grierson in May 1781.

Capt. Smith Snead, 2nd Virginia Regiment

On 19 June 1781, Smith took command of the 2nd Virginia Regiment, when Lieut. Col. Hawes was so ill as to be unable to continue in that position.

Brig. Gen. Robert Lawson, from Prince Edward County

Lawson led the Virginia militia at Guilford Court House, Lafayette’s Virginia Campaign and Yorktown. While not thought of as one of the military “greats,” Lawson was a loyal, dedicated and hard working officer.

Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens, from Culpepper County

Stevens commanded the Virginia militia at Camden and Guilford Court House. At the latter battle, he was wounded in the thigh, and forced to return to his home state. He was one of the Virginia state officials and officers who avoided being captured by Tarleton at Charlottesville in June 1781. After that, Stevens led a militia brigade in Lafayette’s Virginia campaign and Yorktown. Like Lawson, Stevens was tireless in raising men and working to assist Greene’s army, but in addition was an effective field commander and inspirer of men. At Guilford Court House, it was his troops, along with the 1st Maryland Regiment, and Washington’s cavalry, who received more praise than any other American unit. When the North Carolina militia at that battle came routing through his line, Stevens, in order to avert panic among his own men, told them to make a path for the North Carolinians, since their retreat had been arranged in advance. In fact, no such thing had been planned. This event was followed by Stevens’ homespun rifle and musket men (most without bayonets) withstanding manfully the advance of the British Guards.

Brig. Gen. William Campbell, from Washington County, also known as the North Holston settlement

Campbell received his commission as Colonel in April 1780, and in the summer of that year was occupied with putting down the numerous loyalists in southwest Virginia. At least nominally, he went on to lead the army that defeated Ferguson at King’s Mountain. In February 1781, he joined Greene with a corps of Virginia riflemen. Campbell succeeded Pickens as head of the militia force which assisted Williams and Lee’s light detachments, fighting at Weitzell’s Mill, the Road from New Garden Meeting House, and Guilford Court House. A few days after Guilford, he resigned his commission in disgust over Lee’s carelessly exposing Campbell’s troops to harm in the latter phase of that battle. Returning to Virginia, it was not long before his services were soon much wanted. Campbell was promoted to Brigadier, and in June led a corps of 600 south and southwest county riflemen to reinforce Lafayette. This force later grew to 780 men. Tragically, however, he came down with a chest ailment, which he died of while at Rocky Hills, in Hanover County. This Brigadier of the Virginia riflemen was only 36 years old.

Col. Charles Lynch, from Bedford County

Along with William Campbell, Lynch spent much of his time in 1780 fighting the loyalists, tories, and Indians of southwest Virginia. The term “Lynch Law” comes from his reputation for dispensing of judicial niceties when dealing with his foes. However, in Lynch’s case, whatever the actual basis of the charge, it must be borne in mind that his actions were not racially motivated, and that he was operating in a wartime circumstance. He commanded a corps of Virginia and North Carolina riflemen at Guilford Court House. After that, he seems to have remained in his own area suppressing the loyalist or assisting against the Cherokees.

Col. William Preston, from Montgomery County

Originally, Preston was Campbell’s superior and in the late summer of 1780, sent orders to the latter to attack the loyalists who were threatening the Chiswell lead mines. There were not a few loyalists in Preston’s own Montgomery County, so that he sometimes had to go to go to neighboring counties to raise men or obtain military assistance. Preston played a major role in the collecting of Virginia men who served at King’s mountain -- though he himself could not be present due to illness in his family at that time. In the Guilford Court House campaign, Preston joined Pickens’ and Lee’s forces with a corps of riflemen about the time of Pyle’s defeat, and fought alongside those detachments at Weitzell’s mill. However, despite his requests that they remain, most of his men went home after Weitzell’s. Possibly he and few of his men might have been at Guilford. If so, they would have been only a handful. Preston subsequently acted as one of the negotiators with the Cherokees, and on July 20th 1781 the Virginia Council appointed him as one of the commissioners of the western counties assigned the task of settling the disbursement of public monies and other concerns relating to a peace treaty with the Indians. Preston, however, fell ill, and was forced to resign. Preston’s biographer, Patricia Givens Johnson, describes him as inclined to corpulency, fair-haired, ruddy and with hazel eyes. Contrary perhaps to what one might have expected, Preston was, for his area at least, a refined and well-educated person with a taste for literature, and, among his other talents, wrote poetry.

Lieut. Col. Charles Porterfield, Virginia State Troops

Porterfield, from Frederick County VA., commanded the Virginia State Troops, which acted at light infantry in the battle of Camden. His was one of the few American units to have come out of that action with any credit, and Porterfield himself was mortally wounded. For ten days he went without medical attention, when he was then taken to Camden and his left leg amputated. While there, Porterfield was treated kindly and generously (as their own circumstances allowed) by Cornwallis and Rawdon. Following this he was paroled, but not long after succumbed to the effects of his wound.

Major Alexander Rose, from Bedford County

Though usually understood to be militia, Rose’s detachment of 100 “picked” riflemen that served with the southern army from October 1780 to July 1781, should probably be considered state troops. They seem to have typically acted as a skirmishing or else guard detachment.

Maj. Thomas Rowland, from Botetourt County

Commanded a group of Botetourt County riflemen that served under Preston in the Guilford Court House campaign. Rockbridge County historian, Odell McGuire, believes Rowland and some of his remaining men may have been with Lee at Guilford Court House, including the New Garden Meeting House fighting just prior to it.

Major. Francis Triplett, from Fauquier County

Triplett commanded the Virginia militia at Cowpens. He and his men returned home not long afterward.

Captain James Tate, from Augusta County

Tate led a company of Virginia militia at Cowpens. Although like Triplett, he returned home after that action, Tate and his men were able to rejoin Greene’s army on March 7th, the day after Weitzell’s Mill, when they were attached to William Campbell’s militia corps. Tate had his thigh broken in the fighting on the New Garden Road preceding Guilford.

Note. Next to the name of each leader is the County he represented. The County referred to is usually that which existed at the time 1780-1781, though the particular locale where the leader actually came from may, since then, have been formed into a new County. In other instances the later or most recent County name for the area of residence is given. Tryon County, named after North Carolina Royal Governor William Tryon, was abolished by the state in 1779, and out of it was formed Rutherford (the western half) and Lincoln (the eastern half) counties. Nevertheless, new, as well as old, histories will sometimes still refer to Tryon County with respect to events of this period.

Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell, from Lenoir County

Caswell, who had earlier been the governor of the state, was the head of the North Carolina militia, up until the time just after Camden, when the North Carolina government appointed Brig. Gen. William Smallwood to replace him. Being deprived of his command, Caswell resigned his commission. By January 1781, however, he returned to take part in re-establishing the militia forces in the state, and became commandant of the militia in the eastern part of the state. He was ill for a time, thus missing Guilford Court House, and subsequently acted more as a military administrator, for which he was better suited, rather than a field commander.

Brig. Gen. John Butler, from Orange County

Butler commanded brigades at both Camden and Guilford Court House, and in both instances, most of his men fled in the face of the British. To what extent these occurrences were a comment on his military abilities is not easy to say. Like Robert Lawson of Virginia he was a committed and hardworking soldier, if not a stirring leader. Butler had more success in late 1781 when fighting the loyalists in the eastern part of the state. He lost narrowly at the long drawn out battle of Lindley’s Mills on 12 September 1781. Yet like Greene, his defeat became a victory when, just afterward, he drove Fanning and the loyalists back into Wilmington.

Brig. Gen. William Caswell, from Lenoir County

Son of Richard Caswell, and a former Continental Army captain, in late April 1780, William commanded 400 North Carolina militia posted north of the Santee at Lenud’s Ferry on the Santee. He later removed them to Cross Creek when word came in of Charleston's capitulation. His rank was evidently a result of his family ties, an inference no doubt shared by many of his contemporaries, and William Caswell’s name does not come further in any of the regular histories of the war. However, on the other hand, we should not assume from this that he was without ability. When Greene passed through North Carolina in August 1783 on his way north to Rhode Island, William Caswell was one of the North Carolina leaders he visited.

Brig. Gen. William Lee Davidson, from Rowan County

Along with Griffith Rutherford, Davidson was no doubt the best of the higher-ranking North Carolina militia leaders. He first acquired fame as a colonel, defeating the loyalists at Colson’s Mill in July 1780. Earlier, Davidson had missed being taken at Charleston because he was on leave with his family at the time of that city’s fall. Then the wound he received at Colson’s Mill laid him up for eight weeks, thus keeping him from being at Camden. After Griffith Rutherford was captured at the latter engagement, Davidson was appointed head of the militia in western North Carolina, and later replaced Smallwood as commander of the entire North Carolina militia when the latter left to go home to Maryland. For a time Davidson acted in cooperation with Morgan facing the British on the South Carolina-North Carolina border, bringing Morgan some crucial reinforcements prior to Cowpens. Later, Davidson lost his life at Cowan’s Ford, in the effort to prevent Cornwallis’ crossing of the Catawba River. Although his North Carolina militia were defeated, the British may have had as many as 100 casualties thanks to their efforts, having done this without any assistance from the Continentals.

Brig. Gen. Thomas Eaton, from Bute County

Eaton commanded one of the two brigades of North Carolina militia at Guilford Court House. He had succeeded Brig. Gen. Allen Jones when the latter became ill a week or so before that battle.

Brig. General Isaac Gregory, from Edenton County

Gregory commanded one of the North Carolina militia brigades at Camden, where he himself was wounded and taken prisoner. Of the brigades present in that battle, the men in his, including Col Henry Dixon’s regiment, put up the best fight of any of the militia. By no later than June 1781, Gregory was exchanged and commanded a force of militia in the northeastern portion of the state. In early July, he was surprised and routed near the Great Dismal Swamp by a detachment from Cornwallis’ army. He, however, suffered very few losses in the action, and was able to resume his position guarding the entry into North Carolina immediately after the British left.

Brig. Gen. William Harrington, from Cumberland County

Beginning at the time just prior to Camden, Harrington led a command primarily in upper Pee Dee and Cheraw areas combating the loyalists. His headquarters were chiefly at Cross Creek, though before that he was at Haley's Ferry near Cheraw. Harrington continued to lead effectively in this general area, and, for a brief period acted as Marion’s superior. In about mid-December 1780, he removed north to Grassy Creek on the Roanoke River, after which time his name does not appear to arise.

Brig. Gen. Allen Jones, from Halifax County

In early 1781, Jones was placed in charge of one of the North Carolina militia brigades in preference to Sumner. In February, Jones marched with Butler to reinforce Greene prior to Guilford. However, soon falling ill, he was unable to continue in his command, and was replaced by Thomas Eaton. By May, Jones had returned to command in the northeastern part of the state, at which time he acted in cooperation with Sumner in hindering or otherwise keeping watch on Cornwallis’ movements. In the summer, Jones went to Virginia to obtain arms for Sumner’s North Carolina Continentals only to find there were none then available. In the course of the war, Jones was active in both civil and military matters.

Brig. Gen. Alexander Lillington, from Brunswick County

In January 1781, Lillington was occupied with suppressing the loyalists in the Drowning Creek area. Yet when the British occupied Wilmington later in the month, he took up a position to the northwest, acting to keep Maj. Craig and his force contained there. On March 9th, Lillington’s men fought Craig’s at Heron’s Bridge just a few miles north of Wilmington of that city in what apparently amounted to a draw. Thereafter he occupied Cross Creek and for the most part managed to keep Craig in check. When Cornwallis retreated to Cross Creek after Guilford Court House, Greene directed Lillington to keep his distance from the British, particularly Tarleton, which Lillington managed safely to do. After Cornwallis moved into Virginia, Lillington resumed his post above Wilmington, though was not apparently involved in further fighting.

Brig. Gen. Griffith Rutherford, from Rowan County

It was Rutherford who called out the men and officers who won the victory at Ramsour’s Mill, and it was from his force that Davidson was detached to defeat the loyalists at Colson’s Mill. He commanded one of the North Carolina brigades at Camden, at which he was badly wounded and captured. Rutherford was sent to St. Augustine to be confined, but on 22 June 1781 was exchanged. When he returned to the field he took charge of the Salisbury militia, in place of Col. Locke, and, along with Butler, went on to carry out a successful offensive against Fanning and the loyalists northwest of Wilmington until the British finally evacuated that town in December.

Col. Thomas Brown, from Bladen County

Brown led a force of local militia in a series of skirmishes against Capt. Jesse Barfield’s loyalists in the Little Pee Dee region in October and November 1780.

Col. Benjamin Cleveland, from Wilkes County

As Campbell and Preston in much of 1780 were busy regularly putting down the “tories” and loyalists in southwest Virginia, Cleveland was doing the same in northwest North Carolina. He played a conspicuous part in the victory at King’s Mountain, and an even greater one in bringing about the hanging of the loyalist leaders at Biggerstaff’s afterward. We see in Cleveland some of the same tendency to use “Lynch Laws,” probably more than Charles Lynch did just to the north of him. With much horse stealing, looting, and kidnapping going on, the areas the two men covered seem to have had their fair share of the devil. In the early part of 1781, Cleveland raised a force of 100 militia, and served with Pickens’ light corps, returning home prior to Guilford Court House. In April, Cleveland was kidnapped and involved in two of the stranger episodes of the war in the south, Wolf’s Den and Riddle’s Camp. Much of the subsequent summer, Cleveland his men were occupied policing or chasing tories below the mountains. In the fall, they served a three-month tour of duty under Brig. Gen. Rutherford in southeastern North Carolina. Cleveland had the somewhat unusual distinction of weighing some 300 pounds.

Col. William Richardson Davie, from Mecklenburg County

Davie was raised in the Waxhaws settlement of South Carolina, but his militia ties were more with North Carolina people of Mecklenburg, since it was from that district that he received most of his command. In the summer of 1780, Maj. Davie was in the field with a partisan corps carrying out raids weeks prior to Sumter’s being active, and months in the case of Marion. He worked with Sumter at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock, and showed himself to be a very capable combat leader. In many ways he resembles Lee, being (at least in his education and social standing) something of an aristocrat, republican and partisan -- all at the same time. During the retreat from Camden, his was about the only American unit still fully intact, and by informing Sumter of what had happened at Camden at least made it possible for the latter to escape. Perhaps the high point of Davie’s military career was at Wahab’s Plantation and in the defense of Charlotte in which Cornwallis’ army was embarrassed by the audacity and tactical ingenuity of a small force of North Carolina militia. At the time Morgan was operating with his corps of light troops in late December 1780, Davie was making plans to form a legion of North Carolina men to join him with. However, Greene asked him instead to become the commissary general for North Carolina, arguing that he would be much more useful to the army in that role. Davie reluctantly agreed, but only on the condition that he could leave that position as soon as his services were no longer necessary. Appointed to the position on January 16th 1781 by the state of North Carolina, he acted in that capacity till about the time of the siege of Ninety-Six. After that he does not seem to have been directly engaged in military service, but instead became involved in North Carolina politics, ultimately settling in Halifax. Well educated and licensed to practice law, Davie was one of the founders of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill.

Col. Henry Dixon, from Caswell County

Dixon was a Lieut. Col. in the North Carolina line and commanded a militia regiment at Camden. While all the rest of the Virginia and North Carolina fled in that battle, Dixon’s men, whom he had trained closely, put up a fight as noble in its way as that of the Continentals. At one point in the action his regiment charged the British regulars at the point of the bayonet and drove them back. Later, Dixon and his men served for a period with Pickens light troops in the Guilford Court House campaign, and after that at Weitzell’s Mill and Guilford Court House itself. When Greene wanted Thomas Polk to command the Salisbury militia, the state of North Carolina, to Greene’s chagrin, appointed Dixon instead. Dixon, however, declined the post as being too far from his own residence. The position ultimately went to Col. Francis Lock. By 1782, Dixon was back serving with the 2nd North Carolina Regiment, and on 17 July was mortally wounded in fighting near Round O in Colleton County, S.C. Said Guilford Dudley: “Col. Henry Dixon of Caswell County, whom I well knew and who was…a regular officer of the North Carolina line, had the command of a regiment of Caswell's militia and who by his skill in military discipline and tactics had trained his troops to stand and do their duty in battle with great firmness and order.”

Col. Thomas Farmer, from Orange County

Farmer served at Camden, and later led a force of 310 (mostly) Orange County militia, which reinforced Davidson just before Cowen’s Ford. It’s very likely he served in the Guilford Court House campaign, including the battle itself. Farmer commanded a militia regiment at Eutaw Springs under Col. Francis Malmady, though his men reportedly performed with less than great distinction.

Col. William Graham, from Lincoln (now Cleveland) County

Graham served with Rutherford’s army on its way to Ramsour’s Mill, and fought at Thicketty Fort and Second Cedar Spring. Then sometime in probably late September 1780, he, along with three others, defeated a band of 23 tories who were attacking his home, which afterward became known as "Graham's Fort." Graham led a detachment of Lincoln men on their way to King’s Mountain. However, on the very morning of the battle he received word his wife was very ill, and so was forced to return home. His command then was given to Lieut. Col. Frederick Hambright. Graham does not appear to have been directly related to Joseph Graham.

Col. Robert Irwin (also Irvin, Irvine), from Mecklenburg County

Irvin, a justice of the peace, commanded a relatively large proportion of the troops at Sumter’s battles of Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock. A veteran of Irwin’s corps referred to it as the “Riflemen Rangers.” One source states that Irwin later was involved in fighting against the Cherokees, and afterward served twelve years in the North Carolina assembly, and twenty years as an elder in the Steele Creek Presbyterian Church.

Col. Francis Lock (also Locke), from Rowan County

Lock commanded the whig forces at Ramsour's mill, and later served under Pickens in the Guilford Court House campaign. In the spring of 1781, he was made head of the Salisbury militia despite Greene’s desire that the job go to Col. Thomas Polk. Greene’s disappointment was apparently well founded as he soon found Lock lackadaisical and difficult to work with. Lock’s less than energetic cooperation with Greene may have stemmed from Greene’s occasionally expressed contempt for the North Carolina militia, or at least such might explain Lock’s indifference to Greene’s concerns. In late summer of 1781, Lock was succeeded by General Rutherford.

Col. Francois Lellorquis Marquis de Malmady (also Malmedy, Malmèdy)

Malmady was colonel in the Continental service, but who became actively involved with the North Carolina militia. He was probably at the battle of Camden, for he went to Philadelphia afterward, and was one of those who asked for the recall of Gates. According to the pension statement of Edward Dorton (or Darten) of Washington County, VA., Malmady was also present at King’s Mountain. Malmady was seen with a corps of light horse and mounted militia in the Guilford Courthouse campaign, and successfully ambushed some of Cornwallis’ jägers during the latter’s retreat to Ramsey’s Mill. During the summer of 1781, he spent much of his time trying to raise and arm a new command, after the term of enlistment for his previous one had expired. He subsequently led the North Carolina militia at Eutaw Springs. The Marquis was rather presumptuous at times, and a bit high strung. Rankin is inclined to characterize him as a nuisance. Yet on more than one occasion he showed himself an able and useful leader.

Col. Joseph McDowell, Jr. (“Quaker Meadows Joe”), from Burke County

McDowell was part of Rutherford’s command at the time of Ramsour’s Mill, and fought at Second Cedar Spring, Musgrove’s Mill, King’s Mountain, and Cowpens, playing important roles in the latter two engagements. Draper states that he served a tour in the spring of 1781 (against Cornwallis) and also in August of that year, but gives no details. It is then something of a mystery what exactly he was doing during this time, but it is a safe bet that he was serving alongside (or near) Cleveland both in the Guilford campaign, and in keeping down the tories in northwest North Carolina. That McDowell was very capable combat leader his military record gives ample testimony.

Col. Charles McDowell, from Burke County

The older brother of “Quaker Meadows Joe,” Charles acted a major part in being the rallying point for North Carolina men, and Georgia and South Carolina in the earliest fighting against the British after the fall of Charleston. He was not, however, a strong military leader which ironically may have worked to the Americans advantage. His repulse at Cane Creek in September 1780 may have led Ferguson into thinking the whig militia had little fighting left in them, thus encouraging him to take unnecessary risks. When the King’s Mountain leaders voted who would lead them, William Campbell was chosen rather than McDowell, who was seen as a not sufficiently energetic commander. McDowell then was given the task of going to Gates to secure a Continental army appointment for command of the King’s Mountain army as the leaders among themselves had agreed. Consequently. McDowell was not at that decisive battle which he, as much as anyone else, helped to bring about.

Col. Thomas Polk, from Rowan County

Polk was a wealthy and eminent citizen of Rowan County, and one of the early leaders in the cause for Independence. He acted as commissary in Salisbury for both Gates and Greene. In the spring of 1781, Greene worked to have Polk made head of the Salisbury militia, but Col. Francis Lock was appointed instead. He was uncle to President James Polk.

Col. William Polk, from Rowan County, South Carolina State Troops

William Polk, son of Thomas, and was with Davie at Flat Rock and Beaver Creek in July 1780. He later commanded one of Sumter's regiments of “10 months men,” and served at Eutaw Springs as an officer in the South Carolina State Troops.

Col. James Read (also Reade)

Read was a captain in the Continental army, who, acted at Colonel in the N.C. militia. He was present at Guilford Court House and Hobkirk's Hill. He later became chief military advisor to Governor Thomas Burke and was captured along with the Governor by Fanning in September 1781. Fellow colonel Guilford Dudley spoke of Read as a dutiful and reliable officer.

Col. Thomas Robeson, from Bladen County

Robeson scored a surprising victory against the loyalists at Elizabethtown in August 1781. He served as part of Rutherford’s command in the campaign against the loyalist of Drowning Creek, and won again at Raft Swamp in October.

Col. Thomas Wade, from Anson County

In late December 1780, Wade became contractor for South Carolina and Greene’s commissary officer for the area north of the Pee Dee near Cheraw. Reading his correspondence with Greene, Wade comes across as something of a character, who knew well how to work with people. Although a supply officer, he had his share of fighting with both the British and the Cross Creek loyalists in his efforts to move supplies and protect his magazine.

Col. Joseph Williams, from Surry County

Williams served at King's Mountain and shared in defeating the tory leaders Col. Gideon Wright and Col. Hezekiah Wright at Shallow Ford in October 1780. He was also with Davidson’s militia at the time of Cowan’s Ford in February 1781, though not actually present at that engagement. Later in the same month, Greene appointed him one of the negotiators with the Cherokees.

Lieut. Col. Frederick Hambright, from Lincoln County

Hambright, on the morning of King’s Mountain, took command of the Lincoln county militia after Col. William Graham was forced to return home to attend to his wife, who was very sick.

Lieut. Col. Benjamin Herndon, from Wilkes County

Herndon was one of Cleveland’s officers and commanded a company of 60 men at King’s Mountain. He later led the attack against Riddle’s Camp in the spring of 1781. See 15 April 1781, Wolf’s Den.

Maj. William Chronicle, Lincoln County

When Col. William Graham had to leave the King’s Mountain army to be with his wife who was very ill, Draper, in his main narrative, says Chronicle was placed in charge of Graham’s men. However, later in his book he states it was Lieut. Col. Hambright, which would seem to be more correct. At the battle, Chronicle was among those slain.

Maj. Joseph Dickson, from Rowan County

Dickson was a member of the North Carolina assembly at the start of the war. By 1780 he fought under Colonel Joseph McDowell, Jr. at King’s Mountain, and in 1781 served under Pickens in the Guilford Court House campaign, being later promoted to colonel that same year. Joseph Graham, who was with him under Pickens, makes mention of Dickson a few times in his reminiscences.

Maj. Joseph Graham, from Rowan County

Capt. Graham, when not more than 22 years old, was with Davie in the defense of Charlotte in late September 1780, commanding a troop of mounted riflemen. He won honor for himself in that engagement, and received multiple wounds in the fighting, both by sabers and bullets. This laid him up in the hospital for two months. Graham later commanded a troop of dragoons during the Guilford Court House campaign, where he served under Pickens. He was present at Cowan’s Ford, Hart’s Mill, Pyle’s Massacre, Clapp’s Mill (Alamance) and Weitzell’s Mill. The term of service for his men lapsed a few days before Weitzell’s Mill, such that he was not at Guilford Court House. During the summer he resumed his military activities, and by September was promoted to Major. Lossing states that, in the autumn, in an effort to rescue Gov. Thomas Burke (who had been captured by David Fanning), Graham led a force of 136 dragoons and mounted men against 600 tories and at a location south of Cross Creek, defeating them. He fought in a few more actions, and retired from the service in November. Graham’s reminiscences, as related to Archibald Murphey, who was preparing a history of North Carolina during the war, are extremely informative. Although not in the battles himself, his accounts of Ramsour’s Mill and King’s Mountain are priceless, as are also his recounting of the events of the Guilford Court House campaign at which he was present. But for these writings, there would be huge gaps in our knowledge and understanding of the military conflict in the south.

Maj. Joseph Herndon, from Wilkes County

The brother of Benjamin, Joseph commanded the reserve of Campbell’s army, while the latter were fighting the loyalist at King's Mountain.

Major Joseph Winston, from Surry County

Winston fought at King’s Mountain and took part in the ongoing battle with the western loyalists in February 1781. At Guilford Court House, he led the North Carolina riflemen who served under Col. Charles Lynch.

Capt. Marquis de Bretigney

A French volunteer, Bretigney commanded a troop of light horse and mounted men before, at, and after Guilford Court House.

Capt. Joseph McDowell (“Pleasant Garden Joe”), from Burke County

This Joseph McDowell served under his cousin, ”Quaker Meadows Joe” (McDowell), at King’s Mountain.

These officers lived in what is now Tennessee, but what was then considered a part of North Carolina.

Col. Arthur Campbell, from Washington County, TN.

Cousin and brother-in-law of William Campbell, Arthur Campbell stayed to guard the frontier, while his county lieutenant, John Sevier, went with Shelby to fight at King’s Mountain. In late December 1780 he led an expedition against the Cherokees and their allies, while in 1781 was one of the negotiators in peace talks with them.

Col. John Sevier, from Washington County, TN.

Sevier lived in the Watauga-Nolachucky settlement, south of the Holston River. He acted as both a civil administrator and military leader for his district. His most famous military contribution to the war was at King’s Mountain where he led one of the main forces of over-mountain men. In addition, Sevier was involved in a number of battles with the Indians. In February 1781, Greene appointed him one of the representatives in peace negotiations with the Cherokees, while in the same month he was promoted to full colonel. Near the end of autumn, he arrived, along with Shelby, with reinforcements for Greene’s army, upon which he served for a period under Marion. Fittingly, after Shelby became the first Governor of Kentucky in 1792, Sevier, in 1796, became the same for Tennessee.

Col. Isaac Shelby, from Sullivan County, TN.

Shelby, who was from the Holston settlement, played a major part not only at King’s Mountain, but in the battles of Second Cedar Spring and Musgrove’s Mill leading up to it. One is struck how time and again to he took his men to assist others in need of help elsewhere. He is said to have fought at Briar Creek in faraway Georgia in late April of 1781. It is not clear if this is true, since he was supposedly occupied protecting the frontier against the Indians at that time. Yet even if not true, it is just the kind of thing one might expect he would do. This high sense of responsibility was matched by a high sense of honor. When Ferguson, with his threats and ultimatum, challenged the self-respect and integrity of the over-mountain people, there were some who thought it would be best to disperse and lie low. It was Shelby, however, that first unhesitatingly picked up the gauntlet, and set in motion the gathering of the King’s Mountain army.

South Carolina at that time did not have counties, but rather districts (or precincts), some of which, like Ninety-Six, covered fairly wide-ranging areas. The original South Carolina Districts were: Camden, Ninety-Six, Orangeburgh, Cheraws, Georgetown, Charleston, Beaufort, and Cherokee Indian lands in the far western corner of the state. Reference below is made to modern County names, however, in order to help better locate where an engagement took place, or where an individual had his residence.

Brig. Gen. Francis Marion, from Berkeley County

Originally a lieutenant colonel with the 2nd South Carolina Regiment, Marion was absent from Charleston when the city fell, due, reportedly, to his ankle being broken. He next appeared when the American army entered South Carolina in July, at which time he brought a small, rag-tag group of followers to General Gates and offered his services. Neither Gates nor Marion himself thought he and his men would be of much use with the main army, and they were directed to obstruct British communications and lines of retreat along the Santee. Shortly after his return to the Williamsburg area (located roughly north of the Santee and just east of the Pee Dee), Marion was chosen by the local officers to head of the militia, this on the basis of his previous military experience. From there he went on to become the partisan extraordinaire of the Revolution. Marion was a unique figure among the higher-ranking South Carolina leaders. He does not appear to have been especially well educated, yet he was intelligent and sensitive to principle. He seems to have desired fame, yet he was also a person of high moral character and ideals. Marion had insubordination problems on more than one occasion. True, it was difficult for any militia leader to keep men together for very long, but for Marion at times it seemed worse than for others. His refusal to go along with Sumter’s “Law” caused him to lose men, and it may have been the desire for discipline, and higher-than-usual standards among his men that caused many to sometimes shirk their duty when most needed. In addition, he had the unfortunate habit of wording his orders in an impersonal and peremptory manner. In these respects, Marion understandably alienated some. Yet in his adhering to doing things in what he thought was the right way, Marion showed himself to have been a true son of Gideon: better to fight with a dedicated few than an undependable many. The result of this attitude was brought out well at Parker’s Ferry in August 1781. Though let down by some of his officers there, it nevertheless turned out to be what was perhaps his greatest victory. Marion faced many problems leading his men and carrying on the fight, but in staying the course, by sticking to his principles, he was ultimately successful like few others.

Brig. Gen. Andrew Pickens, from Edgefield County

Pickens had been active in fighting the British in Georgia in 1779, but when Clinton conquered the state in the spring of 1780, Pickens submitted to Royal amnesty and protection. While this decision might be seen as reflecting badly on him, in his defense it might be pointed out that the area in which he lived was heavily loyalist, and he had a home and family to look out for. Indeed it was finally because the British failed to protect his home from some tories that in December he concluded that he was not bound by his pledge. Shortly thereafter, Pickens joined up with Clark’s, McCall’s and Hammond’s men and was in the field soon enough to take charge of the South Carolina militia at Cowpens. Yet his most extraordinary command was when he led the North Carolina militia in the Guilford Court House campaign. It was there he got to know Henry Lee, with whom he later besieged Augusta. That the North Carolina men willing accepted a South Carolina officer as their head, while in their home state no less, speaks to both the credibility and authoritativeness of his character. His military ability is difficult to assess because Pickens really did not achieve dramatic success as an independent commander. Yet in the vacuum left by the expulsion of the loyalists from Ninety-Six in the summer of 1781, he played a crucial role in helping to restore law and order to that area. Later, at Eutaw Springs, leading what were mostly Sumter’s men, Pickens once more, as at Cowpens, showed himself a trustworthy officer on the battlefield.

Brig. Gen. Thomas Sumter (also Sumpter), from Clarendon County

Although Sumter had been an officer in the 6th South Carolina Regiment, he was not serving at the time of the siege of Charleston. He only became active after the city’s fall and yet the British lost no time in attempting to round him up. It would have been well for them if they had succeeded because for a time Sumter was South Carolina. He was the one leader, working in cooperation with the Georgians and North Carolinians, who was able to bring together fairly large bodies of militia and take on the regulars. While it is true that much of the credit for the successes he knew goes to many of his subordinates, it was Sumter who united them. As well as being a good politician, Sumter had a sharp sense for strategy. He knew the country and he knew the people. Like Morgan he was a high-ranking officer whom the common soldier could relate to. Yet unlike Morgan, he had a hard time obtaining the respect of other high-ranking officers. Nor, to say the least, did he always act wisely. His refusal to assist Morgan seems petty and ludicrous to us. His February 1781 “Rounds,” taking place as they did amid the tense movements of Cornwallis and Greene before Guilford, have almost a comical quality to them. Greene and others blamed him for not being present at Hobkirk’s Hill, but the truth seems to be he was having a hard time arming and bringing together his command at that time, or at least, he could have used this as a legitimate excuse. Sumter incurred the scorn of many of both the Continental and militia officers after Shubrick’s Plantation. Yet his Dog Day’s plan was not such a failure as it has been made out to be. While granting he was reckless in exposing Taylor’s and Marion’s troops, it is hard to believe that Marion himself could not have withdrawn his own men after Taylor retired. Probably the key to understanding Sumter lies in the fact that when he did act ill advisedly, or showed poor judgment, it was more out of foolishness than bad character. For all his faults and foibles he, more than anyone else, kept the resistance alive in the state’s darkest days.

Brig. Gen. James Williams, from Laurens County

Williams led men at Musgrove's Mill, and was at King's Mountain where he was killed at 40 years of age. Williams was a potential rival to Sumter and much of what we know about him comes from William Hill. In late September 1780, Hill refused to take orders from Williams, after Williams had been commissioned a Brigadier General by Governor John Rutledge. In fairness then to Williams, the story of his being Sumter’s “commissary” at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock, and of his trying to abscond with Sumter’s supplies should not be taken too seriously, despite Draper’s giving Hill’s account full credit. From what we know about Williams elsewhere, he was a conscientious individual, admired by many, who prior to his death at King’s Mountain had fought alongside Elijah Clark, Samuel Hammond and Isaac Shelby. Thomas Young remembered, “On the top of the mountain, in the thickest of the fight, I saw Col. Williams fall, and a braver or a better man never died upon the field of battle. I had seen him once before that day; it was in the beginning of the action, as he charged by me full speed around the mountain; toward the summit a ball struck his horse under the jaw when he commenced stamping as if he were in a nest of yellow jackets. Col. W. threw the reins over the animal's neck -- sprang to the ground, and dashed onward. The moment I heard the cry that Col. Williams was shot, I ran to his assistance, for I loved him as a father, he had ever been so kind to me, and almost always carried carrying cake in his pocket for me and his little son Joseph. They carried him into a tent, and sprinkled some water in his face. He revived, and his first words were, ‘For God's sake boys, don't give up the hill!’ I remember it as well as if it had occurred yesterday. I left him in the arms of his son Daniel, and returned to the field to avenge his fall. Col. Williams died next day, and was buried not far from the field of his glory.”

Brig. Gen. Andrew Williamson, from Greenwood County

Williamson was head of the Ninety-Six militia at the time Charleston surrendered. Like many then (and shortly after), Williamson agreed to accept Royal protection, and, after taking a vote among his officers, had his men lay down their arms. While we might today look askance at such behavior, we must remember that Pickens and others accepted protection as well. What made Williamson unusual was that he removed to Charleston, and continued to outwardly maintain his status as a loyal subject of the crown. For this, he came to be seen by many as a traitor. When whig leader Col. Isaac Hayne temporarily captured Williamson near Charleston, in early July 1781, it was believed by some that Williamson would be hanged. As it turned out, in a turning of tables, Maj. Thomas Fraser’s South Carolina Royal dragoons came to his rescue. They made Hayne prisoner, and it was Hayne, afterward, who was hanged. Later in 1782, however, Williamson is believed to have secretly supplied important information to Col. John Laurens, so that by the end of the war Greene acted to have Williamson’s estate spared confiscation. As a result, Williamson ended the last years of his life a wealthy and prosperous man. Yet it is not hard to see that such would have been poor consolation to the odium he endured for having behaved so timidly in the time of crisis.

Col. Robert Anderson, from Abbeville County, Pickens’ brigade

Anderson was at the second siege of Augusta and Ninety-Six. Very likely he was also at Eutaw Springs.

Col. Thomas Brandon, from Union County

Brandon was among the first who took up arms against the British after the fall of Charleston. He served under Brig. Gen. James Williams at Musgrove’s Mill and King’s Mountain. He was also at Ramsour’s Mill, Blackstocks, Cowpens, and Ninety-Six. His name does not seem to come up further with respect to the fighting, though this probably due simply to gaps in the record. After the war, Brandon was made a Brigadier General of the militia. “He was a good soldier,” says Draper, “but, like [Benjamin] Cleveland, a bitter enemy of the Tories, who received little mercy at his hands.”

Col. William Brandon, from Union County, Sumter’s brigade

William Brandon appeared as one of Sumter’s militia commanders in June of 1781. His name does not arise in any of the known descriptions of battles and skirmishes, and is listed here merely to distinguish him from his brother, Thomas.

Col. William Bratton, from York County, Sumter’ brigade

Bratton was originally from Northern Ireland and moved with his family first to Pennsylvania, then Virginia, and finally, in 1774, to what is now York County. Along with Capt. John McClure, he brought about the very first act of rebel defiance following Charleston’s surrender, at Mobley’s Meeting House in late May 1780. He went on to become one of Sumter’s regimental commanders, fighting at Huck’s defeat (Williamson’s Plantation), Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, and Sumter’s “Rounds” (February 1781). It is also likely he participated in the Dog Days Expedition of July 1781.

Col. Hugh Ervin, probably from Marion County, Marion’s brigade

Ervin was made Marion's second in command in January 1781, and was in command of Snow’s Island at the time of Doyle’s raid in March.

Col. John Ervin, from Marion County, Marion’s brigade

Ervin commanded Marion’s Britton Neck Regiment.

Col. Henry Hampton, from Richland County, Sumter’s brigade

Along with Richard and Wade, Henry was one of the three Hampton brothers. He was present at the attack on the Wateree Ferry in August 1780, Fishing Creek, Blackstocks, and the Dog Days Expedition of July 1781. By the time of the last, his regiment was fully mounted and included some cavalry, as did those of his brothers.

Col. Richard Hampton, from Richland County, Sumter’s brigade

When Sumter formed his regiments in the spring of 1781, Richard Hampton, then a major, acted as second in command to Col. Charles Myddleton. In May and June 1781, he carried out a wide stretching series of raids, which took him to Dorchester, Monck’s Corner, the Ashley River, and Round O (in Colleton County.) Also in June, Hampton was with Myddleton at “Myddleton’s ambuscade.”

Col. Wade Hampton, from Richland County, Sumter’s brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Hampton submitted to Royal sovereignty in September 1780, and for a time sold supplies to the British from his store north of the Congaree near Friday’s Ferry. Yet coming to suspect his sincerity, in November they confiscated some goods from his stock. By February, Hampton was in contact with Sumter and was informing him of the strength of British forces in his area. When Sumter came that same month on his expedition to the posts along the Congaree and Santee, Hampton joined him and went on to became one of his most successful field officers of mounted troops. He fought at Friday’s Ferry and Orangeburg in May 1781, participated with Lee’s Legion in the scouting of Rawdon and the latter’s detachments after Ninety-Six. In the Dog Days Expedition of July, Hampton led stunning raids on Goose Creek and the Quarter House. At the time of Eutaw Springs, he was part of the State Troops under Henderson, and when Henderson was wounded there, Hampton assumed command of the cavalry. After the war, he became extremely rich through his plantation holdings and produce. His son, of the same name, was one of the great cavalry generals of the Civil War, serving under Henry Lee’s son, Robert Edward.

Col. William Harden, probably from Barnwell County

At one time a Captain of the South Carolina Artillery, Harden joined Marion’s band after the fall of Charleston. In early April 1781, Harden received a commission as colonel and authorization from Marion to operate with in independent partisan command in the region between Charleston, Augusta and Savannah. His force was made up largely of men from Barnwell County, and Georgia. Initially, his force was rather small, but over time it grew at one point to 200 men, though typically it was difficult for Harden to keep his men together on a regular basis. Nevertheless, Harden was very successful operating in the heart of what was then enemy country, and in a number of skirmishes achieved notable success. So much so that by mid-spring, Balfour complained that overland communications between Charleston to Savannah had become impossible. Unfortunately, Marion had cause to complain of Harden’s disobeying orders at Parker’s Ferry, and as result not participating in the fighting.

Yet exactly what caused this insubordination we can only speculate. It may have been something beyond Harden’s own control, as the discipline among his men was fairly loose.

Col. Isaac Hayne, from Colleton County

While Hayne’s much written about execution, in August 1781, was unnecessary and tragic, it was also counter-productive to British interests. The temporary intimidation they achieved hardly was worth the censure and criticism that was subsequently leveled at them. Further, Hayne, after all, made something of a fool of himself, when after capturing Williamson he was captured himself. Had Balfour and Rawdon used the incident as propaganda and mockery, they would have done far better than they did in making him a martyr.

Col. William Hill, from York County, Sumter's brigade

Hill was one of those who first gathered men to fight the British after the siege of Charleston. He became one of Sumter’s stalwart regimental commanders, and appeared at numerous actions, such as Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Fishing Creek, King’s Mountain, Fish Dam Ford, and Blackstocks. Even so, he does not seem to have been an officer of special merit when it came actual fighting. In his pension statement, Samuel Walker, from Chester County, S.C. stated: "We again took up the line of march--determined never to yield …[We then] marched to Col. Bratton's where in battle they killed a celebrated British Gen. named Hooke [Capt. Christian Huck]; from there to Blackstock where had fight with Col. Tarlatan [Tarleton] at which place Gen. Sumpter was wounded in the shoulder and had it not been for Col. Hill, we would have taken every person there. He behaved so cowardly that he had his side arms taken from him and a wooden stick placed in the scabbard.” After the war, Hill wrote reminiscences of his experiences, which if not always trustworthy, are still of value and interest.

Col. Hugh Horry, from Georgetown County, Marion’s brigade

The brother of Peter, Hugh Horry was originally a Major in the South Carolina line. He was perhaps Marion’s most liked and trusted officer, and was more frequently present with him then Peter was. In January of 1781, he became the commander of Marion’s infantry. Right after the battle at Parker’s Ferry, Marion jubilantly reported to Greene that Hugh, along with Col. John Ervin, “behaved Like the true Sons [of] Liberty.”

Col. Peter Horry, from Georgetown County, Marion’s brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Horry, a lieutenant colonel in the South Carolina line, led a troop of light horse during the siege of Charleston and was present at Rantowle’s Bridge, Monck’s Corner and Lenud’s Ferry. He later became head of Marion’s and fought with the Swamp Fox in numerous engagements, becoming one of his most able and trusted lieutenants. After Greene returned south in the spring of 1781, Horry was appointed to organize a corps of light dragoons for the South Carolina State Troops. In 1782, these were combined with Maham’s and the unit was put on the Continental establishment. Most of what we know about Marion and his operations comes from Horry, whether through the order book he kept, or as passed down to us through South Carolina historian William Dobein James. Boatner mistakenly states that he was at Eutaw Springs, when in fact Marion wrote him after the battle reporting what had happened.

Col. Abel Kolb, from Marlboro County

Kolb commanded a militia regiment in the upper region of Pee Dee, Long Bluff area of South Carolina, as early as August 1780. On April 28th, 1781, Kolb, known for his ruthlessness against the Tories, was captured at his home and murdered by 50 of them led by Joseph Jones. Afterward, Kolb's death appears to have incited the loyalists to activity. Though perhaps more famous for his death, Kolb was a usually reliable officer who often assisted Marion, and was successful at combating the loyalists in what was typically a volatile area.

Col. Edward Lacey, from Chester County, Sumter's Brigade

The son of a staunch loyalist, Lacey rose from Captain to Colonel in Sumter’s brigade, and became one of his most liked and respected officers. He commanded a main body in the defeat of Huck, and headed detachments at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Cary's Fort (Wateree Ferry), Fishing Creek, King’s Mountain, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, Sumter's "Rounds” (in February 1781), Orangeburg, Quinby Bridge, and Eutaw Springs. Says M.A. Moore who wrote a biographical sketch of him, Lacey had “an uncommonly handsome face, with fine address; he was a man of strong native intellect, fond of pleasure, entirely devoted to his friends; generous to a fault; ‘and every inch a soldier’… It is well known that many of the officers of Marion’s Brigade never presented their claims for military services against the State of South Carolina for they all knew the State was greatly embarrassed at the heels of the Revolution in paying the poor soldiers…The writer is informed by Mr. J. Augustus Black (who is the greatest antiquarian in the State), that Col. Edward Lacey has never presented an account of Revolutionary War services against the State, and, of course, has never received any remuneration.”

Col. Maurice Murfee (also Murphy), from Marion County

Murfee was one of those officers who operated in his own neighborhood near the Pee Dee Rivers, engaging in frequent small skirmishes with the local loyalists. From 1780 to late 1781, he was keeping tories like Ganey and Barfield busy, which consequently freed Marion to take care of more pressing matters elsewhere in the state. One biographer describes Murfee as a man of daring and reckless courage, but who was of “violent passion,” and had a quick temper.

Col. Charles Myddleton, from Orangeburg County, Sumter’s brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Myddleton was one of the original leaders of Sumter's brigade. He appears to have been a relatively more cultivated individual than his associates, and often acted as Sumter's staff officer. In mid summer of 1781, he was ambushed and sorely defeated by Coffin’s cavalry in what McCrady has denoted “Myddleton’s Ambuscade.”

Col. Andrew Neale (or Neal), Sumter’s brigade

Neale, spoken of by his contemporaries as a leader of great promise, was killed leading one of the assaults on Rocky Mount in late July 1780.

Col. Samuel Tate, from Orangeburg County, Sumter’s brigade

Tate, was one of Lacey’s officers, fought at King’s Mountain, and probably participated in most (if not all) of the same battles as Lacey. He became one of Sumter’s regimental commanders in the spring of 1781.

Col. Thomas Taylor, from Richland County, Sumter’s brigade

Another one of the better of Sumter’s commanders, Taylor was with the brigade in August and was largely responsible for the successful attacks against the Wateree Ferry in that month. He subsequently served at Fishing Creek, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, Sumter’s “Rounds,” the siege of Fort Granby in May 1781, and the Dog Days Expedition. When Sumter placed Taylor’s troops in an exposed position at Shubrick’s Plantation, Taylor suffered heavy losses. In disgust, he refused to fight the next day, leading the chorus of others in angrily denouncing Sumter’s carelessly risking his men’s lives.

Col. Richard Winn, from Fairfield County, Sumter’s brigade

Originally a Major, Winn was with Sumter from the earliest days of 1780, and as well as being at Huck’s Defeat, he fought at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock (where he was wounded), Fishing Creek, Fish Dam Ford, and Blackstocks. After that, while continuing to serve, he does not seem to have been all that active as a commander in the field. The town of Winnsborough was named after a member of his family.

Lieut. Col. John Baxter, from Marion County, Marion’s brigade

A Captain in January 1781, Baxter was one of Marion’s cavalry officers, fighting under him in most of the Swamp Fox’s 1781 engagements, up until the fighting at Shubrick’s Planation when he was so badly wounded he had to leave the service.

Lieut. Col. James Hawthorn, from York County, Sumter’s brigade

Hawthorn, one of Lacey’s officers, fought at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Cary’s Fort, Fishing Creek, Kings Mountain, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, and was wounded on Sumters "Rounds" in February 1781.

Lieut. Col. William Henderson, from Spartanburg County, Sumter’s brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Henderson, as an officer in the 6th South Carolina Regiment, was present at the siege of Charleston, and there led a gallant and tactically successful sortie. When the city fell, he was made prisoner but by early November he was exchanged. He was at Blackstocks, and took charge of Sumter’s brigade following Sumter’s being wounded in that action. He appears in the record again in May 1781 at the time of the siege of Ninety-Six. When Sumter, under various pressures, resigned temporarily in August 1781, Henderson was put in his place and became commander of the South Carolina Troops, which were created largely from Sumter’s now much diminished brigade. He led them at Eutaw Springs where he was wounded. Both his letters and the trust Sumter and Greene bestowed on him show Henderson to have been a truly professional soldier with good sense and sound judgment.

Lieut. Col. Joseph Hayes, from Laurens County, Sumter’s brigade

Hayes was Col. (later Brig. Gen.) James Williams' chief lieutenant, serving under him at Hanging Rock, Musgrove's Mill, and King's Mountain where he succeeded him. He also commanded at Blackstocks, Hammond's Store, and Cowpens. On 19 November 1781, at his home, “Hayes’ Station,” he was taken prisoner by Lieut. Col. William Cunningham, who had him killed on the spot for having allegedly violated his parole.

Lieut. Col. Hezekiah Maham, from Berkeley County, Marion’s brigade, and State S.C. Troops

Maham was an officer in the 5th S.C. Regiment, who in the spring of 1781 acted with Marion. Boatner disputes that Maham was ever part of Marion’s brigade. However, whatever the particulars, Maham served with and alongside Marion’s troops enough times to warrant the association. He was an intelligent and much respected officer. The Maham Tower he produced at the siege of Fort Watson in April 1781 became one of the standard methods used by the Americans in their siege approaches. Later that year he was authorized to raise a corps of State Troops cavalry, which was afterward combined with Peter Horry’s unit to form a Continental regiment. He served in the Dog Days Expedition, Quinby Bridge, and Eutaw Springs and its aftermath. Near the end of 1781, he was taken prisoner while at his home in St. Stephen’s parish and paroled, and was not released till the war’s end.

Lieut. Col. James McCall, Pickens’ brigade

McCall, as a result of previous ties he had with them in fighting the Indians, had close ties with Clark and Pickens, and often served under or alongside those commanders in the war with the British. He saw much action in the course of 1780 and early 1781, and was present at Musgrove’s Mill, the first siege of Augusta, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, Long Canes and Cowpens. Sadly, after having survived so many combats, in late April, or the first few days of May 1781, he died of small pox -– or at least this is what secondary sources have said he died of.

Lieut. Col. James Postell, from Georgetown, Marion’s brigade

Like his brother, Postell was taken at the surrender of Charleston and paroled. He carried out a number of raids for Marion and was one his regular lieutenants, serving in the brigade’s cavalry.

Lieut. Col. John Purves (also Purvis), probably from Edgefield County, Pickens’ brigade

Lieut. Col. Benjamin Roebuck, from Spartanburg County

Roebuck was at Hanging Rock, Musgrove's Mill, King’s Mountain, (after which he was promoted to Lieut. Col.), and Cowpens. On March 2nd, 1781, at Mud Lick, in Newberry County, he led a militia force of 150 militia against some loyalists. There he was wounded and captured. Roebuck was taken prisoner to Ninety-Six, then Charleston, and was finally exchanged in August.

Lieut. Col. Alexander Swinton, from Georgetown County, Marion’s brigade

With the initial rank of Major, Swinton appeared as one of Marion’s main officers in the spring of 1781, and served in that role till the Dog Days Expedition in July, when he was badly wounded in the fighting at Shubrick’s Plantation.

Lieut. Col. John Thomas, Jr., from Spartanburg, Sumter’s brigade

One of earliest to take to the field after Charleston’s surrender, Thomas was the only one of Sumter’s leaders present at First and Second Cedar Spring, Musgrove’s Mill and Cowpens. He scored a minor success at Bush River on May 1, 1781. It is not clear what actions he served with Sumter in, though it is likely that he was at most of the main engagements. His being at Cowpens perhaps suggests that, as one of Sumter’s lieutenants, he was more independent minded than his fellow officers in that brigade. Though, on the other hand, Cowpens being located in his area may have been sufficient justification for his presence in the battle. His mother, Jane Black Thomas, was a spirited woman, who in the summer of 1780 armed with a saber and helped by her two daughters, her son, and a skillful rifleman drove off large band of Tories intent on seizing an important cache of ammunition, which was being kept in her home. Also, it was she who gave the whigs warning of the approach of the loyalists prior to First Cedar Spring.

Maj. Samuel Hammond, from Edgefield County, Pickens brigade, and S.C. State Troops

Hammond was another one of those ubiquitous figures in the fighting in the south. After refusing to submit to British protection after the fall of Charleston, he led men at Second Cedar Spring, Musgrove's Mill, King's Mountain (serving under James Williams), Blackstocks, Long Canes, Cowpens, Augusta 1781, Ninety-Six, and finally Eutaw Springs, where he was wounded. Such a record needs no embellishment from the historian. He ended the war, says Draper, as a colonel in the cavalry.

Major John James, from Williamsburg County, Marion’s brigade

James, who after considering the matter rejected the idea of taking British protection, was one of Marion’s earliest commanders and participated in most of the latter’s campaigns and battles, up to and including Eutaw Springs. Says Ramsay, "In the course of this cruel and desultory warfare, Major James was reduced from easy circumstances to poverty. All his movable property was carried off, and every house on his plantation burnt; but he bore up under these misfortunes, and devoted not only his possessions, but his life itself, for the good of his country.” James was the father of historian and Marion biographer William Dobein James.

Capt. Le Roy Hammond, from Edgefield County, Pickens’ brigade

Although Hammond had originally taken protection, in 1781, he participated at the second siege of Augusta, and Ninety-Six. He was the uncle of Maj. Samuel Hammond.

Capt. Shadrack Inman, from Newberry County

Inman was active against the loyalist in Georgia during the fighting in 1779. But he achieved most fame at Musgrove’s Mill, where he both devised and carried out the ruse that succeeded in luring the regulars and loyalist militia into an ambush. It was in that battle also that he lost his life.

Capt. John McClure, from Chester County

McClure, along with Col. William Bratton, is one of the first names we come across in the fighting after Charleston. He helped lead the raids at Mobley’s Meeting House and Beckhamville, and fought at Huck’s Defeat and Hanging Rock. It was at Hanging Rock that McClure was mortally wounded. He was taken from there to Charlotte where, after lingering for two weeks, he died.

Capt. William McCottry, from Williamsburg County, Marion’s brigade

McCottry commanded the main detachment of Marion's riflemen. In the fighting in the swamps he and his men did signal service.

Capt. John Postell, from Georgetown County, Marion’s brigade

Postell, a captain in Marion’s infantry, who like his brother James, carried out independent raids for the swamp fox. In February, with a force of comparable size, he captured a group of 30 soldiers of the King’s American Regiment who had fortified themselves in his family’s home. Evidently in retaliation, Postell, in March, was taken prisoner while under a flag of truce. The excuse given was that he had violated the parole he received as one of the Charleston garrison. Postell remained in captivity for the duration of the war.

Capt. Jacob Rumph, from Orangeburg County

Rumph led a company of militia cavalry, or else mounted infantry from the Orangeburg area. His command was attacked and scattered at Fork of the Edisto on August 1st, 1781.

Brig. Gen. John Twiggs, from Burke County

As a colonel, Twiggs commanded the Georgians at Fish Dam Ford and Blackstocks. When Sumter was wounded at Blackstock’s, he took command of the army and showed himself a capable leader. Rather than being the roving field commander Clark was, he seems to have spent much of his time acting as a headquarters leader in Georgia, though all the more necessary as the state was then without a (non-Royal) government. In August 1781, he was promoted to Brigadier General by the state’s re-united leaders.

Col. Elijah Clark (also Clarke), from Wilkes County

Though not so well known as Marion, Pickens, or Sumter, Clark deserves accolades as great. It has never ceased to impress this writer how often his name, or those of the men under his command have come up in the course of putting together this work. The best of the Georgia military leaders, his list of battles include Second Cedar Spring (wounded), Musgrove’s Mill, the first siege of Augusta, Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks (wounded), Long Canes (wounded), Beattie’s Mill, the second siege of Augusta, not to mention a number of encounters with the Indians. He only missed King’s Mountain because he was seeing whig families from Georgia safely over the mountains, and Cowpens only because he was seriously wounded at Long Canes in December. Although most histories only seem to mention him incidentally, the people knew Clark, and after the war treated him like a hero. His wife, Hannah Harrington Clark, in her own way, was as brave and tough as her husband, and has been written about as one of the heroines of the Revolution.

Col. John Dooly (also Dooley), from Wilkes County

Dooly was Colonel in the Continental army, and was one of Georgia most important officers. But in August 1780, he was, in the presence of his family, murdered by some tories, who had burst into his home in the dead of the night. He and his men fought alongside Pickens and Clark in the important victory over the loyalists at Kettle Creek, Georgia, in February 1779.

Col. Benjamin Few, from Richmond County

Few was at Fishdam Ford and probably at Blackstocks as well. He had seniority over Clark, and commanded the Georgians at Long Canes in December 1780, but showed poor leadership in that battle. For most of the early part of 1781, Few served as a representative for Georgia in Congress. Returning home in late July in 1781, he participated in the re-establishment of the state government.

Lieut. Col. James Jackson, from Chatham County, State Troops

Jackson, born in Devonshire, England, served as a lieutenant at Fish Dam Ford, Blackstocks, Long Canes and Cowpens. In February he was made Pickens brigade Major when the latter took charge of the western North Carolina militia in the campaign leading up to Guilford Court House. Later he was at the second siege of Augusta. In May 1781, he was made Lieut. Col., while being appointed to raise a regiment of Georgia State Troops. It is unclear, however, what, if any, action this unit saw as recruiting men was difficult due to small pox and the state government’s lack of money. In after years, Jackson became both Senator and Governor of Georgia.

Maj. William Candler, from Columbia County

Candler was at Clark's attack on Augusta in 1780, commanded Clark's men at Kings Mountain, and also fought at Fish Dam Ford and Blackstocks. Draper says he rose to the rank of colonel, but doesn’t give a date.

Maj. John Cunningham, possibly from Wilkes County

Cunningham became the head of Clark’s command after Clark was seriously wounded at Long Canes. He led the Georgians at Cowpens.

Capt. Charles Odingsell, from Chatham County, Marion’s brigade

Odingsell served with Marion’s brigade in late 1780 and early 1781.

This list does not include the American Regiments that served at Charleston, the Virginia campaign and Yorktown. Also more detailed information about these units is contained within the Calendar.

* Delaware Regiment

They served at Camden where they suffered severe losses. By the end of October 1780, what effectives remained, about 90, were combined with some of the Maryland regiment to form the Maryland Light Infantry Battalion. When this unit was broken up in early February 1781, the Delawares acted as a light infantry company under Captain Robert Kirkwood, sometimes being coupled with Washington’s cavalry to form a legion. While it occasionally received a few replacements now and then, the company normally did not exceed 80 men. By June 1781, however, the Delaware regiment of southern army totaled 121 rank and file. Although 85 recruits were sent from Delaware to Washington at Yorktown, Greene received no significant number of reinforcements or replacements from the state. Later that year it consisted of four companies. It was integrated with Col. Laurens’ Light Infantry Corps on June 13, 1782.

* Maryland Brigade

At Camden were present the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th Maryland regiments. Following that action their numbers were so reduced that in October 1780 what remained of them was consolidated into two battalions or “regiments.”

They were grouped as follows:

1st Maryland Battalion, under Maj. Archibald Anderson:

Made up of the remnants of the 1st, 3rd, 5th, 7th regiments.

2nd Maryland Battalion, under Maj. Henry Hardman

Made up of remnants of the 2nd, 4th, 6th, regiments, plus the Delaware company.

Informally, these battalions were thereafter known at the 1st and 2nd Maryland Regiments (of 1781), though these were designations of convenience and not formal regiments as such. The officers, for example, would continue to be listed in official records according to the regiments they originally belonged to. The two regiments together made up the Maryland Brigade, which was commanded briefly by Brig. Gen. William Smallwood, and then by Col. Otho Williams. Out of a portion of this brigade, in the same month, was formed the Maryland Light Infantry Battalion. This unit fought at Cowpens, at the same time, the remainder of the brigade was with Greene and Williams at Hick’s Creek on the Pee Dee. In the early part of 1781, as replacements came in to Greene, the Light Battalion was disbanded. Some sources say it was at this time that the Maryland brigade organized into two regiments. But what seems to have happened was that there may have been a second minor reorganization, and the new recruits were concentrated in the 2nd regiment. Following that, despite Greene’s pleas, no significant number of troops were sent as reinforcements from Maryland until after Yorktown. In a letter of May 4th, 1781, Greene wrote to Gov. Reade of Pennsylvania: "Maryland has given no assistance to this army. Not a recruit joined us from that state, and we are discharging her men daily, their time of service being expired." According to Johnson, a few recruits from both Maryland and Delaware were occasionally sent on, but the number of rank and file in service at no time exceed about 1312 for the Marylanders and Virginians, and 80 for the Delawares.

* North Carolina Brigade

In January 1781, steps were taken for the formation of North Carolina Continental regiments to replace those lost at Charleston. At the time there were already a small number of North Carolina Continentals present with Greene’s army, but these numbered no more than 30. Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner was appointed by Greene the task of collecting, training and arming the units. However, with Cornwallis’ invasion of the number of recruits coming were very few. It was not till after Guilford Court House, when the North Carolina assembly passed a law making deserters from the militia at that battle liable to military service, that Sumner was able to obtain the men he needed. As they were collected and came in Sumner formed a detachment at a time, which he then sent on to Greene. The first under Maj. Pinkertham Eaton arrived at Greene’s army around the time of Hobkirk’s Hill in April 1781. They initially numbered around 200, but due to desertions decreased to about 140, many of the draftees understandably protesting the forced service without being allowed what they felt was a fair hearing. By July, additional detachments had been formed such that in August Sumner was with Greene with a total of 350 men. These were formed into three regiments or battalions: the 1st North Carolina Regiment (of 1781), the 2nd North Carolina Regiment (of 1781), and the 3rd North Carolina Regiment (of 1781.)

* Virginia Brigade

Aside from those taken at Charleston in 1780, the Virginia Continentals presence in the deep south came with Buford’s reinforcement which suffered heavy casualties at Waxhaws. What were left were with De Kalb for a brief time, returned to Virginia in July, and came back again to join the southern army after Camden. This group suffered much attrition from desertion, illness, and expired terms of service. But by the time Greene came to take command of the southern army there were still about 300 left, including remnants of Porterfield’s Virginia State Troops. Of this 300 some ended up going home as well, but those that stayed were incorporated into the two newly created Virginia regiments which reinforced the army prior to Guilford Court House. These were John Green’s and Samuel Hawes’ Virginia regiments (of 1781.) Green’s arrived in early January, Hawes’ in early March. Initially there was some confusion as to how all the different Virginians were to be organized, which might help account for their lack of cohesion at Guilford Court House. In a letter of April 3rd, to William Davies (also Davis), head of the Virginia Board of War, Greene wrote: "The disagreeable situation of the detachments serving with this army from the State of Virginia, and the complaints of all ranks of officers from their not being Regimented induces me to wish that the first and second Virginia regiments should be immediately formed, and the Officers sent forward without loss of time. While the troops act by detachment and the officers uncertain whether they will command the same men, they will not pay attention to the discipline of the troops which the service requires." It appears to be the case that many of the Virginia Continentals, their tours expired, went home after Guilford. In any case, on April 4th, the Virginians were divided into two equal corps, Green’s became the 1st Virginia Regiment (of 1781) and Hawes’ the 2nd Virginia Regiment (of 1781.) Shortly after, Lieut. Col. John Green was forced to leave the army for health reasons, and Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell was put in charge of the 1st. Hawes as well later became ill sometime before the end of May, and command of the 2nd was given to Major Smith Snead. On July 19th, Campbell was appointed head of the Virginia brigade, and Capt. Thomas Edmunds took his place commanding the 1st Virginia Regiment.

* 1st Continental Light Dragoons, also 1st Continental Regiment of Cavalry, “Bland’s”

* 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, also 3rd Continental Regiment of Cavalry, “Baylor’s”

* the Combined 1st and 3rd Continental Cavalry, also Washington’s cavalry, and Virginia Cavalry

Commanded by Lieut. Col. Anthony White, the 1st Dragoons fought alongside the 3rd Dragoons, under Lieut. Col. William Washington, during the siege of Charleston. Both managed ultimately to escape the British, but not without having suffered significant losses beforehand. Gates had White’s removed to Salem, N.C, while Washington’s went to Virginia to recruit and refit, so that neither was at Camden. Washington, however, rejoined Gates at the time of the collecting of the army in September. By December, some of White’s men had been added to Washington’s corps, which then became the combined 1st and 3rd Continental cavalry. White's dragoons were at Salem as late as January 30, at which time, Greene ordered White to send all who are fit for duty to join him at Sherrald's ford. Greene partially countermanded the order, and directed that those of White's dragoons "who are fit for duty" to unite with Washington’s unit. So about 10 to 15 of White's dragoons, that is those "fit for duty," then left Salem on February 4th to join Washington. What remained of White’s command returned to Virginia, including White himself. What became known as Washington’s cavalry were then with Greene up till Eutaw Springs. Along the way, Washington occasionally picked up recruits from both North Carolina, and, as well, some from South Carolina. At Eutaw Springs, in an attack on the British flank companies under Marjoribanks, Washington was taken prisoner, and many of the unit’s men were scattered. This resulted in the corps’ permanent disbanding.

Artillery

* 1st Continental Artillery Regiment detachment (Virginia)

This unit was with Gates at Camden, and remained with the army throughout the war in the south. They were formally commanded by Col. Charles Harrison, though in the field itself it was Capt. Anthony Singleton who usually led and directed them.

Partizan Corps, or Legions

* 1st Partizan Corps, Armand's Legion.

Armand’s was at Camden. In early September they were sent to seek provisions and make cantonments in Warren County, N.C. In November 1780 it was reorganized, then in December it was sent by Greene to Virginia as unfit for duty. Although it wasn’t actually disbanded, the legion remained inactive while its commander Col. Charles Armand went to France to seek funds, supplies and other aid. Upon his return by spring 1781, he brought his men back to the field, where they served in Lafayette’s Virginia campaign and Yorktown.

* 2nd Partizan Corps, Lee’s Legion

Lee’s Legion joined Greene’s army in the first week of January 1781, and remained with it into 1782. On May 3, 25 men from the North Carolina Continentals under Maj. Pinkertham Eaton were attached to the Legion infantry, thus raising their strength to 110. On July 28th, 25 from the 1st North Carolina Regt. (of 1781) were also attached. It is not clear if this second group of 25 were the same that had been assigned earlier, or different. As well as reinforcing the Infantry, this joint venture was a good means of training some of the North Carolinians who at that time were draftees from the militia. By Eutaw Springs, the Legion infantry, with the 25 added, were 100 in number. The cavalry averaged a strength of from 60 to 90 rank and file.

* Georgia State Troops

Although an effort was made to form a command of light horse under Lieut. Col. James Jackson at Augusta, in the summer of 1781, this unit apparently was still not fully active by the end of the year, due to a smallpox outbreak, and difficulty obtaining men and supplies.

* North Carolina State Troops

There were North Carolina state troops, but these are not always easy to distinguish from militia, the two acted together so regularly: Davie’s mounted troops, of summer and autumn of 1780, and Malmady’s corps, which operated in the spring of 1781, being perhaps somewhat exceptions. Babits mentions another state unit being at Cowpens. While there is no doubt very much to be found out further and explained about the state troops of North Carolina, unfortunately these too brief marks will have to suffice.

* South Carolina State Troops

The regiments Sumter formed in the spring of 1781, in a way, were state troops. But they were established under Sumter’s Law. This meant that when Rutledge ended up, in effect, annulling “the Law” in July 1781, the regiments status as state troops was de facto taken away from them. Those of Sumter’s men who served under Pickens at Eutaw Springs then were actually back to being militia. However, in August, immediately after Rutledge’s proclamation, State Troops proper were formed under Lieut. Col. William Henderson, and consisted of an infantry and a cavalry element numbering about 75 rank and file each. Not a few of the soldiers in this unit came from Mecklenburg and Rowan counties in North Carolina.

In the summer of 1781, two troops of cavalry were raised under Lieut. Col. Hezekiah Maham and Colonel Peter Horry. Maham’s unit was at Quinby Bridge and Eutaw Springs. Horry’s, on the other hand, was still not quite ready by the time of those engagements.

* Virginia State Troops

The Virginia State Troops under Porterfield came south to assist the besieged Charleston garrison. However, they arrived too late (probably June) to be of assistance. By early July they had joined De Kalb’s army, and later fought in the battle of Camden. A small number survived that engagement and subsequently seem to have been incorporated into the Virginia Continentals, but they may instead have been discharged.

Maj. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton, commander-in-chief, 12th Regiment

Among the 19th century historians, there was an inclination to blame Clinton for the failure of the British effort in 1780-1781, while excusing Cornwallis. In later years, the trend tended to be more impartial –- both men, as well as others (such as those in the government or the navy), were to be faulted. In insisting on a naval station in the Chesapeake at Old Point Comfort in Hampton, Clinton, in a way, forced the Yorktown debacle. Because as soon as Cornwallis found Hampton was unsuitable, he made arrangements to place the station in Yorktown. Yet why was Hampton, or later Yorktown, chosen over Portsmouth? Because, irony of ironies, Portsmouth made for a poor defensive position! Had Cornwallis remained at Portsmouth, he could have had sooner warning of the allies’ approach (i.e. it would have taken the allies longer to reach him), and therefore more time to receive reinforcements via the sea, or more time to make his escape. In his sometimes dithering in his choices, or in his communicating in a confusing manner, one almost senses that Clinton almost expected the war to take care of itself. Yet with the political maneuvering and game-playing going on behind between commanders and the ministry, it was difficult for him, or for almost any man in his position, to have done much otherwise. Germain favored Cornwallis, and had Cornwallis been the man of the hour, things would have gone more smoothly for the British. As it was Cornwallis on more than one occasion showed bad judgment at the decisive moment, and it was this that ended up putting Clinton in the lurch. Clinton had far fewer troops than Howe had to do his job, and under the circumstances, he seems, at the very least, to have been adequate to the task.

Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis, 33rd Regiment

While an outstanding commander on the battlefield, and in many ways likable in his person, Cornwallis’ blunders

In the course of 1780 and 1781 were far too many and far too obvious. Here is a list of some (and only some) that might be mentioned:

He did not better support his detachments, namely Ferguson’s and Tarleton’s.

He let Leslie sit in Camden a full week before the latter moved to bring his reinforcement to the main army.

He arguably missed the opportunity of destroying Morgan after Cowpens.

He waited too late to inform Clinton of his second invasion of North Carolina.

He allowed Greene time to reinforce his army, rather than continuing on the attack after Weitzell’’s Mill.

He chose to make a stand at Yorktown, when he might have informed Clinton of the inadequacy of Old Point Comfort before making such a final move.

He abandoned his outer defenses at Yorktown, thus depriving himself of extra time, which might have saved his army.

The behavior then of Cornwallis is simply puzzling. Was he confused? Did he not really care about winning, while believing the cause essentially hopeless? Alternatively, was he over-confident? In fairness, his was not an easy task. All in all, his men were less idealistic about what they were fighting compared to the Americans, which may have caused him to question his own purpose being there. We see this in his admonitions (almost laments) against plundering and looting prior to Guilford Court House. In battle, the British soldier was most of the time unbeatable, but without the incentive of a cause, and when the battle was drawn out into a campaign, things became much more difficult for him, his officers, and the army he marched with. With relatively few or no local loyalists to give results to his efforts, what was he risking his life for? Cornwallis knew the importance of aiding and getting the support of the loyalists. Yet his inability to accomplish these things adequately was perhaps his greatest failure. Was there really more he could have done than he did? Such is a what-if we are hard put to answer. This much, however, can be said. For most of 1780, there were at least as many loyalist as whigs in the southern colonies.

Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie, 64th Regiment

Tarleton says that Leslie left the army due to illness when it was in Wilmington in May 1781. Actually, Leslie accompanied Cornwallis to Virginia, and it was from there, in August, that he returned to New York. By December, he was in Charleston where he then took charge of the British forces remaining in the south. Leslie had little opportunity to exercise an independent command in 1780-1781, so it is not easy to assess his abilities as a field commander. One wonders how things would have turned out if he had originally been left in charge in the Carolinas, rather than Cornwallis. Perhaps he would have stayed put and avoided North Carolina -- something Clinton, no doubt, would have preferred to what Cornwallis ended up doing.

Maj. Gen. Augustine Prevost, 60th Regiment

Prevost distinguished himself in defeating the combined American and French forces in the siege and assault on Savannah in September and October 1779. While in Georgia, he was able to work well with his subordinates and local loyalists, such that when he left in May 1780, his absence was sorely felt.

Brig. Gen. Paston Gould, 30th Regiment

Gould, while still a Colonel, arrived in Charleston in early June 1781 with 3 regiments, and some additional troops, from Ireland. In doing so, he superseded Balfour as supreme commander in the Carolinas and Georgia. He remained in Charleston, however, until after Eutaw Springs, when he then took command of the army in the field from Lieut. Col. Alexander Stewart. In December, Clinton promoted him to Brigadier General.

Brig. Gen. Charles O'Hara, Coldstream Guards (2nd Regiment of Guards)

O’Hara was at the siege of Charleston, Cowan’s Ford, Guilford Court House, and Cornwallis’ Virginia campaign and Yorktown. At the time of Camden, he was reportedly in Charleston. At Guilford, he was so severely wounded that “his recovery was long in doubt.” After being taken at Yorktown, he was paroled, and then exchanged in February 1782. A man of good sense who understood the nature of what was going on, O’Hara, like many others whom he served with, unswervingly continued to do his duty even when things had become most difficult.

Brig. Gen. James Paterson, 64th Regiment

Paterson came south with Clinton’s expedition and served at the siege of Savannah. For a period he served as commandant of Charleston, but by early September had fallen ill. He then went home, and Balfour took his place.

Col. Nisbit Balfour (also Nisbet), 23rd Regiment

Balfour was the first commander of Ninety-Six before Cruger came to take his place. Thereafter he was commandant of Charleston, and nominally commanded the British forces in South Carolina and Georgia after Cornwallis' departure. When Gould came in June to take charge, he continued as commandant of Charleston till the city’s evacuation in December 1782. A man who had risen from the ranks to high command, Balfour seemed to have taken his task in a matter of fact, routine way. He did no more, nor less, than he had to do. In his correspondence, he sometimes comes across as a detached observer, sometimes amused, sometimes annoyed by this or that going, but rarely seeming to be actually part of it.

Col. Alured Clarke, 7th Regiment

Clarke commanded the garrison in Savannah after Prevost left in May 1780. In April 1781, he went briefly to reinforce the garrison at St. Augustine, returning to Savannah in early June.

Col. Edmund Fanning, Kings American Regiment

Fanning accompanied Clinton’s Charleston expedition. After the city was taken, he went to New York with Clinton, leaving some of his regiment in Charleston. He later returned south with Leslie in October 1780, arriving in Charleston in December. Though his regiment went on to serve in parts of South Carolina and Georgia, he himself remained within the city’s walls till sometime in late 1781, after which he returned to England due to illness. Originally from Orange County, North Carolina, before the war Fanning was a wealthy man and had played a prominent part in that state’s politics. He also was the founding officer of the King’s American Regiment.

Col. Francis Lord Rawdon, Volunteers of Ireland

Rawdon was only a Lieut. Col. in the British at this time, and was not made a full Colonel until after the war. He was, nonetheless, as regimental commander of the Volunteers of Ireland a full Provincial Colonel. At no time, was he head of the British army in South Carolina, but after Cornwallis left served under Balfour and then Paston Gould. Rawdon commanded the British left wing at Camden, and later when Cornwallis moved into North Carolina, he was entrusted with the troops on the frontier. This then was how Greene found him when the latter entered South Carolina in April 1781. Having suffered from bouts of malaria, on Aug. 21st, he left Charleston for England, only to have his ship captured by the French. He himself was not exchanged till 1782. Only 26 years of age at the time, Rawdon handled his army in a masterly way in dealing with Greene. His surprise attack at Hobkirk’s Hill, while somewhat reckless and, perhaps not worth the losses he suffered, was nevertheless an astounding victory. When the countryside subsequently flamed about him in rebellion, Rawdon kept a cool head, and (“Eggleston’s capture” excepted) was able to protect his forces, despite being probed and assaulted from all sides by Greene and his detachments. A less sharp and vigilant commander might more easily have been “found out” and incurred disaster. Rawdon, however, maintained his guard while managing to retain the firm confidence of his men. He may not have been such as to inspire love, but as a commander he was bold and intimidating, and his troops respected him for this.

Lieut. Col. Isaac Allen, 3rd Battalion, New Jersey Volunteers

Allen led his men at the first siege of Augusta, Long Canes, the defense of Ninety-Six, and at Eutaw Springs, on all of which occasions he and his unit gained honor for themselves.

Lieut. Col. Thomas Brown (also Browne), Kings Carolina Rangers

Early in the war Brown, who had a talent of for sarcasm, had been tarred and feathered by some violent whig extremists for not supporting the cause of American liberty. He was forced to abandon his estate in Georgia, and fled to East Florida, where he raised a unit called the East Florida Rangers, later known also as the Kings Carolina Rangers. He and his unit served at the siege of Savannah in 1779, and were in that city when Clinton’s invasion force came south. Brown subsequently occupied Augusta where he became superintendent of Indian affairs, acting as a go-between for the Creeks, Cherokees and the British. As commander at that post, he lost no time in seeking and obtaining revenge against the whigs for the outrages he suffered, and war up along the Savannah subsequently became quite brutal and bitter. He successfully defended the town in the first siege of September 1780. But when, in the spring of 1781, Lee and Pickens came south to join the Georgians, he was forced to surrender. Brown put up a quite determined and, while it lasted, shrewd defense, but was finally undone by Lee’s cannon posted in a Maham tower. After the war, he settled in the Bahamas and wrote a reply to David Ramsay’s History, which can be found in White's Historical Collections of Georgia, Volume 2, page 617, and dated 25 December 1786.

Lieut. Col. George Campbell, King’s American Regiment

While Edmund Fanning was the regimental head of the King’s American Regiment, Campbell led them in the field while in the south. He fought some of Marion’s men in some skirmishes outside of Georgetown in late 1780 and January 1781. In Lee’s and Marion’s night raid on Georgetown in late January, Campbell was taken prisoner and paroled. He was exchanged by the time of Hobkirk’s Hill, and led his regiment successfully at that battle.

Lieut. Col. James Coates, 19th Regiment

Coates’ 19th Regiment was one of the three that arrived in Charleston in June 1781, and was made up largely of new recruits. In July, despite being the object of an attack by Sumter’s, Marion’s, and Lee’s combined forces, Coates managed to extricate himself from a ticklish situation at Biggin Church and Quinby Bridge, and fought off the partisans at Shubrick’s Plantation, thereby causing them to withdraw the next day.

Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger, 1st Battalion, DeLancey’s Brigade

Like the 3rd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers, Cruger’s 1st Battalion, Delancey’s Brigade fought at the first siege of Augusta, Long Canes (though Cruger himself wasn’t present), the siege of Ninety-Six and Eutaw Springs. Cruger, a New York loyalist, had his most famous moment at the defense of Ninety-Six in May and June of 1781. Outnumbered and cut off from contact with British forces elsewhere, he put up a stout and heroic defense against Greene’s army. It is very clear, based on some of the smaller sieges that took place, that had a different officer been in charge, Ninety-Six might well have fallen. But Cruger was resolute. Short on supplies, then water, he took every possible measure to keep the garrison going until Rawdon arrived with relief. On the regrettable side, it seems rather arrogant of him to have disallowed Greene from burying his dead after the assault on the 18th, and in his Memorial Cruger had the temerity to claim that the American army numbered 4,000 at the siege when Greene probably didn’t even have half that amount. After leading out the refugees from Ninety-Six, he acted as Lieut. Col. Alexander Stewart’s second in command at Eutaw Springs.

Lieut. Col. Welbore Ellis Doyle, Volunteers of Ireland

Though his unit was the Volunteers of Ireland, about mid November 1780, Doyle replaced Turnbull as head of New York Volunteers. Although I have encountered no confirmation of the fact, it seems likely he would have been at the battle of Camden. In February 1781, he led the New York Volunteers as part of the effort to chase down Sumter during the latter’s “Rounds.” In March, Doyle commanded a successful raid of Marion’s long inviolable Snow’s Island, and in August was sent on an armed expedition to collect rice along the Edisto. For some unknown reason, he was not at Hobkirk’s Hill, possibly because he was ill, or else was placed in charge of the Camden garrison. Also, at Eutaw Springs it was Maj. Henry Sheridan, not Doyle, who led the New York Volunteers.

Lieut. Col. James Grierson, King’s Carolina Rangers

Grierson was Thomas Brown’s stalwart subordinate, and was with him at the defense of Savannah and both sieges of Augusta. He was murdered by an unknown whig assassin shortly after the fall of Fort Cornwallis in June 1781.

Lieut. Col. John Hamilton, Royal North Carolina Regiment

Having raised the unit himself about the time the war began, Hamilton led the Royal North Carolina Regiment at the sieges of Savannah and Charleston (where he was briefly captured), Camden, the Guilford Court House campaign (though the unit was not present in the actual battle.) He was a native of Norfolk, Virginia. Lee, who apparently was in some way acquainted with Hamilton before the war, states that his “goodness, hospitality, and urbanity had attracted universal esteem.”

Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes, South Carolina Royalists

Innes was at both Savannah 1779 and Charleston 1780. In July, he joined Ferguson’s efforts to help enlist and secure the support of the loyalists northeast of Ninety-Six. It was in the course of this task that he found himself engaged in the battle of Musgrove’s Mill in August, and was there defeated. He himself was badly wounded while leading the attack, and afterward does not seem to have been involved in further fighting.

Lieut. Col. Chapel Norton, Coldstream Guards (2nd Regiment of Guards)

Norton commanded the 1st Guards battalion at Guilford Court House, presumably leading them as well in Cornwallis’ Virginia campaign and Yorktown.

Lieut. Col. Thomas Pattinson, Prince of Wales American Volunteers

Pattinson (Allaire refers to him as Patterson) served at the siege of Charleston. However, about August 1780 he was placed under arrest, apparently for attempting to make money selling and trading supplies. About the same time he became ill. He remained in Charleston till June 1781 when he returned to New York, and was subsequently retired on half pay in August.

Lieut. Col. John Small, 84th Regiment

Small commanded the 84th Regiment which came south with Leslie in December 1780.

Lieut. Col. Alexander Stewart, 3rd Regiment

Stewart, who arrived in Charleston with his own 3rd Regiment in June 1781, commanded the British at Eutaw Springs. He seems to have been inexcusably careless in permitting the rooting party sent out before Eutaw Springs to be so easily surprised and taken by Greene’s advance guard. However, in the battle itself, he seems to have shown himself to be reasonably competent, but not much beyond that. He was wounded in the elbow during the fighting. Stewart was promoted to full Colonel on May 16th, 1782.

Lieut. Col. James Stuart, 1st Regiment of Guards

Stuart immediately succeeded O’Hara when the latter was seriously wounded in the fighting at Guilford Court House, but was himself soon after killed in a melee with the 1st Maryland Regiment.

Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton, British Legion

It is perhaps odd to think, but Tarleton was possibly in more battles and skirmishes in the war in the south than any other single individual on either side. Like him or not, for his time, Tarleton really was an innovator. He understood that by taking the attack where the enemy seemed too far away to reach he could bring about a surprise which otherwise appeared impossible. This method was very demanding on both his men and horses, but time and again it worked, that is, until the Americans adjusted their movements accordingly. Henry Lee, a resourceful and intelligent officer in his own right, could not help but imitate the successful approach when he saw it. As well, his deception of Pyle was actually a tactic Tarleton had used a few months early, though without the bloody results. While it would to be extravagant to label Tarleton a butcher for what happened at Monck’s Corner, Waxhaws, and Fishing Creek, yet it would be equally wrong to think that the brutality his men often showed was entirely unrelated to his own character as commanding officer. Yet this said, Tarleton would seem afterward to have largely corrected the problem, insofar as no horror stories are recorded after the time of Guilford Court House. The British Legion in Virginia showed far greater moderation than they had when in South and North Carolina. Although soundly defeated at Cowpens, Tarleton cannot be blamed too much for not anticipating the extraordinary gathering of men he ended up facing. His Campaigns, for all the criticisms it has received, much of them justified, is easily the single most valuable book on the War in the South 1780-1781 by a contemporary.

Lieut. Col. George Turnbull, New York Volunteers

Turnbull was present at both the defense of Savannah and the siege of Charleston. In a letter of June 30th, 1780, Cornwallis credited him and his troops with putting down what Cornwallis thought was the last resistance in South Carolina. Turnbull later defeated Sumter at Rocky Mount in late July 1780. By November, he had come down with malaria and requested leave to go home, which was granted.

Lieut. Col. John Watson (formally John Watson Tadwell Watson), 3rd Regiment of Guards (Scots Guards), and Provincial Light Infantry Battalion

Watson commanded the Provincial Light Infantry Battalion, which came south with Leslie. When Leslie marched on to join Cornwallis Watson remained to construct the fort named in his honor. He subsequently engaged in a series of running engagements with Marion, in which, for the most part, he was bested. Watson was a good officer, but attempting to fight Marion in the swamps turned out to be as futile for him as for all the rest who had tried. He became the center of attention in April 1781 when the question being asked was whether his corps would be able to evade Lee, Marion and Greene and make it into Camden. As it turned out, the swamp fox, on that occasion, was outfoxed and Watson succeeded in reaching Rawdon. Watson left Charleston for England by July.

Lieut. Col. James Webster, 33rd Regiment

Webster led detachments of the army at Charleston, Monck’s Corner, Lenud’s Ferry, Camden, Weitzell’s Mill, and Guilford Court House, and each time victoriously. Both liked and revered by his soldiers and fellow officers, and respected by his foes, he was mortally wounded at Guilford Court House, and died a few days later on the road to Cross Creek.

Maj. Thomas Barclay, Loyal American Regiment, and Provincial Light Infantry Battalion

After Watson left to go home in July 1781, Barclay was left in command of the Provincial Light Infantry Battalion. He himself left Charleston, probably in August, and like Rawdon was captured at sea by the French and was being held prisoner by them in September 1781. He may actually have been taken with Rawdon, but this is not clear. As captive, Barclay happened to be present on board one of the French ships engaged in the Second Battle of the Capes, and was witness to that action.

Maj. John Carden, Prince of Wales American Volunteers

After Pattinson was removed from command of the Prince of Wales Regiment, Carden took his place. He commanded the British forces at Hanging Rock in August 1780, and was badly wounded there. Carden does not subsequently appear to have participated in further fighting in the south.

Major Charles Cochrane, British Legion Infantry

Cochrane commanded the British Legion infantry while in the south, including at Waxhaws. On June 1st, 1780, he obtained permission to return to England on personal business. He later returned to New York. While acting as an emissary from Clinton, on 17 October 1781, he was killed by a cannon ball at Yorktown.

Maj. John Coffin, New York Volunteers

In November and December. 1780, Capt. John Coffin was operating out of Camden and in Santee area with a mounted unit, of initially about 30, then later 140 men, of the New York Volunteers. Then, no later than early April 1781, he commanded a unit of dragoons created out of the S.C. Royalists Regiment, which he led at Hobkirk’s Hill. Some sources give this unit as his mounted cavalry of the N.Y. Volunteers, but it seems more likely that, as cavalry, they were the S.C. Royalists. It was in his report of Hobkirk’s Hill that we find Rawdon referring to Coffin as Major, but at Eutaw Springs he was only Brevet Major and not full Major till December 25th, 1782. Though himself thwarted a few times, Coffin was a very capable cavalry leader, his most notable victory in the south being “Myddleton’s Ambuscade.”

Maj. James Craig, 82nd Regiment

Craig came south with Leslie, and led the British expedition against Wilmington. While relatively little attention has been paid to his efforts there, Craig, and later David Fanning with him, carried out an enterprising little war of his own from out the North Carolina seaport. For a time, he kept much of the North Carolina militia in the eastern part of the state busy trying to keep him contained. At one point, Craig sailed up the coast with a small force to New Bern, and carried out a successful raid on that town.

Maj. Thomas Dawson, 3rd Regiment

Dawson led the 3rd Regiment, “the Buffs,” at Eutaw Springs.

Maj. John Doyle, Volunteers of Ireland

Brother of Welbore Doyle, John had earlier been a lieutenant in the 49th Regiment. He was Brigade Major of the Volunteers of Ireland at Hobkirk's Hill, and later acted as Adjutant General to Stewart and Gould.

Maj. James Dunlop (also Dunlap), Queen’s Rangers, and Ferguson’s Corps

Dunlop was one of Ferguson’s officers, and assisted Ferguson in training and leading the loyalist militia in the Ninety-Six and surrounding areas. He fought at McDowell’s Camp, and Prince’s Fort in July 1780, and later also at Second Cedar Springs. On September 12th, he was wounded at Cane Creek. By December, having sufficiently recovered, he was given temporary command of a militia corps of mounted infantry and cavalry based at Ninety-Six. In March, Dunlop was defeated and himself captured by Elijah Clark at Beattie’s Mill. Afterward, while being held prisoner in Gilbertown, he was murdered by a guard, or someone connected with those guarding him. The motive presumably was one of revenge. Dunlop’s unit was formally disbanded in July 1781.

Maj. Patrick Ferguson, 71st Regiment, and Ferguson’s Corps

Much has been written about Ferguson, yet in many ways he remains an odd and elusive character. He had his own independent way of seeing things, and perhaps took the British cause more to heart than most others who were simply doing their duty. While this in a way made him admirable, it also seems to have isolated him from his fellow officers. In a poetical sense, his death at King’s Mountain, in retrospect, symbolized the end of the loyalist military effort in America: a courageous and charming, yet rather proud and brash, commander leading his men headlong to their doom.

Maj. Simon Fraser, 71st Regiment

Fraser may possibly have commanded the 2nd battalion of the 71st Regiment at Guilford Court House.

Maj. Thomas Fraser, New York Volunteers, and South Carolina Royalists

Born in Scotland, Fraser had been a Virginia merchant before the war. Just before Camden, he was made a Captain in the New York Volunteers, but almost immediately became a Major in the South Carolina Royalists. He was present at both Musgrove’s Mill and at Hobkirk’s Hill. Later in the summer of 1781, Fraser led a corps of South Carolina Royalists mounted as cavalry, with which he rescued Williamson and captured Isaac Hayne. He was defeated by Marion at Parker’s Ferry in August 1781, and afterward served with Coates at the time of Sumter’s Dog Days Expedition.

Maj. George Hanger, British Legion

During the siege of Charleston, Hanger commanded a company of German chausseurs (or light infantry.) His unit was involved in scouting the rebel defenses, and was permitted to suggest to Clinton the best means of approach. After the siege ended, his chausseurs returned to New York with Clinton, and, at his request, he was transferred to the British Legion. By early August 1780 was made a Major in that corps’s cavalry. Hanger ably led a detachment of Tarleton’s horsemen at Camden, but the Legion under his command received a rude check at Charlotte on 26 September. Boatner says he was also at Davie’s raid on Wahab’s Plantation at few days before the action at Charlotte, but I have not seen this confirmed elsewhere. Hanger afterward became very ill with malaria and returned to Charleston, and only rejoined his unit following the surrender at Yorktown.

Maj. John Marjoribanks, 19th Regiment

Marjoribanks with the flank companies of the 3rd, 19th, and 30th, joined Rawdon’s march to relieve Ninety-Six. He led the flank companies with great valor and distinction at Eutaw Springs, and was mortally wounded. After the battle, Marjoribanks was removed to a not too distant home and died at the end of the month following.

Maj. Andrew Maxwell, Prince of Wales American Volunteers

In January 1781, Maxwell was sent to establish the post of Fort Granby. For a time, his garrison was supplied by Wade Hampton who owned a nearby store. Hampton, aware of the diminishing of the fort’s supply, informed Sumter of Maxwell’s vulnerability. Sumter then in February, briefly laid siege to the post, but was driven off by a relief column sent from Camden before he had a chance to take it. In early May, Sumter returned again to attack Granby, and when he decided to move on Orangeburg, he left a detachment under Col. Thomas Taylor to continue the siege. On May 15th, Lee and Marion arrived and with cannon persuaded Maxwell’s surrender. It was said Maxwell could have held out much longer, but was more concerned with saving his personal property. It was this, consequently, that brought about the quick capitulation. Maxwell and his officers, being able to retain their private belongings (which reportedly included some plunder), were then paroled along with the garrison to Charleston.

Maj. Archibald McArthur (sometimes given as MacArthur) 71st Regiment

In June 1780, McArthur was posted with the 71st Regiment at Cheraws, which became one of the British forward outposts in South Carolina. When Gates’ army advanced in July, McArthur fell back to Lynches River, and after that to Little Lynches River. In August, he was put in charge of Camden, at the time of Cornwallis’ move north to attack Gates. At Cowpens, McArthur led the 1st Battalion of the 71st, and ended up being one of those captured. He was exchanged by May 1781, and commanded a corps made of up small detachments and invalids, which assisted Watson in his drive to get to Camden to reinforce Rawdon. Both fellow and enemy commanders viewed McArthur as a reliable and worthy officer who had a good sense of what needed to be done. Some later criticized Tarleton for not having sought his advice prior to Cowpens.

Maj. Robert McLeroth (also M’Ilraith or McIlraith), 64th Regiment

McLeroth led the 64th in the Santee Camden area in November and December 1780. It was he who used the ruse of a duel to evade Marion at Halfway Swamp. Despite his cleverness in that encounter, McLeroth was thought to have been unduly timid in dealing with Marion. After receiving permission to return to Charleston from Rawdon, he, reportedly, was later cashiered.

Maj. James Montcrief, Engineer

Montcrief was the chief engineer in charge of both the defense of Savannah, the siege of Charleston, the fortifying of Georgetown, and later the reconstruction of Charleston's defenses.

Maj. Timothy Newmarsh, 7th Regiment

Newmarsh led the 7th at Cowpens, was wounded there and taken prisoner.

Maj. Henry Sheridan, New York Volunteers

Sheridan commanded the New York Volunteers battalion at Eutaw Springs.

Major Charles Stewart, 63rd Regiment

Charles Stewart is apparently the "Major Stewart" mentioned in Stewart's after-action report of Eutaw Springs, and presumably commanded the 63rd Regiment at that engagement.

Maj. James Wemyss, 63rd Regiment

Wemyss led a detachment of the mounted 63rd on raids burning homes and confiscating munitions and other property from suspected rebels in the Williamsburg area of South Carolina in late August and early September 1780. In November, he mounted an abortive attack on Sumter at Fish Dam Ford in November 1780. Badly wounded in his arm and knee in the encounter, Wemyss was taken prisoner, but was immediately paroled. He retired to Charleston, his injuries preventing him from serving further in the southern campaign.

Maj. James Wright, King’s Carolina Rangers

While acting Royal Governor of Georgia, Wright held a commission in the King’s Carolina Rangers and served at the defense of Savannah in 1779. He attempted to restore civil control of the government in Georgia, but was refused this by the British. It was Col. Alured Clarke, rather than himself, who controlled matters in that region. Nevertheless, Wright remained very active attempting to raise troops and administer affairs where he could.

Capt. Robert Campbell, 84th Regiment

Campbell commanded the detachment of the 84th Regiment at Eutaw Springs, and was wounded there.

Capt. Alexander Chesney, Loyal American Volunteers, and Ferguson’s Corps

Chesney was present at a number of encounters, including King’s Mountain and Cowpens, as well as quite a number of skirmishes. With a small mounted detachment of loyalists, he defeated and captured Capt. William Clay Snipes’ men at Snipe’s Plantation in June 1781. Yet like Allaire, Chesney is better known for his Journal, which in Chesney’s case, gives a rare view of the war from the perspective of a southern loyalist.

Capt. Christian Huck (also Houk, and Hook), British Legion Cavalry

At one time a Philadelphia attorney, Huck was active in cowing the rebels north of Ninety-Six after the fall of Charleston. His detachment, however, was surrounded at Williamson’s Plantation on July 12th, 1780, Huck killed and his force completely defeated. This action later also became known as “Huck’s Defeat.” Following his death, command of the British Legion cavalry went to Capt. David Ogelvey.

Capt. Dennis Kelly, 64th Regiment

Kelly led the 64th Regiment at Eutaw Springs.

Capt. David Ogelvey (also Ogilvie), British Legion Cavalry

Formerly a Cornet of the 17th Light Dragoons, Ogelvey replaced Huck after the latter’s death, and commanded the British Legion cavalry at Cowpens. He was with Tarleton up to and including Yorktown.

Capt. Abraham DePeyster, Kings American Regiment, and Ferguson’s Corps

DePeyster was present at Musgrove's Mill, and was Ferguson's second in command at Kings Mountain, where he was taken prisoner. In February 1781, he was paroled to Charleston and exchanged.

Capt.-Lieut. James DePeyster, King's American Regiment

In February 1781, DePeyster and 28 others surrendered and were taken prisoner by Capt. John Postell and a numerically comparable force of Marion’s militia. Regarding DePeyster afterward, a regimental historian writes, “(w)hether he resigned under a cloud or was cashiered cannot now be determined.”

Capt. John Rousselet, British Legion Infantry

Rousselet succeeded Maj. John Carden commanding the British forces at Hanging Rock when Carden was wounded. He distinguished himself, and retrieved the day, when he fended off two of Sumter’s attacks. Rousselet also probably fought at Cowpens, but if so it is not clear whether he was taken prisoner. In any case, in July of 1781, he accepted a lieutenant’s commission in the 7th Regiment.

Capt. Samuel Rowarth (also Roworth), Kings Carolina Rangers

Rowarth served at the defense of Savannah 1779, the first siege of Augusta, and also Fort Galphin, where he led the garrison.

Capt. Samuel Ryerson, New Jersey Volunteers, and Ferguson’s Corps

Ryerson was one of Ferguson's captains, and though wounded, survived the battle at King's Mountain.

Capt. John Saunders, Queen's Rangers

Saunders commanded the detachment of Queen’s Rangers cavalry that came south with Leslie. When Lieut. Col. George Campbell was taken prisoner at Georgetown in January 1781, he was succeeded by Saunders as commandant of that post. Saunders and his men were involved in various skirmishes in and around Georgetown that same year. Simcoe, wrote of him: "It is to be lamented that Captain Saunders did not keep a regular journal, as it would have related a series of gallant and active services, which he performed when in the command at Georgetown, and afterwards at Dorchester, and which strongly characterize in that officer the same boldness and prudence with which he maintained himself with his small party in his native country, where his decisive character had its due weight and superiority." By contrast, one Queen’s Ranger, Stephen Jarvis, showed Saunders in a darker light and claimed that at Snipes’ Plantation in June 1781, Saunders viciously hacked a prisoner with his saber.

Lieut. Anthony Allaire, Loyal American Volunteers, and Ferguson’s Corps

Served under Ferguson at Kings Mountain, was taken prisoner, but not long afterward was able to make his escape back to Charleston. Allaire, however, is more famous for his invaluable diary that he kept, which records events ranging from the approaches on Charleston in 1780, up to and including King’s Mountain, with many important occurrences referred to or described in between. His is also a very personal portrait of a loyalist soldier in the conflict, and at times displays a both perspicacious and humorous viewpoint.

Lieut. Stephen Guyon, 23rd Regiment

Guyon, with a small detachment of the 23rd, repulsed a much larger rebel force at Polk’s mill near Charlotte on October 9th, 1780. He survived the Guilford Court House campaign only to be killed at Yorktown.

Lieut. Henry Haldane, Engineer

As well as being an aide to Cornwallis, Haldane acted as engineer for the fortifications at both Camden and Ninety-Six.

Lieut. James McKay, Kings American Regiment

McKay, described as a brave and able officer, commanded Ft. Watson at its siege in April 1781.

Lieut. John McLeod (pronounced “McCloud”), Royal Artillery

McLeod directed Cornwallis' artillery at Camden and Guilford Court House.

Lieut. Donald McPherson, 71st Regiment

McPherson commanded Fort Motte, when that post was besieged by Marion and Lee in May 1781. He was able to hold out against Marion and Lee until the roof of the house within the fort was set a blaze by hurled incendiaries.

Lieut. John Money, 63rd Regiment

An aide de camp and favorite of Cornwallis, Money led the outnumbered 63rd Regiment at Blackstocks in a gallant and successful counterattack on Sumter’s troops, and was mortally wounded. He died a few days later.

Col. J. C. Koehler, Regiment von d'Angelleli

Koehler served as part of the Savannah garrison, and had participated in the defense of that city in October 1779.

Col. Maxwell von Westerhagen, Regiment von Dittfurth

Westerhagen commanded the April 17th, 1780 reinforcement to Charleston, which included Lord Rawdon.

Lieut. Col. Friederich von Benning, Regiment von Huyne

Benning was with his regiment when it arrived with Clinton’s 1779 expedition. Benning stayed in Charleston, and later took part in the action at nearby Parker’s Ferry in August 1780.

Lieut. Col. Johann Christian de Puis, also given as de Puy and De Buiy, Regiment von Bose

De Puis led the von Bose regiment at Guilford Court House, where it performed as well as its dauntless British counterparts, fighting alongside the 1st Guards battalion. In his after battle dispatch to Germain, Cornwallis wrote: “The Hessian regiment of Bose deserves my warmest praises for its discipline, alacrity, and courage, and does honour to Major Du Buy, who commands it, and who is an officer of superior merit.” De Puis himself left Cornwallis' army and returned to New York sometime in August 1781.

Lieut. Col. Friedrich von Porbeck (also Borbeck), Regiment von Knoblauch

Porbeck was at the defense of Savannah in October 1779, where he acted at Prevost’s second in command. When Col. Alured Clarke became commandant of that post, Porbeck continued as second, and was actually in charge of the garrison when Clarke temporarily left the city in the spring of 1781.

Capt. Johannes Ewald, Hesse-Cassel Jägers

Ewald saw action at the siege of Charleston, the Virginia campaign of 1781, and Yorktown, in all of which, he and his unit distinguished themselves. Ewald’s Journal has been warmly praised by scholars, and is one of the standard primary source books on the war in the south.

Lieut. Friedrich Starckloff

On April 15th, 1781, Starckloff was appointed to command a cavalry troop of 60 men composed of soldiers from the three Hessian regiments in Charleston, in which capacity he served till at least late December.

Relatively less information on the southern loyalist militia leaders is available, compared to that which can be had on the whig leaders, for reasons that should be fairly self-evident. A good example is Col. Richard King who commanded the loyalist militia at Ninety-Six. His being name on a 1782 list of persons whose estate was subject to confiscation was as much extra as I could track down on him. This, of course, is not to say that there cannot possibly be anything more to be discovered, but that if there is it would take a good deal more digging than one is normally in a position to do.

Col. Samuel Bryan, from Rowan County, North Carolina Volunteers

Like John Moore, Bryan had received a lieutenant colonelcy in the Royal North Carolina Regiment. When word became known of Moore’s gathering at Ramsour’s, in June 1780, pressure came down on the loyalists elsewhere in western North Carolina. It was this which prompted Bryan to call out his own men in the area at the north end of Rowan County. He was able to collect some 800, and fearing he might share the same fate as Moore made a speedy withdrawal to unite with Cornwallis’ army. Out of Bryan’s force was subsequently formed the North Carolina Volunteers. Although formally a Provincial Regiment, in terms of training and discipline they were really only militia. They served at Hanging Rock, Camden, Wahab’s Plantation, and the Guilford Court House campaign, finally ending up in Wilmington when Cornwallis came there in April 1781. Of the two actions they are known to have actually “fought” at, their performance was extremely poor, being scattered or slain in both instances. How much this reflected on Bryan himself, however, is hard to say.

Col. Vezey Husband (also Vesey, and Husbands), Burke County

Draper includes Husband in his description of the battle of King’s Mountain. It would seem he both commanded some of the loyalists there, and was killed.

Col. Hector MacNeil, possibly from Robeson, or Scotland County

MacNeil was one of the most prominent and influential of the southeastern North Carolina loyalists, commanding those in the Drowning Creek area whom one encounters so frequently in the history of this period. We know of him taking the field as early as September. 1780, and from that point on was regularly active in combating the whigs nearby. Although his name doesn’t actually come up that frequently, references to the Drowning Creek loyalists do, and it is reasonable to assume that he was involved in their activities most, if not all, of the time. At some point by at least the late summer of 1781, MacNeil had joined forces with David Fanning, and took part in the capture of Governor Thomas Burke at Hillsborough on September 12th, 1781. He lost his life, however, the next day in the battle at Lindley’s Mills.

Col. Ambrose Mills, from Rutherford County

Mills fought under Ferguson at Earle's Ford and Kings Mountain, and was among those condemned and executed at Biggerstaff’s. His was among the most lamentable deaths there, as by both whig and tory accounts he was an honorable and decent man.

Col. John Pyle, from Chatham County

Pyle was the loyalist commander at the tragic Defeat or Massacre bearing his name. Fortunately, though wounded, he managed to escape the slaughter, though we don’t hear of him further engaged in an active military capacity.

Col. Gideon Wright, from Forsyth County

Along with his brother Hezekiah, Wright headed the loyalists at the battle of Shallow Ford in mid October 1780.

Lieut. Col. David Fanning, from Randolph County

Not to be confused with Edmund Fanning. The two were radically different, both in their persons and backgrounds, and probably not relatives (at least not directly.) Fanning was a rather extraordinary individual, in both good and bad ways, and any brief sketch of him is bound to fall very short of the full man. But we will try our best. He first appears as a militia Captain from North Carolina who joined Ferguson about the time the latter came to Ninety-Six in June 1780. With his own independent band of followers he then acted as a partisan in South Carolina against the whigs. After King’s Mountain he removed to Randolph County in North Carolina where for a few months he was involved in minor raids or skirmishes, often involving the abduction of horses. After the British occupied Wilmington in February 1781, he was elected head of the loyal militia in Randolph and Chatham counties, which election Maj. James Craig validated, commissioning him lieutenant colonel. From that point on into 1782, Fanning was the terror of the rebels in eastern North Carolina, carrying out some of the most incredible raids by a militia leader in the entire war, including the capture of Governor Thomas Burke. Fanning himself has been described as unprincipled, and a malignant freebooter. Even the British, some years after the war ended, almost ended up hanging him. Yet if only scoundrel and villain, a savage murderer of the helpless, we are hard pressed to understand how he could have been such a genuinely valiant and ingenious military leader at the same time. But then that is the riddle of David Fanning. His Narrative shows wit and intelligence, and is one of the prime examples of Revolutionary War autobiographies.

Lieut. Col. John Moore, from Lincoln County, Royal North Carolina Regiment

Moore was a lieutenant colonel in the Royal North Carolina Regiment, and was second in charge of the loyalists at Kettle Creek in February 1779. Not long after he took command, Cornwallis sent Moore out from Charleston to help organize the loyalists in his home area of Tryon (also Lincoln) County in southwestern North Carolina. Unfortunately, he either misunderstood or disobeyed his orders and called out his men prematurely. As a result, he was completely defeated at Ramsour’s Mill in June 1780, and the loyalist cause in that region, as a result, utterly vanquished. Moore managed to escape to Camden with 30 men. Although court-martialed, he was acquitted, probably so as not to offend or frighten other potential loyalist leaders in North Carolina. At the same time, however, Moore disappears from the histories.

Maj. Nicholas Welch, from Lincoln County

An officer in the Royal North Carolina Regiment also, Welch was second in command to Col. John Moore at Ramsour's Mill.

Brig. Gen. Robert Cunningham, from Newberry County

Cunningham became a lieutenant colonel in the local loyalists in May of 1780 when Ferguson came to Ninety Six. A prominent citizen of that district, by the next month, Cornwallis had commissioned him a Brigadier General of the militia. Cunningham was supposed to have formed a provincial regiment, but if he did so we don’t know its specific name, and it would not have been much more than a corps of militia, much like Harrison’s Carolina Rangers or Bryan’s North Carolina Volunteers, as opposed to a Provincial Regiment proper like the Royal North Carolina Regiment. The unit commanded by Dunlop in 1781 seems about the closest description of such a body of men as can be found. Despite his rank, Cunningham does not seem to have had large bodies of troops under his command at any one time, unless we mean nominally. At Long Canes in December 1780, he needed to appeal to Cruger to obtain the soldiers necessary to face Few and Clark, seeming to imply he could not call out very many of his own. After that we don’t really hear of Cunningham involved in any military efforts of consequence. Although there is evidence he was at the siege of Ninety Six, we know this only from a passing remark in a Continental army reconnaissance report. The same report said he left the fort when Rawdon did. For these accumulated reasons, Cunningham, despite his high rank, does not appear to have turned out to be a very effective or influential officer. It is possible though, he may have become ill, and this might explain his evident lack of impact. His younger cousin, Lieut. Col. William Cunningham, was, by contrast, a model of vigor and activity.

Col. John Coming Ball, from Charleston County

After being defeated by Marion at Black Mingo in late September 1780, Ball withdrew from active service.

Col. Robert Ballingall, from Berkeley County

Ballingall was directed by Balfour, in September 1780, to organize and recruit men for the militia from St. George’s, St. James’, St. Andrews’ parishes just north and northwest of Charleston. He was evidently successful in this because by January, Balfour commended him on dispersing the rebels in his area.

Col. James Cary, from Kershaw County

Cary owned some property on the west side of the Wateree River, within the present day Lugoff community, where he established a redoubt to protect the ferry to Camden. In August 1780, he was attacked there by Sumter’s force and taken prisoner. However, within a few days Tarleton came to his and his men’s rescue and liberated them at Fishing Creek.

Col. Daniel Clary, from Newberry County

Clary was one of heads of loyalist militia in the in the Ninety-Six region at time of Musgrove's Mill, at which battle he fought. When the rebels seized his horse’s bridle to take him prisoner, he exclaimed, “D—n you, don’t you know your own officers!” They let him go, and thus managed to get free. He also fought at King’s Mountain and survived the battle. After the war, says Draper, he remained in the state and became a beloved and respected citizen.

Col. Edward Fenwick, from Charleston County

Initially a captain, Fenwick as lieutenant colonel commanded a unit of loyalist dragoons from out Charleston in early 1781. In April he managed to route Harden’s men at Pocotaligo Road in modern Colleton County, but a few days later was captured and paroled by Harden at close by Fort Balfour. He and a number of his men were exchanged, and in the latter part of July reappeared in the field. Thereafter Fenwick and his troops continued to act as a patrol outside Charleston.

Col. John Fisher, from Orangeburg County

Fisher was head of the Orangeburg militia, and established a fort there following the battle of Camden. Both he and his fort were taken by Sumter on May 11th, 1781.

Col. Richard King, possibly from Greenwood County

King commanded the loyalist militia under Cruger at the siege of Ninety-Six.

Col. Moses Kirkland, from Kershaw County

Kirkland had very early in the war been an officer who serving with the rebels, but disgruntled over a dispute over rank, he threw in his lot in with the British. Evidently coming from Savannah or else East Florida, he joined Clinton’s forces before Charleston in 1780. They reportedly valued his advice on the local situation, and in this way he aided them in the siege. Afterward Kirkland was part of Robert Cunningham’s command at Ninety Six. He was present with Cruger at the relief of Augusta in September, and later removed to Savannah, though in what role or capacity is not clear. One writer says Kirkland “was not in favor of the conflict, but likely believed that the British would ultimately prevail.” Following the war he moved to Jamaica, and was lost at sea while en route to England in 1787.

Col. Henry Richbourg, from Clarendon County

Richbourg was of a respected and prosperous family which owned a Mill in modern Clarendon County. He commanded a troop of his own loyalist dragoons, and briefly fought Marion as part of Watson’s command in March 1781. Otherwise, it would seem he only operated in his own local area.

Col. Henry Rugeley, from Kershaw County

Despite being a commissioned loyalist officer, Rugeley, a wealthy planter and merchant had enough sense of his obligations as a host to entertain rebel Governor John Rutledge and some of his council in late May 1780, when Rutledge was on his way out of the state in the face of rapid British consolidation of territory. Later, in early December, either he or his brother Rowland, succumbed to William Washington’s dummy cannon trick at Fort Rugeley, a relatively small stockade located at Rugeley’s plantation, Clermont. He was paroled, and did not subsequently serve. One can’t help but wonder, however, if this acquired neutrality might not have been in some way a result of his own intended design.

Lieut. Col. James Cassels, from Georgetown County

Cassels commanded the Georgetown militia in early September 1780.

Lieut. Col. William Cunningham, from Laurens County

In May of 1781, Capt. Cunningham was placed in charge of what remained of Dunlop’s corps of Ninety-Six loyalists, and with them carried out partisan operations against Greene’s forces besieging Ninety-Six. When Cruger and majority of loyalists left Ninety-Six in July, Cunningham removed to a location below the mountains with a mounted band of followers. About the same time, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel, though he was apparently made a major beforehand. Cunningham was incensed by the loyalists being forced from their homes, while forbade from remaining unless they submitted to United States authority. With the occasional aid of some Cherokees, he consequently went on to carry out a series of vengeful and brutal hit-and-run raids and attacks, which soon earned him the soubriquet “Bloody Bill.” Some of his most sanguinary deeds took place in November of 1781, including Hayes Station. He not only survived the war, but, in 1787, died while living in Charleston. Perhaps not so strangely, Cunningham has been viewed both by some British historians as a kind of hearty hero, and by the American as a heinous monster. Like Fanning, he was no doubt a complex personality, and there is probably truth to both points of view.

Lieut. Col. Samuel Tynes, from Kershaw County

A well meaning, but not terribly inspiring leader, Tynes was trounced by Marion at Tearcoat Swamp in October 1780. He was shortly after taken prisoner, along with some others, by Maj. William Clay Snipes, but was able to effect his escape days later. Tynes attempted to collect a new force of loyalists for the purposes of defending a small redoubt south of Camden. But for fear of the more numerous whig militia, few were willing to remain with him. Tynes then let those still with him go home and himself resigned by the end of November.

Maj. Micajah Ganey (also Gainey), from Marion County

While not so much the military man as his whig counterpart Francis Marion, Ganey was a solid leader for the loyalists in what are now Marion and Dillon counties, and sometimes could bring together a fairly large following.

Though he never defeated Marion he regularly kept him and other whig leaders in the region fairly busy, and was able to reunite his own men after being scattered. In December 1780, Balfour thought it prudent to have him move his command to Georgetown. At the end of that month, Ganey was involved in a skirmish just outside the town in which he was badly wounded. He recovered by April when he again raised men from his home district to temporarily assist Lieut. Col. John Watson. Feeling the pressure of the American offensive later in the spring, Ganey negotiated and signed a truce with Marion in which he and his men agreed to stay out of the fighting if not molested. However, the peace did not last long. Ganey accused the whigs of violating the agreement, and fighting for a while resumed in the area. After the war, Ganey remained in his home state and became a well-regarded citizen, known for his high character and integrity.

Maj. Zacharias Gibbs (also Gibbes), from Spartanburg County

Gibbs fought at Kettle Creek in 1779 where he was captured. He was released on April 3rd, 1780, and removed to Camden, where he remained till Clinton’s subjugation of the province. From there he went to Ninety Six where he became one of the main loyalist militia leaders of the frontier region, setting up camp at a home on the Pacelot River, at a point about four miles west of Cowpens. At the time of King’s Mountain, he was gathering a force of some 400 to possibly 600 men. What exactly happen to this group is not known. But it may be that if they didn’t disperse after the battle, some may have joined Gideon and Hezekiah Wright and fought at Shallow Ford a week or so later, though Gibbs himself would not have been present there. In a biographical sketch of Gibbs, British historian E. Alfred Jones remarks: “Colonel Nisbet Balfour, sometime commandant at Charleston, testified in evidence in London [after the war ended] to his [Gibbs’] excellent qualities as a man and as one of the truest of loyalists, though, with the traditional prejudice of the British regular officer against the Provincial or militia forces, qualified his praise by adding that Colonel Gibbs was not a very good soldier.” Gibbs led a fairly interesting life and we can only touch on a few points here. But one additional fact we might mention is that he invested in large tracts of land in the Dutch Fork and near Camden, which has been interpreted as reflecting his great faith in the British cause.

Maj. John Harrison, from Charleston County, South Carolina Rangers, also Harrison's Corps

Harrison was commissioned major and appointed to raise the Kings Rangers (to be distinguished from Brown’s King’s Carolina Rangers.) When not out as part of a detachment, his unit was sometimes mounted as cavalry, and usually based in Camden. On a few occasions they saw action against Marion’s brigade. Following the Revolution, Harrison made his home in the Bahamas.

Maj. Samuel Harrison, from Charleston County, South Carolina Rangers

Brother of John, Samuel was killed at Widoo Swamp on March 6th, 1780.

Maj. Daniel Plummer, from Spartanburg County

As best we know, Plummer commanded the South Carolina loyalists at Kings Mountain. Chesney further states that he was wounded at that action. Although he survived the war, it is not known what other role, if any, he played in what remained of the conflict.

Capt. Jesse Barfield (also Barefield), from Dillon County

Barfield at one time had been a captain in the South Carolina line. But like Moses Kirkland, dissatisfied with being denied promotion, he switched sides. As a leader of a small band of loyalists from what is now Dillon County, he and his brothers in the autumn of 1780 fought stubbornly in a number of small raids and skirmishes against Marion, the Murfees and Col. Thomas Brown of Bladen. On a couple of occasions he joined forces with Ganey. Barfield remained fairly active up until the time of his last engagement, which was against Capt. Malachi Murfee at Bass’ Mill in August 1781. He died, probably of small pox, later that same year. Barfield was a worthy opponent and an officer who knew his business. Author William Gilmore Simms used him as the basis for a central character in his historical novel Mellichampe: A Legend of the Santee (1836).

Col. Francis Waters

Waters led the loyalists at Hammond's Store in December 1780.

* Brigade of Guards

Two battalions of Guards came south with Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie in December of 1780, and which included at least one light infantry and one grenadier company. This brigade contained soldiers from the 1st Guards Regiment, the 2nd Guards Regiment (the Coldstream Guards), and the 3rd Guards Regiment (Scots Guards) However, the regiments were intermingled to form what we today might describe as a generic whole, although the component companies of these Guards battalions, individually, retained their regimental distinctness and unity. So, for example, a given battalion might be made up of companies of the 1st Guards Regiment, and end up being called the 1st Guards Battalion. While a second battalion made up of companies from all three Guards regiments might be called the 2nd Guards Battalion. In the course of the war, composition then of what were called the 1st and 2nd Guards Battalion might differ according to how many companies of one of the three regiments might be present in a given battalion: the two battalions forming the brigade. While this might make things confusing to scholars, the system had the advantage of allowing army organizers to form a Guards brigade with what effective companies from the regiments were available; without insisting on regimental integrity beyond the company level. The Brigade served with Cornwallis up unto the time of Yorktown, and was commanded by Brig. Gen. Charles O’Hara.

* 7th Regiment of Foot, also Royal Fusiliers

The 7th came south with Clinton in January 1780, although it was not full strength. A battalion of 200 recruits arrived in Charleston in December (separately from Leslie’s reinforcement.) These became part of Tarleton’s command and were effectively destroyed at Cowpens. What remained of the regiment, at one point numbering some 182 rank and file, afterward served with the Charleston garrison. The 7th ended up leaving Charleston in August 1782.

* 16th Regiment of Foot

The 16th was in Savannah at the time of Clinton’s arrival south. During the course of 1780 three companies were sent to assist in the subjugation of Ninety-Six and the backcountry. These later were with Tarleton at Cowpens. In early 1781 a second detachment was sent from Savannah to bolster the garrison at Pensacola. These had no better luck than the first, being taken by the Spaniards in March. What was left of the 16th left Charleston in March 1782.

* 19th Regiment of Foot

The 19th arrived as part of the June 1781 reinforcement to Charleston. They departed in December 1782.

* 23d Regiment of Foot, also Royal Welch Fusiliers

The 23d were with Clinton when he came south in January 1780. They subsequently became one of the standard units for Cornwallis’ army, ending up with him at Yorktown. One authority, however, says a detachment of the 23rd remained in Charleston, as did one of the 33rd. These reportedly stayed in Charleston up till November 1782.

* 30th Regiment of Foot

The 30th arrived in Charleston in June 1781. It left there in December 1782.

* 33d Regiment of Foot

The 33rd Regiment’s history is identical to the 23rd’s.

* 63d Regiment of Foot

Arrived with Clinton, the 63rd remained in South Carolina as part of that province’s defenses. They left Charleston by October-December 1782.

* 64th Regiment of Foot

Arrived with Clinton, the 64th remained in South Carolina as part of that province’s defenses. They left Charleston by October 1782.

* 71st Regiment of Foot, also 71st Highland Regiment

The 71st was present in Savannah when Clinton came south in January 1780. Being the largest regiment present in the south, they possessed two battalions (as opposed to the more common single battalion.) One of these was effectively destroyed at Cowpens, the other stayed with Cornwallis up to and including Yorktown. Remnant of the 1st Battalion departed from Charleston in November. 1782.

* 82d Regiment of Foot

A detachment of the 82nd accompanied Leslie to Charleston in December 1780. They were subsequently posted to Wilmington, N.C. After Guilford Court House, light companies marched with Cornwallis into Virginia and were with him at Yorktown. After Wilmington, what had been left there were evacuated to Charleston in December 1781. They finally left Charleston in April 1782.

*2nd Battalion of the 84th Regiment of Foot, also Royal Highland Emigrants

The 2nd Battalion of the 84th came to Charleston with Leslie and became part of the Charleston garrison. Sometime in the spring of 1781, its commander Lieut. Col. John Small was posted at Monck’s Corner. Later some of the 84th served at Eutaw Springs. At some point no later than August 1781, they had a detachment in Wilmington with Craig. When they actually went there and how long they stayed is not clear, though they may have accompanied the initial invasion force to that town in late January 1781. The 84th had the honorable distinction of being a Provincial regiment that was put on the regular army establishment.

* 17th Regiment Light Dragoons

One troop of the 17th arrived with Clinton, and then left with him in June to New York. Nevertheless, the detachment returned to Charleston in early December (separate from Leslie’s reinforcement of that same month) and were with Tarleton at Cowpens. A few survived that battle to be informally incorporated into the British Legion cavalry.

* Royal Artillery

A number of detachments of the Royal artillery came south with Clinton, while another was already present in Savannah. Some of these returned with Clinton to New York, while some were left to service the Charleston garrison and Cornwallis’ army. Gunners and matrosses would be made available as circumstances required and allowed. After Tarleton captured two brass cannon from Sumter at Fishing Creek in August 1780, a command was formed using them. In this case, the particular detachment was lost at Cowpens, so by the time just before Guilford Court House, Cornwallis’ artillery detachment was under-strength. As a result, he ended up having 2 more guns with him than he had men to man them with, not counting the additional 2 he subsequently captured in the battle itself.

* Guides and Pioneers

About a company or more of these were regularly with Cornwallis’ army, while individual engineers might be available to lend their services to assist in the construction or enhancing of fortifications; or else the building and repairing of bridges and boats.

* British Legion, also Tarleton’s Legion

The British Legion was made up one element of cavalry and one of infantry. They came south with Clinton, and subsequently were a regular part of Cornwallis army, being with him at Yorktown. At Cowpens, however, the Legion infantry was so decimated that it was informally disbanded, though later it was reformed in New York. It is possible a remnant of them may have remained in Charleston till late in the war, but this is not clearly established.

* Charlestown Volunteer Battalion

After the fall of Charleston, a battalion formed of volunteers from Charleston was created to assist the city’s garrison. They disbanded, if not sooner, by the evacuation of Charleston in December 1782.

* Delancey's Brigade, also Delancey’s New York Brigade

The 1st and 2nd DeLancey’s battalions were already stationed in Savannah at the time of Clinton’s coming south in January 1780. Being both under-strength, the 1st and 2nd were consolidated to form the 1st DeLancey’s Battalion. This unit was present for most of 1780 and 1781 at Ninety-Six, finally departing from Charleston in February 1782.

* Ferguson’s Corps, also Ferguson’s Rangers

Ferguson’s Corps was made up of 100 volunteers selected from the King's American Rangers, the New Jersey Volunteers, the Loyal American Regiment, and at least one Queen’s Ranger (Maj. James Dunlop.) It was not intended as a permanent unit, but rather one formed for special services and missions. It came south with Clinton, and was destroyed or disbanded at King’s Mountain.

* Georgia Dragoons

In early 1781, Royal Governor James Wright received permission from Cornwallis to form small troops of Georgia Dargoons. When formed these were 20 to 30 man patrol units that operated out of Savannah and Augusta. They apparently were used more as a police force then as a regular military unit, as we don’t hear of them coming up in the fighting.

* Kings American Regiment, also Fanning’s Corps

A detachment of 100 of the King’s American Regiment is said to have come south with Clinton in January 1780, and presumably returned with him to New York in June. The main regiment itself came back to Charleston with Leslie in December 1780. Thereafter they remained a part of the defenses of South Carolina, acting in that capacity till June of 1781 when they were sent to Savannah. The regiment ultimately left Charleston in late 1782.

* Kings Carolina Rangers, also East Florida Rangers

The East Florida Rangers were first raised by Lieut. Col. Thomas Brown in St. Augustine Florida in 1776. The King’s Carolina Rangers was created out of the reorganized East Florida Rangers in June 1779 while still in Florida, or, according to another source, after the siege of Savannah in October 1779, at which they were present. At some point just before or after Savannah, an earlier provincial unit, the Georgia Loyalists, was merged with the King’s Carolina Rangers. The Rangers subsequently were present at the defense of Savannah in October. After Clinton captured Charleston in May 1780, they were sent to occupy Augusta. Although in July or August 1780 a detachment was sent north into South Carolina (and which took heavy losses at Hanging Rock), the unit otherwise remained in Augusta, until June 1781 when they were taken prisoner there along with the town itself. Nonetheless, the regiment was reformed later in Savannah, and was one of those which returned to New York from Charleston in late 1782. Although sometimes referred to by this name, they should not be confused with the similar sounding “King’s Rangers,” which was a separate corps entirely.

* New Jersey Volunteers (brigade)

The 3rd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers was present at Savannah in 1779, and, in July 1780, were at Ninety-Six with Cruger. Due to cumulative reductions in the ranks of the different New Jersey Volunteer battalions, by the time of the Ninety-Six siege, the 3rd ended up being re-designated the 2nd New Jersey Battalion. Though it may have been earlier, they left Charleston no later than December 1782.

* New York Volunteers

The New York Volunteers were at both the siege of Savannah (1779) and Charleston (1780.) Thereafter they served as part of the South Carolina defenses, returning to New York from Charleston in August 1782. Unlike the New Jersey Volunteers, the New York Volunteers, being fewer, did not have numbered battalions.

* North Carolina Dragoons

A small provincial corps of dragoons was raised in Wilmington in the summer of 1781, and is reputed to have been a good unit, and not a mere militia troop. At the evacuation of Wilmington they were removed to Charleston where they served at part of the garrison, being engaged in at least one late war skirmish. After the summer of 1782 they were incorporated into the South Carolina Royalists.

* North Carolina independent company

Aside from a light company from the Royal North Carolina Regiment, this was the sole unit of North Carolina loyalists that Cornwallis was able to take with him into Virginia in the spring of 1781. Led by Captain Eli Branson, and numbering 50 or less, they were among the prisoners at Yorktown.

* North Carolina Highlanders

Two companies (about 50 men in strength each) of this unit were raised and served at Wilmington sometime by the summer 1781, and were led by an officer from the 71st Regiment. They were at Wilmington till the evacuation in December, then went to Charleston, where they were essentially incorporated into the Royal North Carolina Regiment.

* Royal North Carolina Regiment, also Hamilton’s Corps

The Royal North Carolina Regiment was at the siege of Savannah in 1779. After the fall of Charleston, at which they were present, they were made part of Cornwallis’ army. However, they were at Camden when Leslie marched with them to join Cornwallis at the time of Cowpens in January 1781. Thereafter they were with him up to the time he was in Wilmington. In late April, Cornwallis took with him a light company of the regiment into Virginia, while leaving the main unit itself in Wilmington. A second was reportedly raised along the way, and was commanded by Capt. William Chandler. Both were at Yorktown. The main regiment remained part of Wilmington’s town’s garrison till December when it was removed with the rest to Charleston. According to one source, it was removed from Charleston to St. Augustine in October 1782.

* North Carolina Volunteers, also Bryan’s Refugees

The North Carolina Volunteers should really be classed as militia rather than a regular Provincial regiment, Bryan’s Refugees being perhaps their more suitable title. They were formally formed in July 1780, and were present at Camden. They accompanied Cornwallis on both his first and second invasions of North Carolina, and stayed in Wilmington when he moved in the direction of Virginia in late April 1781. The Volunteers returned to Charleston on Wilmington’s evacuation in December the same year: far lower in strength than the original 800 they were back in July 1780, having suffered severe losses at Hanging Rock and Wahab’s Plantation. In October 1782, they accompanied the Royal North Carolina Regiment to St. Augustine.

The Prince of Wales Regiment came to Charleston in April 1780. At Hanging Rock in August the unit suffered devastating casualties, while a light detachment was lost at Cowpens. What were left were then used in South Carolina as various detachments, including one which was part of the Fort Granby garrison in early 1781. The remnants left Charleston for New York in December 1781.

* Provincial Light Infantry Battalion

A battalion composed of light companies from the other northern Provincial battalions came south with Leslie to Charleston in December 1780. It remained part of the South Carolina defenses, ultimately leaving Charleston no later than the end of 1782.

* Queen’s Rangers, also 1st American Regiment

A detachment of from 65 to 80 Queen’s Rangers dragoons arrived at Charleston with Leslie in December 1780. A number of these subsequently served most of their time as part of the Georgetown garrison, though including carrying out raids from there as well. At one point their commanding officer, Capt. Saunders, was almost successful in having the whole detachment removed from the southern department (ostensibly to join their main unit.) However, the losses caused by Cowpens forbade it. They continued in Georgetown till about May 1781, and at that time were removed to Charleston. About July, the Queen’s Rangers detachment was attached on different occasions to the South Carolina Royalists under Maj. Thomas Fraser. Presumably they left Charleston some time in 1782.

* South Carolina Light Dragoons

Some troops of these were raised some time after May 1780 by Col. Edward Fenwick of Charleston, and were active in the outlying areas of that city’s region by April 1781. They were taken prisoner that same month, but were later exchanged and back operating out of Charleston in July. Apparently those that didn’t stay as American citizens, left in late 1782.

* South Carolina Rangers, also Harrison’s Corps, King’s Rangers

The Rangers (different from Brown’s King’s Carolina Rangers) were formed and raised in June 1780 following the fall of Charleston. There after they served as part of the Camden garrison, and are said to have numbered not more than 100 at a time. Sometime, evidently just before Hobkirk’s Hill, they were merged with the then newly formed mounted South Carolina Royalists unit. Although Provincial in name, originally they were not all much better than militia rabble, but presumably were in some wise improved after being included in the Royalists.

* South Carolina Royalists, also South Carolina Loyalists

The Royalists were at the defense of Savannah, and later participated in the siege of Charleston. They were sorely defeated at Musgrove’s Mill in August 1780, having been sent west to join the frontier defenses. By April of 1781, Maj. Thomas Fraser had brought together a revived unit, including some of Fergson’s former corps and new recruits. Within a month afterward they were mounted as cavalry, and served in this role through the end of the year as part of the South Carolina and Charleston defenses. The Royalists left Charleston in November 1782.

* Volunteers of Augusta

These were raised sometime in late 1781 to assist in the defense of Savannah. Their numbers were probably not that very great.

* Volunteers of Ireland

The Volunteers of Ireland arrived in Charleston in April 1780. Thereafter they served in the defense of South Carolina. They remained in the south till at least the latter part of 1781, at which time they may have left for New York.

This list does not include all of the German regiments which served at the siege of Charleston in May 1780. Those not listed here left Charleston for New York in early June 1780. With the two very important exceptions of von Bose and the Hesse Cassel Jägers, the Germans (who in this case all happen to be Hessians) were normally kept as garrison troops while in the south due to their tendency to desert.

Von d'Angelleli was in Savannah at the time of its defense in October 1780. They were moved to Charleston in July 1780, and stayed there till November 1782.

* von Bose, also Regiment von Bose

Von Bose came south to Charleston with Leslie in December 1780, and thereafter became a permanent part of Cornwallis’ army.

* von Dittfurth, also Regiment von Dittfurth, and von Ditfurth

Von Dittfurth arrived in Charleston in April 1780. Thereafter they served as a garrison regiment until November 1782 when they departed for New York.

* von Huyne, also Regtiment von Huyne, and von Huyn

Von Huyne came south with Clinton in January 1780 where it stayed as garrison regiment until leaving Charleston in November. 1782.

* von Knoblauch, also Regiment von Knoblauch

Von Knoblauch served at the defense of Savannah, and left there in August 1782.

German Detachments

* Hesse Cassel artillery company

There were up to three companies of Hessian artillerymen that arrived at Charleston with Leslie in December. 1780.

* Hesse Cassel Jägers, also Jaegers

This unit was at the siege of Charleston, and was one of those which went back to New York with Clinton. Later about a 100 men arrived at Charleston in December 1780 with Leslie’s reinforcement. Following this they served with Cornwallis through Yorktown.

* Starckloff’s Troop of Light Dragoons

On April 15th, 1781, Capt. Friedrich Starckloff's troop of light dragoons was created from 60 officers and men of the three Hessian regiments in South Carolina.  It was active until at least the end of 1781.

1 December. According to Clinton, the total effective strength of the British army in the district of New York on 1 December 1779 was not more than 18,538, plus an additional 6,000 sick and unfit for duty, most of whom it was anticipated would not be well and ready till at least Spring.

Stationed at Savannah, Georgia at this same time were the following:

Maj. Gen. Augustine Prevost

Lieut. Col. Friedrich von Porbeck, second in command

BRITISH

16th Regt.

71st Regt. (2 battalions)

GERMAN

Hessians

Regt. von d'Angelleli, Col. J. C. von Köehler

Regt. von Knoblauch, (von Porbeck)

PROVINCIALS AND LOYALIST MILITIA

1st Bttn. Delancey’s Brigade, Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger

3rd Bttn. New Jersey Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Isaac Allen

New York Volunteers, Lieut. Col. George Turnbull

South Carolina Royalists, Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes

King's Carolina Rangers, Lieut. Col. Thomas Brown

Royal North Carolina Regt., Lieut. Col. John Hamilton

South Carolina Loyalist Militia, Capt. Samuel Rowarth, Capt. Wyley

Georgia Loyalist Militia, Maj. James Wright

At time of the siege of Savannah in October 1779 there were 2,350 British, German and Provincial troops in Georgia. British casualties at the siege were so relatively light that this number by December would not have been less than 2,250-2,300, if that low.

American forces at this time in the deep south were mostly situated in Charleston, and were under the command of Maj. Benjamin Lincoln. Lincoln’s force was made up of ten "weak" Continental and State regiments from Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia for a total effective force of about 4,000 (or 3,600 rank and file), plus 2,000 South Carolina and North Carolina militia. See 17 April 1780 for more details on specific units, artillery, and American and French naval forces present.

26 December. Maj. Gen. Sir Henry Clinton's expedition to take Charleston left Sandy Hook, New York on a voyage that would ultimately end up lasting (for most of the ships) around 38 days. Among the highest ranking officers Clinton had with were Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis, Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie, Maj. Gen. Henry Julian Kospoth, Maj. Gen. J. C. von Huyne, and Brig. Gen. James Paterson. Col. Francis Lord Rawdon, who would subsequently play a major role in the southern campaigns, was not with the initial invasion force, but arrived later, on 17 April, with a follow-up convoy of reinforcements.

The expedition's force and convoy consisted of:

BRITISH

Light Infantry: 800

1st and 2nd Grenadiers Bttns.: 900

7th Regt.: 400

23rd Regt.: 400

33rd Regt.: 450, Lieut. Col. James Webster

63rd Regt.: 400

64th Regt.: 350

detachment of 17th Light Dragoons

Guides and Pioneers: 150

Royal Artillery: 200

GERMAN

Hessian Grenadiers: 1,000, including

1st Bttn. Grenadiere von Linsingen, Lieut. Col. Otto Christian W. von Linsingen

2nd Bttn. Grenadiere von Lengerke, Lieut. Col. George Emmanuel von Lengerke

3rd Bttn. Grenadiere von Minnigerode, Col. Frederick Henry von Schuler

4th Bttn. Grenadiere von Graff, Lieut. Col. von Graff

Regt. v. Huyne: 800, Col. Friedrich von Benning

Jägers: 200, including

2nd Company, Anspach-Bayreuth Jäegers

Hesse Cassel Jagers (1 company)

Hesse-Cassel chasseur company, Capt. George Hanger

Hessian artillery detachment

PROVINCIALS

King’s American Regt.: 100, Col. Edmund Fanning

Loyal American Volunteers: 300, Maj. Patrick Ferguson

British Legion, cavalry and infantry: 200, Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton

Also accompanying Clinton's expedition were 250 Hessian and Provincial recruits for the regiments garrisoning Savannah.

TOTAL LAND FORCES UNDER CLINTON: 6,650-7,000 rank and file

Carrington's gives a total of 7,550, not including the Hessian recruits. Subtracting the 42nd Regiment (700) and the Queen's Rangers (200) which Carrington, incorrectly included in his list (these units came on 17 April), makes for 6,650. Adding the reinforcement of 2,566 rank and file effectives of 18 April, minus those not fit for duty -- thus getting a 1,863 rank and file fit for duty total for the reinforcements -- would bring Clinton's total rank and file force by late April to 8,513. Adding the complete 2,566 reinforcement gives (as an approximation) 9,216 at the time of the siege, not including sailors or marines. Clinton in his memoirs states that his initial expedition did not exceed 7,000, which roughly corresponds with Carrington’s figure as adjusted. Boatner, on the other hand, gives the total of Clinton's expedition (not counting sailors and marines) as 8,700 effectives.

NAVAL STRENGTH OF CLINTON’S EXPEDITION:

Vice Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot

Royal Navy personnel: 4,000 to 5000 sailors and marines.

There were 90 transports in all, with enough to carry 8,500 troops, plus the 396 horses brought along. 18 of the transports carried necessary supplies and ordnance.

The transports were escorted by a convoy of warships including:

Europe, 64 guns

Russell, 74 guns

Robuste, 74 guns

Defiance, 64 guns

Raisonable, 64 guns

Renown, 50 guns

Romulus, 44 guns

Roebuck, 44 guns

Blonde, 32 guns

Perseus, 32 guns

Camilla, 20 guns

Raleigh, 28 guns

Richmond, 32 guns

Virginia, 28 guns

28 December. A major storm, lasting a few days, hit the Charleston bound expedition: seriously damaging most of the ships, and sinking at least one. Both convoy and transport ships, in general, were separated far and wide from each other. One transport, the Anna, with 200 Hessians on board, ended up being caught in the Gulf Stream and was blown so far across the Atlantic it landed in Cornwall. As well, a few ships, disabled by the gale, were captured by American privateers. The one ship sunk was an ordnance ship carrying most of Clinton’s artillery. Many supply stores, most of the artillery, and all of the cavalry horses were lost in the voyage. The horses were either thrown overboard, had had their legs broken by the violent rocking motion of the ships (and consequently had to be destroyed), or else were lost with the captured ships.

Late January. Due to the heavy damage the ships suffered at sea from the storm, it was decided by Clinton and Arbuthnot to land in Georgia first, rather than make a direct landing outside Charleston as was originally planned. "By the last of January" the first ships had rendezvoused and put in at Tybee Island on the tip of Georgia coast. The rest of the scattered convoy and transport ships arrived at Tybee in different groups a number of days later (into February.) From Tybee they all removed to Savannah where the troops were finally disembarked, and the ships repaired and refitted.

Early February. From Savannah, Clinton sent dispatches to British commanders in St. Augustine, Florida and the Bahamas asking that all the artillery and supplies that could be spared be sent to Savannah make up for those lost at sea, which request was complied with.

3 February. The British invasion having forced the suspension of legislative sessions, the South Carolina assembly conferred on Gov. John Rutledge wartime dictatorial powers, pending the time they could once more re-convene in safety. When they did finally meet again in January 1782, after almost two years of dedicated and distinguished service in this capacity, Rutledge stepped down. His contribution has been overshadowed by the more romantic exploits of the likes of Marion and Sumter, yet during this time of crisis and civil disorder Rutledge played a crucial role in both maintaining the state’s war effort and keeping it from sinking into chaos. Among Rutledge’s first acts in his new appointment was to call out the South Carolina militia. The response was relatively nil due to concern about loyalists, and in some cases Indians, in their own neighborhoods, plus fear of smallpox in Charleston.

William Dobein James: “The first order issued by Governor Rutledge, was, to call out the drafted militia, for the defence of the town, under pain of confiscation of property. This order was but partially obeyed; -- the militia, who were friendly to the cause, had been much harassed in the last campaign, and it was generally known that the small-pox was in the town. At the same time, the governor sent out many influential officers, to secure the execution of his first order; and though intended only to operate for the present, this last order was in time productive of a fortunate result; as these officers afterwards headed the people.”

9-11 February. Stormy weather having sufficiently subsided, Clinton sailed with a convoy of troops out of Savannah to begin preliminary moves on Charleston. By the 11th, he captured John's Island, Stono ferry, James' Island, Perreneau's landing, Wappo cut -- all locations just to the south or southwest of Charleston. In addition, the advanced portions of the expeditionary force occupied the bank of the Ashley river opposite Charleston. The passage to the islands, which in terms of navigation was exceedingly treacherous, was not achieved without some difficulty. Yet, very fortunately for Clinton, this difficulty was overcome by the unique expertise and assistance of Capt. Keith Elphinstone of the Royal Navy. Meanwhile, a detachment from Clinton's force, some 1,400-1,500 under Brig. Gen. James Paterson, remained in Savannah with Maj. Gen. Augustine Prevost's garrison -- as did, as well, the replacements for the 1st Battalion of Delancey's Brigade and the German regiments already garrisoning the town. Included in Paterson's force were: the Light Infantry, Ferguson's Corps, the New York Volunteers, a detachment of the dismounted British Legion.

Clinton: “Violent gales of wind had driven out to sea some transports that were bringing to us a battalion of the Seventy-first Regiment from Savannah. The Defiance, of sixty-four guns, belonging to Mr. Arbuthnot’s squadron, was likewise lost at the entrance of Tybee harbor. And many other untoward circumstances, the effects of the present tempestuous season, considerably retarded the movements of the fleet and kept back the cooperation and assistance we anxiously expected from them. However, as soon as the remaining line-of-battle ships could be secured in Beaufort harbor, some heavy guns, ammunition, and seamen were forwarded from them, and the rest of the ships assembled off Stono. A battalion was immediately upon this sent to the Lighthouse Island [Morris Island] and two twenty-four-pounders mounted in a battery to cover the boats of the fleet while laying buoys on the passage over the bar. It was, however, the 20th of March before we had the satisfaction to see the Admiral’s flag flying on board the Roebuck in Five Fathom Hole.

Tarleton: "On the 10th of Feb 1780 transports, with great part of the army on board, convoyed by a proper force, sailed from Savannah to North Edisto, the place of debarkation, which had been previously appointed."

De Brahm, entry for 9 February: "The English fleet arrived in Stono Inlet; the alarm was fired in Charlestown.” Entry for 10 February: "The [British] troops landed."

11-12 February. Having landed his whole force at the southwest end of Simmons (now Seabrook) Island, Clinton established headquarters at Stono Ferry on the Ashley River, which acts as the natural southern boundary of the city of Charleston.

15 February. From a letter written by Colonel John Laurens written on February 15th: “The British army, said to be under the command of Sir Henry Clinton, are distributed on Port Royal Island, John’s Island, Stono Ferry, and a detachment last night landed upon James’ Island. The headquarters are at Fenwick’s house, on John’s Island. Four of their galleys have been seen between John and James’ Island. The number of troops, not known, supposed to be much diminished since the embarkation at New York. About twelve deserters from the fleet and army have come into Charleston, and as many prisoners are taken by our light horse. Different deserters from the fleet and army agree in reporting heavy losses at sea. Three ships foundered, many dismasted, one brig, two ships are taken, and brought into Charleston; a brig is carried into North Carolina. One of the deserters informs, that thirteen sail were left on the rocks of Bermuda. There is undoubtedly some grand impediment to the enemy’s progress. All their horses perished at sea, and much of their furniture was captured. Three days ago passed by Charleston bar, in a hard gale wind, a sixty-four gun ship, a frigate, and some transports. These may be gone to New York for further supplies; but all is conjecture. Near the bar of Charleston daily appears a frigate and others ship of war, reconnoitering and blocking up the harbor. We have four Continental frigates, two French armed ships, two State armed ships, six other armed vessels, some of them carrying very heavy cannon. The enemy’s delay has afforded an opportunity for strengthening the lines of Charleston, which will be in pretty good order tomorrow. The number of men within the lines is uncertain; but by far too few for defending works of near three miles in circumference; especially considering many of them to be citizens, and unaccustomed to the fatigues of a besieged garrison, and many of the Continental troops half naked.

Reinforcements are expected—General Hogan[James Hogun] is within a few miles. The Virginia troops are somewhere!—assistance from that state has been expected these eighteen months. General Moultrie is forming a camp at Bacon’s Bridge, where he has five hundred horse belonging to South Carolina – Baylor’s [William Washington’s] and Bland’s [Anthony White’s] regiments of Virginia. General [Andrew] Williamson is encamped at Augusta—a thousand men are expected from his brigade. General Richardson and Colonel Carlen are raising the militia at and about Camden. At this moment the escape of the Americans depends on further delay on the enemy’s part: two or three weeks more will make this garrison strong…”

Late Ferbuary to March. For the next few weeks, the main British army was engaged in "establishing magazines and erecting works to defend communications, near the banks of Ashley river." To replace horses lost at sea en route to Charleston from New York was a top priority for the dismounted British Legion and 17th Lt. Dragoons. "To procure others,” writes Clinton, “was one of our first cares after we arrived in Tybee; and Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton, who commanded the Legion, had removed at his own request with the dismounted troopers of both [i.e. the Legion and 17th Dragoons] to Port Royal Island for that purpose. Here by great exertion and good luck he collected a number of horses (some marsh tackies which made poor cavalry horses), in time to join Brigadier General Paterson as he passed by that route in his march to the army before Charleston." Tarleton himself with the main body of his legion was at Beaufort, where he had managed to collect enough horses to mount his cavalry, however, these horses were largely unsuited for military service. The juncture with Paterson mentioned above by Clinton took place in March.

William Dobein James: "(T}he enemy proceeded cautiously in the siege of Charleston. They formed a depot on James Island, and erected a fortification on it, and the main, near Wappoo cut."

Early March. In the face of the British invasion, Lincoln removed Continental troops from Georgia. Georgia then asked South Carolina to send troops to help defend its western borders. They dispatched Brig. Gen. Andrew Williamson from the Ninety-Six district with about 300 militia to Augusta some time in February (or possibly early March) to Augusta. Williamson remained there till May 29, at which time his duties were taken up by the Georgia militia.

Lossing: “[Gov. John] Rutledge ordered three hundred negroes to be brought from the neighboring plantations to work upon the [Charleston] fortifications, and within a few days cannons and mortars were mounted; a trench, filled with water, stretched across the Neck from the Ashley to the Cooper, and two rows of abatis protected the whole. Fort Moultrie, the redoubts at Haddrell's Point and Hobcaw, the works at South Bay, Hospital Point, and all along the city front, were strengthened and manned. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney was placed in command of the garrison at Fort Moultrie. Captain Daniel Horry was sent to Ashley Ferry to watch the approach of the enemy, and General Moultrie went southward to gather the militia, direct the movements of the cavalry, and annoy the enemy on his approach.”

3 March. Brig. Gen. James Hogun arrived in Charleston with 700 North Carolina Continentals.

5 March. To help replace that lost at sea on the voyage from New York in December, Clinton borrowed artillery from the Royal Navy. After first obtaining 8 thirty-two pounders with ammunition, on March 5th, he received from Vice Admiral Arbuthnot's squadron 4 additional thirty-two pounders, with one hundred rounds of shot, and 6 twenty-four pounders with like quantity of ammunition.

5 March. Brig. Gen. James Paterson's detachment of 1,400-1,500 left Savannah began its march up along the Savannah River to take Augusta, making some 17 miles by the end of the day.

Allaire: "Sunday, March 5th. The following corps marched from Savannah, viz.: Light Infantry, commanded by Maj. Graham; American Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Ferguson; New York Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Turnbull, North Carolinians, Lieut. Col. Hamilton; South Carolinians, Col. Innes; Dismounted Legion, Maj. Cochrane; one company of Georgia Dragoons, Capt. Campbell, and the First Battalion of the Seventy-first regiment, Maj. McArthur -- in number about fifteen hundred. We marched from Savannah at six o'clock in the morning; arrived at Cherokee Hill, nine miles from Savannah, at twelve o'clock, and encamped to refresh ourselves. At three o'clock in the afternoon got in motion, and marched to Abercorn, eight miles from Cherokee Hill; here we encamped and lay all night. Disagreeable, rainy weather."

6 March. Paterson marched to Ebenezer, GA. located on the south bank of the Savannah River.

7 March. Clinton's advance forces crossed Wappoo Creek, thus beginning the encirclement of Charleston. On this same day, the first British siege batteries were erected on the west side of the Ashley River.

9-10 March. De Brahm: "Seven vessels were sunk [by the Americans] near the mouth of Cooper River, and cables fixed from one to the other, to prevent the entrance of this [the Cooper] river."

10 March. Allaire: "Friday, 10th. The American Volunteers and British Legion marched three miles up the Augusta road to Tuckasse-King. Here we encamped, and took breakfast in the morning. A Rebel Lieut. Johnson with twenty men surrounded a poor man's house here this morning. They heard we were in motion, but not being certain of it, they came to find out the truth. They did no damage to the family; neither did they tarry long, being informed that we were in possession of the Two Sisters, they thought it proper for the brothers to take themselves off. This is the first Rebel party we have heard of. At three o'clock in the afternoon received orders to take the ground we left in the morning, where I and part of the detachment lay all night. One division crossed the river -- the others to follow as expeditiously as possible.”

11 March. Paterson crossed the Savannah River near Two Sisters.

13 March. De Brahm "The enemy [the British] took possession of the land on Ashley River opposite the town, constructed a battery near the mouth of Wappoo, on the prolongation of Tradd street."

14 March. [surrender] Fort Charlotte (Mobile County, AL.) Fort Charlotte (located in modern day Mobile, Alabama) and its 300 man British garrison were captured by Spanish forces under General, also Governor of Louisiana, Bernardo de Galvez.

16 March. Allaire: "Thursday, 16th. Remained at McPherson's plantation, living on the fat of the land, the soldiers every side of us roasting turkeys, fowls, pigs, etc., every night in great plenty ; this Mr. McPherson being a great Rebel, and a man of vast property, at present in Charlestown. About thirty Rebels showed themselves this morning, a mile and a half in front of us. A party went out in pursuit of them; but returned without effecting anything-the jockeys being on horseback easily made off."

18 March. [skirmish] Salkehatchie, also Saltketcher (Colleton County, S.C.) Allaire: "Saturday, 18th. Marched from McPherson's plantation to Saltketcher, a Rebel party consisting of eighty militia, commanded by a Maj. Ladson, placed themselves on the north side of the river to oppose our crossing. They were amused by a company of the Legion returning their fire across the river at the place where the bridge formerly was, whilst the Light Infantry and remainder of the Legion crossed the river below, and came in the rear of them before they were aware of it. Here the bayonet was introduced so effectually that a Capt. Mills, and sixteen privates of the Rebels, could not exist any longer, and of course gave up the cause. Four were badly wounded, and one taken prisoner that luckily escaped the bayonet. Maj. Graham, of the Light Infantry, and Maj. [also Royal Governor of Georgia, James] Wright, of the Georgia Loyalists, slightly wounded. The former continued to command his battalion, and the latter continued his march. Two privates of the Light Infantry were also slightly wounded. We remained all night at Ogelveys' plantation, on the side of the river called Indian land. This day's march was very tedious -- a disagreeable, rainy, cold day, and through a swamp where the water was from two to three feet deep."

William Dobein James: "There being now no force in the field, but the two hundred light infantry, under Gen. Huger, and the horse under Col. Washington; which were those mentioned in Lincoln's order to Gen. Marion; the British were suffered to detach small parties through the country, and to take all the horses which were fit, either to transport their cannon and baggage, or to mount their cavalry. In one month after their landing, Col. Tarleton had his legion mounted, and began his career of slaughter. On the 18th March, he surprised a party of 80 militia, at Saltketcher bridge, killed and wounded several, and dispersed the rest."

According to McCrady, the defeated American force numbered 50 under Ladson, which lost 17 killed and 4 wounded. Paterson lost 2 wounded.

19 March. William Dobein James writes: "Gen. Lincoln had ordered Lieut. Col. [Francis] Marion to select two hundred men, out of the three regiments with him, at Sheldon, and to march immediately to town. (31st Jan.) No troops were to be left in the field but two hundred light infantry, and the horse under Col. Washington. Marion repaired to town, according to orders; but before the garrison was hemmed in by the enemy, he, by accident, in attempting to escape from a drinking party, dislocated his ankle. Gen. Lincoln had issued an order, ‘that all supernumerary officers, and all officers who were unfit for duty, must quit the garrison, and retire into the country.’ In consequence of this order, Marion retired to St. John's.” It was then, ostensibly because of this accident dislocating his ankle, that Marion was not in Charleston at the time it was placed under siege. Both Lossing and Bass give the date for this accident as 19 March, whereas James gives 31 January. That a sprained ankle should have kept Marion from commanding his men seems rather strange, not to mentioned the circumstances in which he suffered the injury. Yet if there were unstated factors and motives in Marion’s being absent during the siege, it is, at the same time, only fair to Marion to say that cowardice would not have been one of them.

19 March. Clinton ordered Paterson to rejoin him. "I called immediately to me the corps which had been left in Georgia under Brigadier General Paterson (as before mentioned, for the purpose of trying the temper of the back settlements and endeavoring to create a diversion in favor of the besieging army), as this small addition was now become absolutely requisite to enable me to occupy the numerous posts that were necessary for preserving our communications." As well, when Clinton realized he need more men than he had with him to properly besiege Charleston, he sent orders for more to be sent from New York. Paterson then marched for Charleston, and was subsequently joined near "Fish Pond" on 21 March by Tarleton and the main body of the British Legion coming from Beaufort.

20 March. [skirmish] Salkehatchie River (Colleton County, S.C.) Allaire: "Monday, 20th. The army got in motion, marching about two miles. Received orders to halt, the rear guard being fired on; it proved to be the [New] York Volunteers, getting the boats on the carriages at the river, were fired on by a skulking party of rascals on the other side of the stream. Three poor lads of the York Volunteers were killed. What damage was done to the Rebels we are not certain. Detained by this and repairing of bridges on the road, we only marched seven miles this day. Took up our ground at a place called Godfrey's savannah."

21 March. De Brahm: "The English fleet passed the bar, and anchored in Five Fathom Hole."

21 March. Tarleton’s dragoons and the detachment of the 17th Light Dragoons united with Paterson's force as it moved toward Charleston.

Allaire: "Tuesday, 21st. The army got in motion. Marched to Fish Pond river. Here we were detained to repair the bridge till evening. Before we crossed we moved on about three miles, through a swamp, over an exceeding bad causeway. This day Col. Tarleton, with his dragoons, joined us from Beaufort, where he had been to get horses - his being all lost on the passage from New York. We took up our ground about ten o'clock at night, and remained till ten o'clock next morning."

22 March. Allaire: "Wednesday, 22d. The army got in motion at ten in the morning, and marched as far as Horse Shoe, where we again were detained to repair the bridge. After crossing, continued our march to Jacksonsburgh, a village containing about sixty houses, situated on Pon Pon, or Edisto river."

23 March. [skirmish] Bee's Plantation. (Colleton County, S.C.) Tarleton: “The inhabitants of Carolina having heard of the loss of the cavalry horses at sea, had flattered themselves that they could not be speedily recruited. In order to confine the British troops as much as possible to the line of march, and to prevent their collecting horses in the country, some of them accoutred themselves as cavaliers, and a few days after the junction of the dragoons from Beaufort, ventured to insult the front of General Patterson's [Paterson’s] corps, which was composed of his cavalry, who made a charge, unexpected by the Americans, and without any loss took some prisoners, and obtained a number of horses.”

Allaire: "Thursday, 23d. All the army, except the Seventy-first regiment, and greatest part of the baggage, crossed the river in boats and flats, the bridge being destroyed. Col. Tarleton came up with a party of Rebel militia dragoons, soon after crossing the river at Gov. Bee's plantation. He killed ten, and took four prisoners. Gov. Bee was formerly Lieut. Gov. under His Majesty, is now one of the members of Congress, and Lieut. Gov. of South Carolina."

William Dobein James: "On the 23d, he [Tarleton] put to flight another party at Ponpon, killed three, wounded one, and took four prisoners."

25 March. Paterson joined Clinton's forces, arriving just a few miles outside and southwest of Charleston.

25 March. De Brahm: "Our [the American and French] armed vessels before Fort Moultrie returned to town; their cannon were transported into the land batteries."

27 March (or 25 March). [skirmish] Savannah, GA. (Chatham County, GA.) A detachment of Delancey's 1st Battalion engaged a force of (reportedly) 300 whigs, which had maneuvered near to Savannah. The British lost 3 killed and 5 wounded. American losses are not known.

27 March. [skirmish] Rantowle's Bridge, also Rantol’s Bridge, Rutledge’s Plantation (Charleston County, S.C.) 300 American cavalry, consisting of Lieut. Col. William Washington's 3rd Continental Light Dragoons, the 1st Continental Light Dragoons, under Lieut. Col. Anthony White, Pulaski's Legion cavalry under Major Pierre-François Vernier, and probably as well Col. Peter Horry’s South Carolina light horse, defeated the British Legion and 17th Light Dragoons, with 200 to 300, in a skirmish in which the Americans captured Lieut. Col. John Hamilton of the Royal North Carolina Regiment along with six other prisoners. The affair ended with the Americans retreating, and otherwise equally small loss to both parties.

Tarleton: “This affair [at Bee’s Plantation] was nearly counterbalanced in the neighbourhood of Rantol's bridge, where a body of the continental cavalry, consisting of Washington's and Bland's light horse, and Pulaski's hussars, carried off Lieutenant-colonel Hamilton, of the North-Carolina provincial regiment, with some other prisoners; and owing to the imprudence of the officer who commanded the advance guard of the British dragoons, sent in pursuit, was on the point of gaining advantage over that corps.”

Allaire: "Monday, 27th. Two companies of Light Infantry, American Volunteers, and one company of Dragoons, crossed at Rantowle's in scows; the rest of the army crossed yesterday. Col. Hamilton, of the North Carolinians, and Dr. Smith, of the Hospital, proceeding about a mile in front of the army, to Gov. Rutledge's house, were immediately surrounded by three hundred Continental Light Horse, and they consequently made prisoners. The British Dragoons fell in with them soon after, and had a skirmish; the Rebels soon gave way, and showed them the road, as is customary for them to do. Qr. Master Sergeant Mcintosh, of the Georgia Dragoons, badly wounded in the face by a broadsword. Several Dragoons of the Legion were wounded. How many of the Rebels got hurt we can't learn; but they did not keep up the combat long enough for many to receive damage. This morning, Capt. Saunders, that came in with the flag on the 24th, was sent out; his attendant, Capt. Wilkinson, not being mentioned in the body of the flag, is detained as a prisoner of war. We took up our ground on Gov. Rutledge's plantation, about one mile from his house, where we remained all night."

William Dobein James: “On the 27th, near Rantowle's bridge, he [Tarleton] had a rencounter with Col. Washington, at the head of his legion of 300 men; Tarleton was worsted in this affair, and lost seven men, prisoners."

28 March. Lossing: "On the twenty-eighth of March the royal army crossed the Stono, marched to the Ashley, at Old Town (the site of ancient Charleston), and there crossed that stream toward evening. They had strengthened Fort Johnson, cast up intrenchments along the Ashley to confront those of the Americans upon the opposite shore, and galleys were in motion to enter the harbor and anchor in the Ashley. The army moved slowly down the Neck, and on Sunday morning, the first of April, broke ground within eleven hundred yards of the American works, then defended by about eighty cannons and mortars. They were annoyed all the way (see 29 March) by a party of light horsemen under Lieutenant-colonel John Laurens, and lost between twenty and thirty men in the skirmishes."

28 March. Allaire. "Tuesday, 28th. The army got in motion about nine o'clock in the morning, and marched to Ashley Ferry, where we met the British and Hessians, Grenadiers, Light Infantry and Yagers, under command of Sir. H. Clinton. We continued our march down the river about six miles to Lining's plantation; it is situated on Ashley river, nearly opposite Charlestown, and commands an extensive view towards the sea."

William Dobein James: "On the 28th of March they [the British] crossed Ashley river, near the ferry, and made a lodgement in Charleston neck.”

29 March. Clinton broke ground within 1,800 yards of the American defenses on Charleston neck.

De Brahm: "The English army crossed Ashley River twelve miles above the town."

Allaire: "Wednesday, 29th. Sir Henry Clinton, with the British and Hessians, Grenadiers, Light Infantry and Yagers, passed over Ashley river to Charleston Neck, early in the morning. Spend the day in viewing Charleston and found it not a little like New York; for Ashley and Cooper rivers form a bay exactly like East and North river at New York."

29 March. [skirmish] Charleston (Charleston County, S.C.) De Brahm: [Entry for the 30th] "The advanced guard of the enemy came within two miles of Charlestown, when a party of two hundred men, under Colonel John Laurens and a little while after two field-pieces), went out against them, who, after a skirmish of some hours, returned towards sun-set. The fortifications of Charlestown were, even at this time, very incomplete. All the negroes in town were impressed, who, together with the parties detailed from the garrison, were henceforth employed upon the works."

Letter from South Carolina printed in the Pennsylvania Packet, April 25: “March 30.—Yesterday, a large body of British grenadiers and infantry crossed the Ashley River, and to-day they appeared before the American line, where they are now camped. As the enemy approached, Colonel John Laurens, with a small party, had a brush with the advance body, in which Captain Bowman of the North Carolina forces, fell, much lamented; Major Herne [Edmund Hyrne] and two privates were wounded. The enemies loss is reported to be from twelve to sixteen killed. A French gentlemen, who was a volunteer in the action, says he counted eight and a Highland deserter says Col. St. Clair was mortally wounded.”

30 March. Allaire: “Thursday, 30th. Incessant firing of small arms on the neck; cannon at short intervals. This firing was at the Commander-in-chief and his family reconnoitering. He forbid the British returning the fire. Lord Cathness, standing by the side of Gen. Clinton, was shot through the body by a musket ball; one Yager killed."

31 March. Having now effectively surrounded Charleston by both land and sea, Sir Henry Clinton formally commenced the siege of Charleston, and began digging on the first parallel.

De Brahm: "At day-break we observed that the enemy had opened his trenches in three places."

Clinton: "(I)n the night of the first of April we broke ground within 800 yards of the rebel works." James gives the distance as 1,100 yards.

1 April. De Brahm: "April 1 and 2, 1780. The enemy's [British] works were a little extended, and ours augmented."

For the next few days preliminary redoubts and batteries were constructed, and the whole completed by April 8. Artillery lost in the voyage had been replaced by guns from Admiral Arbuthnot's ships-of- the-line, or obtained from posts elsewhere, such as Savannah, while detachments of seaman were sent on shore to assist in their operation. At the time, Charleston was plagued with small pox.

3 April. De Brahm: "This morning the battery was discovered upon a height, at Hampstead. At battery of four pieces was constructed on our right to oppose that of the enemy, from which, as well as from all the others, a continued firing of shot and bombs was kept up the following night along the lines."

4 April. De Brahm: "This morning, daylight discovered to us the enemy's [the British] battery very much injured."

5 April. De Brahm: "Last night's fire of our batteries was kept up as heretofore. The enemy's galley approached the town, and fired upon it all night. We began to dig wells in our front, and to close up the gorge of the horn work."

6 April. Brig. Gen. William Woodford crossed the Cooper River, and joined the Charleston garrison with 700-750 Virginia Continentals.

Lossing: “On the day of his [Woodford’s] arrival the terms of enlistment of about seven hundred North Carolinians expired, and they all went home at an hour when they were most needed.”

De Brahm: "The fire of the batteries and the works continued as before. To-day the reinforcement under General Woodford arrived."

Entry for the 7th: "Very little fire from our batteries last night, and more on the part of the enemy. The enemy has prolonged the right of his first parallel. All our workmen employed digging wells."

7 April. [coastal battle] Fort Moultrie, also Sullivan’s Island (Charleston, S.C.) A British squadron detachment, consisting of Roebuck, Richmond, Romulus, Blonde, Virginia, Raleigh, Sandwich (armed ship) and Renown, passed the heavy guns of Fort Moultrie, commanded by Brevet Brig. Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, with the loss of only 27 men, and loss of Arteus an ordnance ship which went aground and was burned. Richmond's foretop mast was shot away. The flotilla then anchored off Fort Johnson, the move having marked a major breach in the American defenses.

Allaire: "Saturday, 8th. But little firing from the Rebels. Rainy, disagreeable morning. The rebels were reinforced with thirteen hundred men last night, commanded by a Gen. Scott. They fired a feu de joie, and rang all the bells in town on the occasion. About four o'clock this afternoon the fleet hove in sight, coming up under full sail with a fresh breeze at south west, and passed Fort Moultrie -- the Rebel fort that they boasted of on Sullivan's Island, which no fleet could ever pass. They were but a few minutes passing. What damage is sustained we have not yet learned. The Richmond lost her fore top-mast; a cutter lay opposite the fort all the time the fleet was passing, with a flay hoisted to point out the channel. A heavy cannonade from the Rebels' batteries, which the shipping returned as they passed with a spirit becoming Britons."

De Brahm: "Last night the [British] enemy commenced a battery of six pieces. All our workmen employed making traverses. A quarter of an hour before sun-set, the English fleet passed Fort Moultrie, under a heavy fire on both sides, and anchored in a line near Fort Johnson. Nobody wounded or killed in Fort Moultrie. The fleet consisted of the following vessels: -- One of 50 guns, two of 40, four frigates, two vessels armed en flute, and two other smaller ones; one of these armed en flute grounded on a band called "The Green."

William Dobein James: "On the 7th, twelve sail of the enemy's ships passed Fort Moultrie, under a heavy fire. The garrison had been assiduous in preparing for defence; the old works were strengthened, and lines and redoubts were extended from Ashley to Cooper river. A strong abbatis was made in front, and a deep, wet ditch was opened from the marsh on one side, to that on the other, and the lines were so constructed as to rake it."

9 April. De Brahm: "The vessel [the Arteus] which grounded was abandoned, and burnt by the crew last night. This morning the commencement of a battery appeared in front of our left. Our workmen employed as heretofore.”

9 April. Allaire: "Sunday, 9th. Admiral Arbuthnot came on shore, and went over to Headquarters on the Neck. By him we were informed that there were only seven men killed, and fifteen wounded, in passing Sullivan's Island. The shipping damage was so trifling that 'twas not worth mentioning." See 7 April.

10 April. The British completed their first parallel, and summoned the town to surrender. Lincoln asked for a temporary truce, which was granted. By the end of the day he replied to the British ultimatum:

Lincoln to Major General Sir Henry Clinton and Vice Admiral Arbuthnot:

"Charles town, April 10, 1780

Gentlemen,

I have received your summons of this date. Sixty days have passed since it has been known that your intentions against this town were hostile, in which time has been afforded to abandon it; but duty and inclination point to the propriety of supporting it to the last extremity.

I have the honour to be, &c.

(Signed) B. Lincoln, Commanding in the south department."

There were those like Brig. Gen. Lachlan McIntosh who advised taking the army out of Charleston and continuing the fight from the countryside. However, Lieut. Col. Gadsden and many city leaders insisted that Lincoln and the army remain. Lincoln, for his part, felt he had no choice but to acquiesce to the state and city officials wishes.

De Brahm: "The works of the enemy [the British] were advanced. Our negroes employed in making a battery of five pieces of redoubt, and the soldiers on fatigue in making traverses. This evening [the 10th] a parley was received from the enemy, demanding the surrender of the town; it was refused.”

William Dobein James: "All attempts at removing the force besieged, out of the town, had, while it was practicable, been opposed by the governor and council, and the officers of the South Carolina troops; and Gen. Lincoln, had not the resolution to counteract them. At length it was thought advisable, that the governor and three of his council should leave the town; and that Lieut. Gov. Gadsden and five others should remain. The ships of war, in the harbour of Charleston, being quite inadequate to oppose the force which had passed Fort Moultrie, were divested of their guns, to reinforce the batteries, and were sunk nearly opposite the exchange, to impede the passage of the enemy up Cooper river."

11 April. De Brahm: "Our batteries kept up a great deal of fire last night. The enemy had repaired his batteries, and mounted some cannon. Finished the battery in the redoubt. Our workmen employed in making traverses, and strengthening the profiles of some works. This evening Major Gilbank was accidentally killed, making some experiments with shells.”

11 April. Allaire: "Tuesday, 11th. Col. Ferguson came from Headquarters. Informs us that the town was summoned to surrender to his Britannic Majesty. Answer was returned, that they thought it necessary as well as their duty to defend it to the last extremity, which they meant to do. Wednesday, 12th. Received orders to march. The North Carolinians were ordered to join Col. Ferguson. We left Lining's plantation about seven o'clock in the evening, and marched to Bacon's Bridge, twenty-two miles, where we arrived at five o'clock on Thursday morning; very much fatigued. We halted to refresh till seven. Cool weather."

12 April. De Brahm: "Very little firing last night. The enemy [the British] had more cannon mounted. The workmen employed as before. Our sailors employed in elevating the parapet near Exchange Battery, and making embrasures to it. At 12 o'clock, meridian, three chalops passed Fort Moultrie, and joined the fleet, although fired upon all the time by the Fort."

13 April. De Brahm: "Very little firing last night. This morning one of the batteries of the enemy [the British] was finished, the others not quite; the trenches extended. This morning, at 9 o'clock, the enemy opened his batteries, firing bombs, carcasses and hot balls, which were returned with all our force from the batteries. This lasted about two hours, when the firing was abated on both sides, till about 5 o'clock, when all the fire was on the side of the enemy. We had one 18 pounder dismounted, and two houses burnt in town. Our workmen employed as before."

14 April. [raid-skirmish] Monck's Corner, also Biggin Church (Berkeley County, S.C.) The corps of Tarleton and Ferguson, supported by the 33rd and 64th Regiments led by Lieut. Col. James Webster -- all together totaling some 1,400 men -- launched a surprise night attack on Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger’s force at Biggin Church. Biggin Church lay across Biggin Creek, about a mile north east of Monck’s Corner, and Huger was deployed there with a mind to help keep northern communications open with Charleston. His force consisted of about 200 to 300 cavalry under Washington, White and John Jameson, Vernier, and Peter Horry, plus 100 to 200 South (and or North Carolina) militia. The Americans were thoroughly surprised and routed, though most of Huger’s cavalry made good their escape. The success of the British was later attributed in part to failure of the American to post a proper picket above the bridge which guarded the approach to the American camp. 60 to 100 Americans were taken prisoner, while 30 (Allaire) to 50 (Tarleton) wagons loaded with arms, ammunition and clothing, as well as 180 to 400 much needed horses, fell into the hands of the British who suffered only 3 men wounded, and 5 horses killed and wounded. Specifically, Allaire speaks of 60 Americans being captured and of these 15 to 20 were wounded. James says there were 100 captured and 25 killed. McCrady states Huger lost 100 men (wounded and not wounded prisoners), and 15 killed. Ward says American losses were 20 killed and wounded and 67 captured, 42 wagons all loaded, 102 wagon horses, 83 dragoon horses. Maj. Pierre-François Vernier of Pulaski’s Legion, however, was taken, and so badly wounded that he died shortly afterward. His loss resulted in the de facto disbanding of Pulaski’s Legion cavalry.

Tarleton: “On the 12th of April, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, being reinforced at the quarter house by Major Ferguson's corps of marksmen, advanced to Goose creek: Colonel Webster arrived on the following day at the same place, with the 33d and 64th regiments of infantry; Tarleton again moved on in the evening, with his own and Ferguson's corps, towards Monk's Corner, as had been previously concerted with the commander in chief, in order, if possible, to surprise the Americans encamped at that place: An attack in the night was judged most advisable, as it would render the superiority of the enemy's cavalry useless, and would, perhaps, present a favourable opportunity of getting possession of Biggin bridge, on Cooper river, without much loss to the assailants. Profound silence was observed on the march. At some distance from Goose creek, a negro was secured by the advanced guard, who discovered him attempting to leave the road. A letter was taken from his pocket, written by an officer in General Huger's camp the afternoon of that day, and which he was charged to convey to the neighborhood of Charles town: The contents of the letter, which was opened at a house not far distant, and the negro's intelligence, purchased for a few dollars, proved lucky incidents at this period: Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton's information relative to the situation of the enemy was now complete. It was evident, that the American cavalry had posted themselves in front of Cooper river, and that the militia were placed in a meeting house, which commanded the bridge, and were distributed on the opposite bank. At three o'clock in the morning, the advanced guard of dragoons and mounted infantry, supported by the remainder of the legion and Ferguson's corps, approached the American post: A watch word was immediately communicated to the officers and soldiers, which was closely followed by an order to charge the enemy's grand guard on the main road, there being no other avenue open, owing to the swamps on the flanks, and to pursue them into their camp. The order was executed with the greatest promptitude and success. The Americans were completely surprised: Major [Pierre-François] Vernier, of Pulaski's legion, and some other officers and men who attempted to defend themselves, were killed or wounded; General Huger, Colonels Washington and Jamieson [Maj. John Jameson], with many officers and men, fled on foot to the swamps, close to their encampment, where, being concealed by the darkness, they effected their escape: Four hundred horses belonging to officers and dragoons, with their arms and appointments, (a valuable acquisition for the British cavalry in their present state) fell into the hands of the victors; about one hundred officers, dragoons, and hussars, together with fifty waggons, loaded with arms, clothing and ammunition, shared the same fate. Without loss of time, Major [Charles] Cochrane was ordered to force the bridge and the meeting house with the infantry of the British legion: He charged the militia with fixed bayonets, got possession of the pass, and dispersed every thing that opposed him. In the attack on Monk's corner, and at Biggin bridge, the British had one officer and two men wounded, with five horses killed and wounded. This signal instance of military advantage, may be partly attributed to the judgment and address with which this expedition was planned and executed, and partly to the injudicious conduct of the American commander; who, besides making a false disposition of his corps, by placing his cavalry in front of the bridge during the night, and his infantry in the rear, neglected sending patroles in front of his videttes; which omission, equally enabled the British to make a surprise, and prevented the Americans recovering from the confusion attending an unexpected attack.”

Allaire: "Thursday, 13th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning. Marched through a small village called Dorchester. It contains about forty houses and a church. Continued our march to Middleton's plantation at Goose creek, about fifteen miles from Bacon's Bridge, and ten from Dorchester. Here we met the Legion about one o'clock in the afternoon, and halted till ten at night. Then, in company with them, got in motion and marched eighteen miles to Monk's Corner, being informed that Col. Washington's, Pulaski's, Bland's, and Horry's Light Horse lay here. We arrived just as day began [the 14th] to appear on Friday morning, and found the above enemy here, in number about four hundred, including some militia that arrived the day before, commanded by Gen. Huger. Luckily for them, they were under marching orders, which made them more alert, when the alarm was given, than usual, which alone prevented their being all taken completely by surprise. They made off with great expedition. We pursued, overtook and killed Pulaski's Major Vernier, wounded a French Lieut. Beaulait, and one other officer; about sixty privates were taken, fifteen or twenty of whom were wounded. We had but one man wounded, and he very slightly. We took thirty wagons, with four horses in each. A number of very fine horses that belonged to their troops were likewise taken, and converted to British Light horses. Col. Washington and all their officers made but a narrow escape; their baggage, letters, and some of their commissions were taken."

William Dobein James: "On the 13th April, the American infantry and cavalry under Gen. [Isaac] Huger, lay, the infantry at Biggen church, and the cavalry under Col. Washington, at Monk's corner. Col. Tarleton with Ferguson's corps of marksmen, advanced on from the quarter-house to Goose Creek, where he was joined by Col. [James] Webster, with the 33d and 64th regiments of infantry. There an attack upon the American post was concerted, and it was judged advisable to make it in the night, as that would render the superiority of Washington's cavalry useless. A servant of one of Huger's officers was taken on the road, and he agreed for a few dollars, to conduct the enemy through a by-road, to Monk's corner. At three o'clock in the morning, they charged Washington's guard on the main road, and pursued them into the camp. The Americans were completely surprised. Major [François] Vernier, of Pulaski's legion, and twenty-five men, were killed. One hundred officers, and dragoons, fifty waggons loaded with ammunition, clothing and arms, and four hundred horses, with their accoutrements, were taken. A most valuable acquisition to the British. Major [Charles] Cochrane with the British legion of infantry, forced the passage at Biggen bridge, and drove Gen. Huger and the infantry before him. -- In this affair, Major James Conyers, of the Americans, distinguished himself by a skilful retreat, and by calling off the attention of the enemy from his sleeping friends, to himself. The British had only one officer and two men wounded. The account of the loss of the Americans in this affair, is taken from Tarleton…In this surprise, the British made free use of the bayonet, the houses in Monk's corner, then a village, were afterwards deserted, and long bore the marks of deadly thrust, and much bloodshed."

14 April. De Brahm: "A slow fire was kept up on both sides last night. The approaches of the enemy a little advanced. The enemy's galley fired all night. He commenced another battery opposite the town, on the banks of Ashley River."

15 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries and works as before. The enemy had a bomb battery. His second parallel commenced, and manned by the Chasseurs, who kept up a continued fire upon our lines."

16 April. Maj. Gen. Johannes Baron de Kalb with near 1,400 Maryland and Delaware Continentals left Morristown, New Jersey on their way south.

16 April. De Brahm: "In addition to his usual fire, the enemy opened his new battery. Last night we extended from our redoubt a counter-mine with a small parallel whence we could return the fire of the enemy's musketry. This evening one of our Gallies ascended Cooper river to a place whence she enfiladed the English camp for several hours, which was briskly answered by field pieces from the camp."

17 April. De Brahm: "The enemy [the British] enfiladed the town on all sides last night and threw a great quantity of bombs-sometimes from fifteen to twenty at once. We worked upon our counter mine. We received intelligence from our detachment at Lamprieres, that one thousand or fifteen hundred of the enemy under General Lord Cornwallis had passed Monk's Corner, Strawberry, Bonneau's Ferry, and Wappetaw, and actually arrived within six miles of the said post. This morning the enemy's second parallel was prolonged towards our left, supplied with bags of earth and full of Chasseurs."

17 April. St. Thomas Parish, north of Charleston, was occupied by the British thus completing the encirclement of Charleston by land. Allaire. " Monday, 17th. Crossed Bono Ferry and passed on to Miller's Bridge, over a branch of Wando river, where we took up our ground about nine o'clock in the evening. This day passed St. Thomas' church, where we met the Thirty-third regiment.

17 April (sometimes incorrectly given as 18 April.) A considerable body of troops, under Col. Maxwell von Westerhagen (von Dittfurth Regt.), and which had sailed from New York City on 1 April, were landed outside Charleston to reinforce Clinton. The reinforcement numbered 2,566 rank and file effectives, of which 1863 were fit for duty. It included the 42nd Regiment, Regt. von Dittfurth, the Queen’s Rangers, the Prince of Wales American Volunteers, the Volunteers of Ireland, and some replacements. Col. Francis Lord Rawdon, along with his regiment the Volunteers of Ireland, was also present. Webster's detachment of the 33rd was reinforced as soon as some of the replacements from Westerhagen’s force made it possible. Many historians (such as James) mistakenly state that these reinforcements were under Cornwallis. Cornwallis, however, had accompanied Clinton in the initial expedition.

William Dobein James: " Soon after this, Sir Henry Clinton, being reinforced by two thousand five hundred men, under Lord Cornwallis, pushed them over Cooper river, and enclosed the besieged on the side of St. Thomas' parish and Christ church; and the town was now completely invested by land and water. "

BRITISH FORCES PRESENT IN AND AROUND THE SIEGE OF CHARLESTON

BRITISH

Maj. Gen, Sir. Henry Clinton, Commander in Chief

Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis

Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie

Maj. Gen. Henry Julian Kospoth

Maj. Gen. J. C. von Huyne,

Brig. Gen James Paterson

1st and 2nd Grenadier Battalions: 900

7th Regt.: 400

23rd Regt.: 400

33rd Regt.: 450, Lieut. Col. James Webster

42nd Regt.: 700

63rd Regt.: 400

64th Regt.: 350

Royal Artillery: 200, Maj. Peter Traille

Guides and Pioneers: 150

GERMAN

Hessian Grenadiers: 1000, including

1st Bttn. Grenadiere von Linsingen, Lieut. Col. Otto Christian W. von Linsingen

2nd Bttn. Grenadiere von Lengerke, Lieut. Col. George Emmanuel von Lengerke

3rd Bttn. Grenadiere von Minnigerode, Col. Frederick Henry von Schuler

4th Bttn. Grenadiere von Graff, Lieut. Col. von Graff

Regt. von Huyne: 800, Col. Friedrich von Benning

Regt. von Dittfurth, Col. Maxwell von Westerhagen

Jägers: 200, including

2nd Company, Anspach-Bayreuth Jägers

Hesse Cassel Jagers (1 company)

Hesse-Cassel chasseur company (dismounted), Capt. George Hanger

Hessian artillery detachment

TOTAL Germans (including Hessian Grenadiers): 2,264 rank and file.

PROVINCIALS

King's American Regiment: 100, Col. Edmund Fanning

Queen’s Rangers: 200

Volunteers of Ireland, Col. Francis Lord Rawdon

Prince of Wales Volunteers, Lieut. Col. Thomas Pattinson

71st Regt.

Light Infantry

A detachment of 17th Light Dragoons

British Legion: cavalry: 250, infantry: 300, Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton

Loyal American Volunteers, Maj. Patrick Ferguson

New York Volunteers, Lieut. Col. George Turnbull

South Carolina Royalists, Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes

Royal North Carolina Regt.

TOTAL Strength of Paterson’s detachment: 1,400 to 1,500

TOTAL LAND FORCES UNDER CLINTON: 12,000

Clinton says about 7,000 first came with him, which adding Westerhagen’s 2,500 reinforcement brings the number to roughly 9,500. Counting the Loyalist regiments originally from Savannah which were with Paterson would make the number at least 10,000. Adding officers and supernumeraries then gives us the 12,000 total muster typically given by historians. This figure, however, does not include Arbuthnot’s 4,000 to 5,000 sailors and marines, a number of whom served with the land forces. Boatner states that Clinton had at his disposal about 12,700 troops including 450 seaman and marines, while Arbuthnot had 4,500 seamen and marines additional.

Coleman, in his The American Revolution in Georgia, states that British troops taken out of Georgia before the fall of Charleston were never returned, and British holdings in that province became even more vulnerable after Cornwallis moved into N.C. in the fall of 1780. Artillery would also have been removed from Savannah to assist in the siege at Charleston.

ROYAL NAVY

Vice Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot

For ships and men under Arbuthnot’s command see 26 December. It is not clear what warships accompanied Westerhagen’s convoy. It may very well be that a few of those listed by Carrington as escorting Clinton’s expedition south, were actually part of the flotilla that brought Westerhagen.

AMERICAN FORCES DEFENDING CHARLESTON

Maj. Gen. Benjamin Lincoln

Brig. Gen. Louis DuPortail, Chief Engineer

Brig. Gen. James Hogun

Brig. Gen. Lachlan McIntosh

Brig. Gen. William Moultrie

Brevet Brig. Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney

Brig. Gen. Charles Scott

Brig. Gen. William Woodford

Lieut. Col. John Laurens, present as a volunteer.

CONTINENTALS

1st South Carolina Regt.: 231

2nd South Carolina Regt.: 246

3rd South Carolina Regt.: 259

1st North Carolina Regt.: 287

2nd North Carolina Regt.: 301

3rd North Carolina Regt.: 162

1st Virginia Regt.: 336

2nd Virginia Regt.: 306

3rd Virginia Regt.: 252

1st Detachment of Virginians: 258

2nd Detachment of Virginians: 232

Attached Virginia officers: 46

Light Dragoons: 41

Georgia Continental officers: 5

South Carolina artillery: 93

North Carolina artillery: 64

Charles town Battalion of Artillery: 168

Cannoniers, manning town batteries (probably militia): 167

157 guns in battery

MILITIA

South Carolina and North Carolina militia: 1,231

1st Battalion of Charles town militia: 352

2nd Battalion of Charles town militia: 485

Davie states that there were 300-400 North Carolina militia in Charleston.

French and American sailors serving with city: 1,000

French company: 43

TOTAL OF AMERICAN LAND AND NAVAL FORCES: 6,662-6,684

The above list of units and total taken from Lumpkin and McCrady does not include Washington’s and White’s Virginia cavalry, Pulaski’s Legion, Horry’s South Carolina Light Horse and some odd number of militia posted outside the city, all under Huger.

AMERICAN NAVAL FORCES

Commodore Abraham Whipple

American Ships

The Bricole, pierced for 60, mounting 44 guns, twenty-four and eighteen pounders

Truite, 26 guns, twelve-pounders

Queen of France, 28 guns, nine-pounders

General Moultrie, 20 guns, six-pounders

Notre Dame, brig, 16 guns

Providence, 32 guns, eighteen and twelve pounders,

Boston, 32 guns, eighteen and twelve pounders

Ranger, 20 guns, six-pounders

French Ships

L'Avanture, 26 guns, nine and six pounders

Polacre, 16 guns, six-pounders

Also were some “empty brigs lying at the wharfs, with other small vessels…[and] four armed galleys.”

Most of these ships had earlier been deliberately sunk between Charleston and Shute's folly on March 9-10 in order to block British passage up the Cooper River. Some historians have been critical of Whipple for not putting up a fight with these ships, even given the odds he was facing.

18 May. Allaire: “Tuesday, 18th. Began to fortify at the Bridge, and make a block house in order to keep post here with a few men."

18 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as heretofore, and a shower of musketry all day; this day like last night very rainy."

19 April. Allaire: "Wednesday, 19th. Maj. Ferguson, with fifty of the American Volunteers, and part of the North Carolinians, moved on to join the Thirty-third and Sixty-fourth regiments, and the British Legion, which had gone forward to attack a Rebel post at Lempriere's Point. The British were coming back; they had marched up to the fort, but found it so strong that it was imprudent to storm it with so few men."

19 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as heretofore. This evening three of the enemies Gallies [British] descended from Wappoo down Ashley river to the Fleet under a heavy fire from our batteries; one lost her mail mast. This night the communication is made from the battery of the French sailors to the town."

20 April. [raid] Wando River, S.C. (Charleston County, S.C.)

Allaire: "Thursday, 20th. Remained at Miller's Bridge, finishing the block house. Col. Tarleton surprised and took nine sloops with goods, stores, etc., and twenty pieces of cannon."

20 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This evening the Ravelin commenced in front of the horn work."

21 April. Allaire: "Friday, 21st. Capt. [Samuel] Ryerson, with forty American Volunteers, a subaltern, and twenty of the Thirty-third, and a subaltern, and twenty of the Sixty-fourth regiments, remained at Miller's Bridge to defend and keep the pass. The remainder of the Thirty-third and Sixty-fourth regiments, American Volunteers, and British Legion, countermarched twelve miles and took up our ground at St. Thomas' church."

21 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This morning the enemy had commenced two batteries, near his second parallel."

22 April. William Dobein James: "About this time, the American forces in the field having been defeated...and the British having completed their second parallel, an offer to capitulate was made by Lincoln, to Sir Henry Clinton, and rejected."

De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary; and from the musketry more than ever. This morning a parley was sent to the enemy and the answer returned about 9 o'clock in the evening."

23 April. De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary. The enemy extended the saps of his second parallel."

23 April. Clinton sent Cornwallis with a detachment of the army, including the 33rd Regt., British Legion, Ferguson's corps, 64th Regt., to cut off northern approaches to the city. On the 25th, Cornwallis, camped near St. Thomas ‘ church, was reinforced with the 23rd Regt. and the Volunteers of Ireland.

William James Dobein: " Soon after this, Sir Henry Clinton, being reinforced by two thousand five hundred men, under Lord Cornwallis, pushed them over Cooper river, and enclosed the besieged on the side of St. Thomas' parish and Christ church; and the town was now completely invested by land and water. "

24 April. [sortie] Charleston (Charleston County, S.C.) An American party within Charleston, under Lieut. Col. William Henderson made an effective sally against British besiegers, the British losing 8 prisoners and some 60 killed and wounded. Americans lost at least 2 killed. The minor tactical success, even so, had no real impact on the siege overall.

Lossing: “At daybreak on the twenty-fourth of April, a party under Lieutenant-Colonel [William] Henderson made a sortie, surprised a British picket, and with the bayonet killed about twenty of them. Twelve were made prisoners. Captain Moultrie, a brother of the general was killed, and two other Americans were wounded.”

Allaire: "Monday, 24th. Lord Cornwallis joined us and took command. About ten o'clock in the evening there was the most tremendous cannonade I ever heard, and an incessant fire of musketry. The Rebels sallied out and took eight of the Light Infantry prisoners, upon which the whole line got under arms; some in their hurry getting out without putting on their coats, were taken by the others for Rebels, and fired on, which unluckily occasioned warm work for a few minutes. Sixty odd of ours got killed and wounded by our own men. The Rebels were repulsed, and they finding their muskets rather an incumbrance threw thirty odd of them away."

De Brahm: "Fire from the batteries as ordinary. This morning at daybreak, a party of two hundred men under Col. Henderson made a sortie upon the enemies works which caused a general fire of musketry on both sides. The party returned in a little while with twelve prisoners. Our loss was one Captain and one soldier killed."

25 April. Allaire: "Tuesday, 25th. About eight o'clock in the morning got in motion; were joined by the Twenty-third regiment and Volunteers of Ireland. We proceeded on, passed over Miller's Bridge and Waputa {Wappetaw] Bridge, took possession of Waputa meeting house, about seven o'clock in the evening, where we halted till two in the morning."

25 April. De Brahm: "As ordinary. Last night Col. Parker of the Virginia line was killed by a musket shot."

26 April. De Brahm: "The enemy commenced his third parallel. Troops from a vessel and four gallies, landed at Mount Pleasant, and took possession of a battery of one piece, losing one galley in this affair."

27 April. De Brahm: "As ordinary."

28 April. De Brahm: "As ordinary. Last night our Fort at Lamprier's was evacuated, and taken possession of by the enemy to-day. It was not until this moment that Charlestown was completed invested; the enemy having possession of James Island, Wappoo, Charlestown Neck, Hobcaw Point, Lamprieres, and Haddrell's Point; and his fleet anchored in the Road-stead before the town."

28 April. Allaire: "Friday, 28th. Fortified the small house by the side of the meeting house, at ten o'clock at night. Intelligence being received that the Rebels had left the fort at Lempriere's Point, and gone to Charleston, we got in motion and marched down to discover the fact. We arrived about four in the morning, and found the fort occupied by the Navy, a Lieutenant of the Navy, commanding officer. The Rebels were gone to Charleston."

29 April. De Brahm: "The enemy's [British] third parallel almost finished, and a battery commenced; as likewise a redoubt on our side."

29 April. Admiral Arbuthnot formed a brigade of 500 seaman and marines under Captain Charles Hudson, which landed at Mount Pleasant. This forced the American evacuation of Lempriere's Point, with loss of nearly 100 men, who were captured by the guard-boats of the fleet when they tried to retreat to Charleston.

Arbuthnot, in a letter to Mr. Stevens dated Charleston 14 May, wrote: “Having stationed ships and armed vessels off the different inlets, upon the coast, and the town being now nearly invested, attempts were made to pass a naval force into Cooper river, by Hog's island, (the main channel being rendered impracticable) and small vessels to carry heavy guns were fitted for that service: But on being found the enemy had also sunk vessels in that channel, and its entrance was defended by the works on Sullivan's island, and mount Pleasant, it was resolved to dispossess them of the latter, by the seamen of the fleet; and in the mean time, to arm the small vessels that had been taken by Earl Cornwallis in the Wandoo river. For this purpose a brigade of five hundred seamen and marines was formed from the squadron, and under the command of the Captains Hudson, Orde, and Gambier, landed at day break, on the 29th, at mount Pleasant; where receiving information that the rebels were abandoning their redoubt at Lamprie's point, (an advantageous post on Cooper river) they marched with a view of cutting off their rear, but, on a near approach, found the garrison had escaped in vessels to Charles town; but their sudden appearance prevented the rebels from carrying off their cannon and stores, or from destroying their works. About the same time, a major, a captain, and some other commissioned and non-commissioned officers, with eighty privates, were made prisoners by the guard boats of the fleet, in retiring to the town.”

30 April. De Brahm: "As ordinary."

Allaire: "Sunday, 30th. Got in motion at three o'clock in the morning, in company with the [New] York Volunteers, and marched to Lempriere's Point to take post there. We got to our ground about seven o'clock in the evening, where we found four eighteen, two four pounders, and five swivels, that the Rebels left in their fort. A very disagreeable post it is, being nothing but a bank of sand, where, in a windy day, you must keep your eyes shut or have them filled with sand. Here used to be a ferry called Lempriere's Ferry."

Late April. By the end of the month, Brig. Gen. William Caswell (son of Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell) was at Lenud’s Ferry on the Santee River with 700 North Carolina militia (Rankin says 400). Also with him was South Carolina Governor John Rutledge who was endeavoring to call out the South Carolina militia, but with little success. Many of the inhabitants of the state, intimidated by the large British forces, and the potential danger posed by tories and Indians to their districts thought it best to remain at home.

May. Maj. Gen. Augustine Prevost was replaced by Col. Alured Clarke as commander at Savannah, which position Clarke retained (with a brief intermission in April 1781) till that town’s evacuation in July 1782.

1-3 May. De Brahm: "1st, 2nd, and 3rd. As ordinary. Our hospital ship taken by the English and carried higher up the river."

2 May. [skirmish] Haddrell’s Point, also Mount Pleasant (Charleston County, S.C.) Coming by land from the north, Maj. Patrick Ferguson led an attack on Haddrell's point, part of the Charleston fortifications (located across the Cooper River and to about the east of the city), and captured it.

Allaire: "Tuesday, 2nd. Began to fortify Lempriere's Point. Maj. Ferguson, with a detachment of American Volunteers, marched down to Mount Pleasant, stormed and took possession of a little redoubt, located partly on the main, and partly on the bridge that leads to Fort Moultrie. This cuts off the communication from Sullivan's Island, and keeps them on their proper allowance. The Rebels ran off from the redoubt, though it was very strongly situated, after they fired about a dozen shot. "

3 May. De Kalb, continuing his journey southward, reached the Head of Elk (modern Elkton, Maryland.)

4-6 May. De Brahm: "4th, 5th, and 6th.--The enemy employed in making three batteries upon his third parallel. And we to make two redoubts."

4 May. Allaire: "Thursday, 4th. Continued fortifying the Point. Rode from Lempriere's Point to Mount Pleasant; dined with Capt. Ord, of the Navy. After dinner rode to Hurdle's [Haddrell's] Point to view the redoubt which Col. Ferguson stormed the second of May, with only sixty men and never was more surprised in my life, for twenty men like the American Volunteers would have defied all Washington's Army."

5 May. [ambush] Wambaw’s Plantation (Berkeley County, S.C.) 1 officer and 17 privates belonging to Tarleton’s light infantry (presumably the British Legion) were surprised and captured by Lieut. Col. Anthony White at Wambaw’s Plantation near Strawberry Ferry. White then removed to Lenud’s Ferry to join the American forces collecting there. Lossing says this raid took place on the morning of the 6th.

6 May. Clinton's third and final siege parallel is finished.

William Dobein James: "The batteries of the besiegers, having now obtained a decided superiority over those of the besieged, when the third parallel had opened its cannonade, and the British having crossed the wet ditch by sap, they opened a fire of rifles within twenty-five yards of the Americans. "

6 May. [raid-battle] Lenud's Ferry, also Lanneau's Ferry, and Lenoo's Ferry (Berkeley County, S.C.) Smarting from the loss of some of his men at Wambaw Plantation (see 5 May), Tarleton proceeded after Lieut. Col. Anthony White who had retreated to Lenud’s Ferry on the Santee River where the remaining American cavalry, some 200 to 300, under Lieut. Col. William Washington and Col. Peter Horry were gathering. Tarleton, with 150 British Legion cavalry, after a long, hard ride, at 3 pm caught up with, surprised, and completely routed the group. What Americans which were not killed or wounded, were scattered or made prisoner. A number escaped, including Washington, White, Jameson, and Horry by abandoning their horses and swimming the river. The Americans lost all their horses, arms, and accoutrements. In casualties, the Americans lost 41 men killed and wounded 67 dragoons taken prisoner. About 100 horses fell into Tarleton's hands, who was in much need of them to further better mount his men. British light infantry who had been taken prisoner were rescued. British lost 2 men and four horses in the action, though as well another 20 horses expired from fatigue.

Tarleton: “The American cavalry began to assemble on the north of the Santee river, towards the latter end of April, under the protection of two Virginia regiments of infantry and the militia of Carolina: Colonel White had brought some dragoons from the northward, and had collected those who escaped from Monk's corner; he was soon after joined by a detachment from George town, and by Colonel Horry's regiment of light horse. On the 5th of May, he crossed the Santee at Depui's ferry. Fortune favored his first attempt. He suddenly surrounded a detachment of an officer and seventeen dragoons, who were foraging the next morning at Ball's plantation, and made them prisoners without resistance: From thence he directed his march towards Lenew's [Lenud’s] ferry, with an intention to recross the river, under the protection of two hundred continental infantry, ordered by Colonel Buford to meet the cavalry at that place. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, without any knowledge of the misfortune which it happened to the detachment of light-infantry cavalry, was proceeding on the same day with the patrole of one hundred and fifty dragoons, to gain intelligence at Lenew's ferry, of the force and motions of the enemy: On the road, the British were overtaken by a loyal American, who had been a witness to the success which attended Colonel White in the morning, but had luckily escaped his power. The description of the troops, the assurance of their intention to pass the river at Lenew's, and the hope of retaking the prisoners, stimulated Tarleton to push forward his patrole with the greatest expedition: At the same time, the distance of Lord Cornwallis's camp, the fatigue of the march, the heat of the weather, and the sight of their infantry on the opposite bank, threw the Americans quite off their guard. At three o'clock in the afternoon, the advanced dragoons of the English arrived in presence of their videttes: Tarleton instantly formed his troops, ordered them to charge the enemy's grand guard, and to pursue them into the main body. The corps being totally surprised, resistance and slaughter soon ceased. Five officers and thirty-six men were killed and wounded; seven officers and sixty dragoons were taken prisoners; and the whole party of the light infantry were rescued, as the boat was pushing off to convey them to the opposite shore. All the horses, arms, and accoutrements of the Americans were captured. Colonels White, Washington, and Jamieson [Jameson], with some other officers and men, availed themselves of their swimming, to make their escape, while many who wished to follow their example perished in the river. The British dragoons lost two men and four horses in the action; but returning to Lord Cornwallis's camp the same evening, upwards of twenty horses expired with fatigue.”

Allaire: "Saturday, 6th. Very disagreeable, windy day. Still at Lempriere's. News just received from Lord Cornwallis, that Lieut. Nash and eleven dragoons that were patrolling, were taken by Washington and Horry's Light Horse near Santee river. Col. Tarleton was immediately ordered to pursue them. He overtook them at the river; charged and killed a number, and took a Major and thirty privates. The patrolling party that had been taken were in a boat, rowing across the river. Upon their seeing Col. Tarleton, they immediately seized the guard, threw them overboard, rowed themselves back and joined their regiment again. Col. Washington and Horry took to the river and swam across it. "

William Dobein James: "[After Monck's Corner] Col. White soon after took the command of the American cavalry, but with no better fortune. On the 5th May, he took a British officer and seventeen men of the legion, at Ball's plantation, near Strawberry, in the morning, and pushed back twenty-five miles, to Lenud's ferry, on Santee. While crossing there, Tarleton surprised him, at three in the afternoon; who states, that five officers and 36 men of the Americans were killed and wounded, and seven officers and sixty dragoons were taken; while he lost only two men, and retook his dragoons. Cols. White and Washington, Major Jamieson [Jameson], and several officers and men, escaped by swimming the river, but many perished in the like attempt. Thus the American corps of cavalry and infantry, in the open field, was completely annihilated, and from the Saltketcher to the Santee, a distance of one hundred and twenty miles, either terror or a general depression of spirits, had spread through the country. What served to increase this, was the cannonade at the town. This was a novel thing in South Carolina, and along water courses, it was heard more than one hundred miles. In that distance, there were but few families, who had not a husband, father, brother or son in the garrison; and these listened to the sound, with the deepest anxiety, and, as was natural, with no little despondency."

Lossing: “This day was marked by disasters to the Americans. On that morning, Colonel Anthony Walton White, of New Jersey, with the collected remnant of Huger's cavalry, had crossed the Santee and captured a small party of British. While waiting at Lanneau's [Lenud’s] Ferry for boats to recross the river with his prisoners, a Tory informed Cornwallis of his situation. Tarleton was detached with a party of horse to surprise White, and was successful. A general rout of the Americans ensued. About thirty of them were killed, wounded, or captured, and the prisoners were retaken. Lieutenant-colonel Washington, with Major [John] Jamieson and a few privates, escaped by swimming the Santee. Major Call and seven others fought their way through the British cavalry, and escaped.”

7 May. [surrender] Fort Moultrie, also Sullivan’s Island (Charleston, S.C.) Capt. Charles Hudson, from the HMS Richmond, and 500 Royal Marines receives surrender of Fort Moultrie on Sullivan's Island, and its 216 man garrison, from Lieut. Col. William Scott, after threatening to storm it. Fort Moultrie had played a key role in the repulse of Clinton and Sir Peter Parker’s expedition to take Charleston in 1776. Hudson took 117 Continentals and 100 militia prisoner, plus 9 twenty-four-pounders, 7 eighteen-pounders, 10 twelve-pounders, 9 nine-pounders, 2 six-pounders, 4 four-pounders, 4 ten-inch mortars, and a large quantity of artillery ammunition and equipment.

Tarleton: “This success [at Lenud’s Ferry] was closely followed by the reduction of fort Moultrie. The admiral having taken the fort at Mount Pleasant, acquired from it, and the information of deserters, a full knowledge of the state of the garrison and defences of fort Moultrie, on Sullivan's island. In pursuance of this intelligence, and wishing not to weaken the operations of the army, which became every day more critical, he landed a body of seamen and marines, under the command of Captain Hudson, to attempt the fort by storm, on the west and north-west faces, whilst the ships of the squadron battered it in front. The garrison, consisting of continentals and militia, to the amount of [two hundred men, seeing the imminent danger to which they were exposed, and sensible of the impossibility of relief, accepted of the terms offered by a summons on the 7th of May; and by capitulation, surrendered themselves prisoners of war.”

Allaire. "Sunday, 7th. Orders to get ready to march with two days' provision, at a minute's notice. Maj. Ferguson had obtained permission to attack Fort Moultrie. He rode forward with four dragoons to reconnoitre. We were to remain at our post till we got orders for marching. The first news we heard was the fort was in possession of the British; the Rebels had surrendered themselves prisoners of war. Capitulation was as follows: Capt. Hudson of the Navy summoned the fort on Friday, and received for answer: " Tol, lol, de rol, lol: Fort Moultrie will be defended to the last extremity." On Saturday he sent another flag, and demanded a surrender, acquainting Col. Scott that the Lieutenant with the flag would wait a quarter of an hour for an answer. If the fort was not given up, he would immediately storm it, and put all the garrison to the sword. At this Col. Scott changed the tune of his song, begging that there might be a cessation of arms, that the fort would be given up on the following conditions: that the officers both Continental and militia, should march out with the honors of war, and be allowed to wear their side arms; the officers and soldiers of. the militia have paroles to go to their respective homes, and remain peaceably till exchanged; and the continental soldiers to be treated tenderly. Granted by Capt. Hudson. About eight o'clock Sunday morning, Colonel Scott with his men, about one hundred and twenty, marched out of the fort, piled their arms, Capt. Hudson marched in, took possession of Fort Moultrie, the key to Charleston harbor; which puts it in our power to keep out any forcing enemy that would wish to give the Rebels any assistance. Taken in the fort, fifty barrels of powder, forty-four pieces of cannon, one brass ten inch mortar, three thousand cannon cartridges, five hundred ten inch shells, forty thousand musket cartridges, three month's salt provision, a lot of rice, forty head black cattle, sixty sheep, twenty goats, forty fat hogs, six wagons, two stand of colors, an amazing quantity of lunt [match-cord for firing cannon]; and, in short, so many other articles which are necessary in a fort that it would take me a week to set them down. "

De Brahm: "This morning at eight o'clock Fort Moultrie capitulated. A sixty-gun ship joined the English Fleet."

8 May. Clinton submitted a second ultimatum to Lincoln.

William Dobein James: "The caution of Sir Henry Clinton, in advancing so slowly, had been extreme, and the unsuspecting security of the Americans was still great; but Gen. Duportail, a French officer of engineers, having arrived in town before the communication was closed with the country, declared, that the works of the besieged were not tenable, and might have been stormed ten days before. This disclosed his true situation, and induced Gen. Lincoln to listen to a capitulation, which was proposed to him on the 8th of May. From that until the 10th, the negotiation was continued. On the 11th, the capitulation was agreed to, and, on the next day, the Americans marched out and grounded their arms."

De Brahm: "As ordinary. Another redoubt was commenced last night in rear of our left line. This morning the enemy sent a parley again to demand the town-the truce was prolonged throughout the whole day. In a Council of War composed of all officers of the General Staff, it was resolved by a majority of votes, to propose a capitulation."

Allaire: "Monday, 8th. Six o'clock in the morning, Sir Henry Clinton sent in a flag, and demanded the surrender of Charleston. General Lincoln requested cessation of hostilities till eight o'clock -- from eight to twelve; and the truce continued until four o'clock Tuesday evening when Sir Henry Clinton receiving a very insolent request, sent in word that he plainly saw that Gen. Lincoln did not mean to give up the town; that the firing should commence at eight o'clock in the evening, at which time began a most tremendous cannonade, throwing of carcases and shells into the town, and an incessant fire of musketry all night."

Lossing: “The citizens, appalled by the destructive agencies at work around them, worn out by want of sleep and anxiety, and coveting any condition other than the one they were enduring, now expressed their willingness to treat for a surrender. A flag was sent out, and Clinton's ultimatum was received. He demanded the surrender of the garrison and the citizens as prisoners of war, with all the forts and other works, and their appliances, together with the shipping that remained in the harbor. He would promise nothing except that the town property of those within the lines should remain unmolested, and that all prisoners should be paroled. A truce until the next day [May 9, 1780.] was asked by the besieged, and was allowed, when Lincoln again refused compliance with Clinton's demands. At eight o'clock in the evening the firing commenced again. It was a fearful night in Charleston. The thunder of two hundred cannons shook the city like the power of an earthquake, and the moon, then near its full, with the bright stars, was hidden by the lurid smoke...At two o'clock on the morning of the eleventh [May, 1780.], Lieutenant-governor Gadsden, the council, and many leading citizens, requested Lincoln to signify his agreement to Clinton's proposed terms of surrender, if better could not be obtained. A signal was given, the firing ceased, and before dawn all the guns were quiet. Articles of capitulation were agreed to, and signed by the respective commanders, and by Christopher Gadsden in behalf of the citizens. Between eleven and twelve o'clock on the twelfth of May, the Continental troops marched out with the Turk's march, and laid down their arms, after a gallant and desperate defense of about forty days. General Leslie immediately marched in and took possession of the town.”

8 May. De Kalb with the Delaware and Maryland Regiments set sail, with 50 ships, from Head of Elk bound for Petersburg, Virginia which they arrived at on the 23rd of May.

9 May. De Brahm: "The enemy had cannon mounted in the batteries of his third parallel. The two commanders not agreeing upon the terms of capitulation the siege commenced this evening at nine o'clock with greater warmth than ever."

11 May. De Brahm: "As ordinary. The enemy's trenches are extended under the abbatis of the advanced battery. This afternoon a parley was sent to the enemy to propose fresh terms of capitulation."

Allaire: Thursday, 11th. The town set on fire by a carcase, which burnt several houses. The Rebels sent out a flag soon after; our firing continued without taking notice of their flag. They showed the second flag, which we accepted. It was begging the terms that had been offered the last truce. Sir Henry Clinton answered them the firing should cease until he could send and consult Admiral Arbuthnot. The terms were granted. "

11-12 May. [surrender] CHARLESTON (Charleston County, S.C.) On the 11th, after an approximately six week siege, Charleston capitulated to the British, who then entered the city the next day. At least 2,560 Continentals and 1000 militia were captured. It was the worst defeat suffered by an American army in the course of the entire war, a fact often overlooked by Clinton’s detractors.

Allaire: "Friday, 12th. The gates were opened, Gen. Leslie at the head of the British Grenadiers, Seventh, Sixty-third and Sixty-fourth regiments, and Hessian Grenadiers marched in, and took possession of Charleston, and soon leveled the thirteen stripes with the dust, and displayed the British standard on their ramparts. Still at Lempriere's."

Tarleton: “During these operations, the besieging army finished their third parallel, which they had carried close to the canal, and by a sap pushed to the dam which supplied it with water on the right, drained it in several parts to the bottom. On the 6th and 7th of May, the artillery was mounted in the batteries of this parallel, and the traverses and communications were perfectly completed. Thus enclosed on every side, and driven to its last defences, Sir Henry Clinton wishing to preserve Charles town from destruction, and to prevent that effusion of blood which must be the inevitable consequence of a storm, opened a correspondence on the 8th with General Lincoln, for the purpose of a surrender: But the conditions demanded by the American commander being deemed higher than he had a right to expect from his present situation, they were rejected, and hostilities renewed. The batteries on the third parallel were then opened, and by the superiority of fire, both of artillery and small arms, the British troops were enabled to gain the counterscarp of the outwork which flanked the canal; which they likewise passed, and then pushed on their approaches directly towards the ditch of the place. The present state of danger now urged the citizens and militia, who had formed the objections to the late conditions, to acquiesce in their being relinquished: General Lincoln accordingly proposed to surrender on the terms lately offered. The commander-in-chief and the admiral, besides their dislike to the cruel extremity of a storm, were not disposed to press to unconditional submission an enemy whom they wished to conciliate by clemency. They now granted the same conditions which they had before prescribed as the foundation for treaty. The capitulation was signed the 11th of May, and on the 12th, Major-general Leslie, by the order of Sir Henry Clinton, took possession of Charles town.

As the siege was not productive of sallies, or desperate assaults, which were in a considerable degree prevented by situation and the nature of the works, the carnage was not great on either side, and was not unequally shared. The loss of the King's troops during the siege, before the town and in the country, amounted to seventy-six killed, and one hundred and eighty-nine wounded; and that of the Americans, in the town, to eighty-nine killed, and one hundred and forty wounded.

By the articles of capitulation the garrison were allowed some of the honours of war; they were to march out of the town, at an hour appointed for that purpose, to the ground between the works of the place and the canal, where they were to deposit their arms; but the drums were not to beat a British march, or the colours to be uncased: The continental troops and seamen were to keep their baggage, and to remain prisoners of war until they were exchanged: The militia were to be permitted to return to their respective homes, as prisoners on parole; and while they adhered to their parole, were not to be molested by the British troops in person or property: The citizens of all descriptions, to be considered as prisoners on parole, and to hold their property on the same terms with the militia: The officers of the army and navy to retain their servants, swords, pistols, and their baggage unsearched: They were permitted to sell their horses, but not to remove them out of Charles town. A vessel was allowed to proceed to Philadelphia with General Lincoln's dispatches, which were not to be opened.”

CASUALTIES AND CAPTURES

BRITISH

Clinton’s return: “Return of the killed and wounded of the troops under the command of his Excellency General Sir Henry Clinton, from the debarkation in South Carolina the 11th of February, to the surrender of Charles town the 12th of May.

Royal artillery. 5 rank and file killed; 7 ditto wounded.

1st battalion of light infantry. 8 rank and file killed; 1 serjeant, 17 rank and file wounded.

2d battalion ditto. 11 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant, 12 rank and file wounded.

Detachment of ditto. 3 rank and file killed; 7 ditto wounded.

1st battalion grenadiers. 1 serjeant, 4 rank and file killed; 2 lieutenants, 1 serjeant, 13 rank and file wounded.

2d battalion ditto. 10 rank and file killed; 1 lieutenant, 11 rank and file wounded.

7th. 1 rank and file killed; 2 ditto wounded.

23d. 4 rank and file wounded.

33d. 1 rank and file killed; 2 ditto wounded.

62d. 2 rank and file killed.

63d. 4 rank and file killed.

64th. 1 rank and file wounded.

71st. 2 ensigns, 6 rank and file killed; 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 14 rank and file wounded.

GERMAN

Yagers. 7 rank and file killed; 14 ditto wounded.

Linsing. 2 rank and file killed; 7 ditto wounded.

Lengerck. 1 rank and file killed; 15 ditto wounded.

Schuler. 3 rank and file killed; 18 ditto wounded.

Graff. 2 rank and file killed; 2 lieutenants, 8 rank and file wounded.

Huyne. 5 rank and file wounded.

PROVINCIAL

New-York volunteers. 2 rank and file killed; 1 ditto wounded.

British legion. 5 rank and file killed; 9 ditto wounded.

Ferguson's corps. 5 rank and file wounded.

Total BRITISH, GERMAN, and PROVINCIAL.

2 ensigns, 1 serjeant, 73 rank and file, killed; 1 captain, 7 lieutenants, 2 serjeants, 179 rank and file, wounded.”

TOTAL Based on Clinton’s Return: 76 killed, 189 wounded

In his memoirs, Clinton later stated the British lost 268 killed and wounded.

Arbuthnot: “Our [the Royal Nay’s] whole loss in the ships and galleys, and the batteries on shore, is twenty-three seamen killed, and twenty-eight wounded; among the latter is Lieutenant Bowers, of the Europe, but in fair way of recovery.”

AMERICAN

Tarleton gives Americans losses, exclusive of prisoners taken, as 89 killed, 140 wounded, while Clinton speaks of them as being 300. Ward repeats these figures but makes the wounded total 138.

Lossing: “Great skill and courage were brought to bear upon the patriots during the siege, and never was a defense more obstinate and heroic, and yet it was not a bloody one. The loss on both sides in killed and wounded was nearly equal; that of the Americans, exclusive of the inhabitants of the town not bearing arms, was ninety-two killed, and one hundred and forty-eight wounded. The British lost seventy-six killed, and one hundred and eighty nine wounded. The number of prisoners, including the inhabitants of the town, was between five and six thousand. About four hundred cannons were a part of the spoils of victory. Thirty houses were destroyed during the siege…[Lossing’s footnote:] The terms of the capitulation were partly honorable and partly humiliating. The town, fortifications and shipping, artillery and stores, were to be given up; the Continental troops and sailors were to be conducted to some place to be agreed upon, there to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militia to be permitted to return home, as prisoners of war, on parole, and to be secured from molestation as long as they did not violate these paroles; the arms and baggage of the officers and their servants were to be retained by them; the garrison were to march out, and lay down their arms between the works and the canal, the drums not to beat a British march, nor the colors to be uncased; the French consul, and French and Spanish residents should be unmolested, but considered prisoners of war; and that a vessel should convey a messenger to New York, that he might carry dispatches to General Washington.”

Regarding the fate of many of the prisoners, Lossing further writes: “But the camp and typhoid fevers, and dysentery, swept off hundreds before the cruel hand of the oppressor relinquished its grasp. Maddened by torture, and almost heart-broken on account of the sufferings of their families, more than five hundred of the soldiers who capitulated at Charleston agreed to enroll themselves as royal militia, as the least of two present evils, and were sent to do service in the British army in Jamaica. Of nineteen hundred prisoners surrendered at Charleston, and several hundreds more taken at Camden and Fishing Creek, only seven hundred and forty were restored to the service of their country.

Return of John Andre, Deputy adjutant general: “Total of the rebel forces commanded by Major-general Lincoln at the surrender of Charles town, May 12, 1780, now prisoners of war. Two major generals, 5 brigadier generals, 3 majors of brigade, 16 colonels, 9 lieutenant colonels, 41 cornets or ensigns, 1 paymaster, 7 adjutants, 6 quarter masters, 18 surgeons, 6 mates, 322 serjeants, 137 drummers, 4710 rank and file.”

Tarleton: “Seven general officers, ten continental regiments, and three battalions of artillery, became prisoners upon this occasion. The whole number of men in arms who surrendered, including town and country militia, and French, amounted to five thousand six hundred and eighteen, exclusive of near a thousand seamen.”

Ramsay: "The numbers which surrendered prisoners of war, inclusive of the militia, and every adult male inhabitant, was above 5000, but the proper garrison at the time of surrender did not exceed 2500. The precise number of privates in the continental army was 1977 of which 500 were in the hospitals. The captive officers were much more in proportion than the privates, and consisted of one Major General, 6 Brigadiers, 9 Colonels, 14 Lieut. Colonels, 15 Majors, 84 Captains, 84 Lieutenants, 32 Second lieutenants and Ensigns. The gentlemen of the country, who were mostly militia officers, from a sense of honor repaired to the defence of Charleston, though they could not bring with them privates equal to their respective commands. The regular regiments were fully officered, though greatly deficient in privates."

William Dobein James: "After a siege of a month and fourteen days, 2500 men submitted to an army of 12,000; and it was only surprising they held out so long. The continental troops and sailors were to remain prisoners of war until exchanged; the militia were permitted to return home as prisoners on parole, which, as long as they observed it, should secure them from being molested in their property."

Arbuthnot’s return: "A List of rebel ships of war taken or destroyed in the harbour of Charles town. The Bricole pierced for 60, mounting 44 guns, twenty-four and eighteen pounders, sunk, her captain, officers, and company, prisoners --- The Truite, 26 twelve pounders, sunk, her captain, &c. prisoners - Queen of France, 28 nine pounders, sunk, ditto. - General Moultrie, 20 six pounders, sunk, ditto. - Notre Dame, (brig) 16 ditto, sunk, ditto. - Providence, 32 guns, eighteen and twelve pounders, taken, captain, officers, and company, prisoners. - Boston. Of the same force, taken, ditto - Ranger, 20 six pounders, taken, ditto. French Ships L'Avanture, 26 nine and six pounders, commanded by Sieur de Brulot, lieutenant de Vaissseau, taken, ditto. - Polacre, 16 pounders, taken. - Some empty brigs lying at the wharfs, with other small vessels, were also taken, with four armed galleys.”

From the return by Maj. Peter Traille, of the Royal Artillery, of arms and ordnance taken from the Americans:

“Munitions captured: French Musquets. Eight hundred and forty-seven in store, 4569 delievered at the abbatis, 15 stands of regimental colours. Large quantities of musquet cartridges, arms, and other small articles, not included in the above return: The scattered situation of the different stores not admitting of collecting them in so short a time. A more exact account will be given as soon as possible.

Abstract of Ordnance: Brass guns, 21; mortars, 9; howitzers, 1; iron guns, 280. Total, 311. Besides the ordnance taken in fort Moultrie, Lampries, Mount Pleasant, and on board the vessels, amounting in the whole to eighty or ninety pieces; and one ten-inch mortar.”

12-13 May. After receiving word of the surrender of Charleston, Brig. Gen. William Caswell on the north side of Lenud’s Ferry, withdrew with his 400 North Carolina militia, and a few of South Carolina, towards Camden. Not long before a force of about 400 Virginia Continentals, 2 cannon, and some 28 wagons carrying ammunition and supplies originally intended for the relief of Charleston, under Col. Abraham Buford had joined Caswell at Lenud’s. Buford retreated as well to Camden, taking with him Governor John Rutledge and his legislative council. Caswell and Buford subsequently became separated at Camden: Caswell and the North Carolina militia continuing toward Cross Creek, while Buford's column headed, via Rugeley's Mills, in the direction of Salisbury. According to James, at some point Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger took command of Buford's force. Then a day or two before Waxhaws on the 29th, he relinquished it to Buford, taking in his charge instead the task of escorting Governor Rutledge and his council members to safety.

Pension statement of Isham Bobbet of Warren County, N.C.: “[Bobbet] entered the service of the United States as a volunteer in the county of Warren, North Carolina, about the first of February 1780. That he was mustered into service at that time under the command of Captain Chirstman and marched to Halifax where we were met by Colonel Allen, who took the command of the regiment. He marched us to Tarborough and thence to Cross Creek and Camden, thence to Nelsons Ferry near Monks Corner, thirty miles from Charleston. In a few days the Brittish (sic) troops took Charleston and then we were marched back to Camden in company with Colonel Bluford [Abraham Buford], at which place we parted from him. We marched under the command of General Caswell to Fayettesville [Cross Creek] and continued stationed there until the last of June, at which time we were discharged.”

Pension declaration of David Cockerham of Surry County, N.C.: “David Cockerham entered service for three months in the spring of the year when Charleston, SC, was taken. He was in the company of Capt. James Freeman of Surry County. David was a substitute for his uncle William Cockerham of Surry County. The company marched to Richmond where they remained some weeks and then marched to Salisbury in Rowan County, and then marched to Camden, SC, and from there to [Nelson's or Wilson's] Ferry on the Santee River, and then down this side of the River for the purpose of aiding in the defense of Charleston which was then beseiged (sic) by the British. At Camden Capt. Freeman joined Gen. Caswell from North Carolina with a considerable body of the North Carolina militia also marching for the relief of Charleston. When they had gone down the River toward Charleston and were so near it as to hear the firing of the cannon, Gen. Caswell was told by some of the American soldiers who had escaped from the seige (sic) that Charleston had fallen. Gen. Caswell then ordered the troops under his command to march back to Camden and from there to Fayetteville [Cross Creek], NC, and from there to a place called Dobsons Crossroads in Surry County (but now Stokes County), where David was discharged.”

15 May. A major ammunition magazine in Charleston exploded, burning a number of houses in the city and killing at least 33 British soldiers. Allaire: "Monday, 15th. Magazine blew up -- set the town on fire -- burnt several houses. Capt. Collins and Lieut. Gordon, of the artillery, Lieut. M'Leod of the Forty-second regiment, and about thirty privates, perished by the explosion. In what way the accident happened is not certain; 'tis supposed by throwing the captured arms into the magazine, one went off, and set fire to the powder."

Mid to late May. In the days and weeks following the fall of Charleston, the question was put to remaining South Carolina militia units whether they would submit to the terms of protection and parole imposed on the Charleston garrison. A meeting was convened at Augusta of top ranking Georgia officials and military leaders, some Continental officers, and Brig. Gen. Andrew Williamson, who was top ranking officer of the South Carolina militia regiments around Ninety-Six and the western part of the state, to decide the question. Although nothing decisive was agreed upon, Governor Richard Howley of Georgia, and some of that states military officers, including Colonel Clary, decided they would flee northward and continue the fight. Williamson, meanwhile, arranged for another meeting of Georgia and South Carolina officers at Whitehall, near Ninety-Six. Many came to the gathering with a view to making plans to retire with military forces at hand into North Carolina, including Capt. Samuel Hammond, Maj. Bennett Crafton (also Crofton), Capt. James McCall, and Capt. McLidle. Colonels John Dooly and Elijah Clark of Georgia had retreated into Wilkes County, apparently under the impression that the Whitehall council would decide to continue fighting, and awaited arrangements for cooperation. However, Williamson and most of the other militia leaders including Col. Le Roy Hammond, Col. John Thomas, Sr., Col. Andrew Pickens, Maj. John Purvis decided to submit to the Charleston articles of surrender. Only one officer of the staff, one field officer, and four or five captains, at the Whitewall conference voted against an immediate acceptance of the terms. A flag of truce was sent to a Colonel Parriss (or Parris) representing the British, and forthwith over 300 troops, including three companies of regular infantry, raised by the State and enlisted for three years or the war, and 150 to 200 other militia were surrendered by Williamson to be paroled. A number of the troops, however, under some of the dissenting officers resolved to carry on the struggle, and either temporarily went into hiding in their home state, or else prepared to retreat into North Carolina to join republican forces there. According to one account, Williamson had expressed a desire to resume the fighting, but submitted only when it became the clear consensus to do so. Williamson evacuated Augusta on May 29th. Most of eastern Georgia submitted to British rule. Even Col. John Dooly was reported to have offered to surrender his troops. Whether or not this was true, he was murdered in his home by some Tories.

Elsewhere in South Carolina, the same question was also decided on by individual officers and smaller units. Of those who also took Royal protection at that time were Col. James Mayson, Col. Isaac Hayne, and Major John Postell. Most all of these, including those mentioned with Williamson, later returned to fight for the American cause. Pickens, for example, who accepted terms of protection and parole by British, later considered himself not bound to them when his home was attacked by some tories. The British having failed to protect him, he concluded he was no longer bound by his prior agreement. He then took to the field with his men sometime in December 1780. Of other leaders who did not accept British terms at the outset were Col. Thomas Sumter, Col. James Williams, Col. Samuel Watson, Col. William Hill, Col. John Thomas, Jr., Col. William Bratton, Col. Andrew Neal, Col. Francis Marion, Col. John Twiggs, Maj. John James, Maj. William Harden, Major Richard Winn, Capt. Edward Lacey, and Capt. John McClure.

Lossing: “Colonel John Dooly entered the Continental army in Georgia, as captain, in 1776, and, rising to the rank of colonel, was very active in the neighborhood of the Savannah, until [August] 1780, when a party of Tories, sent out from Augusta by Colonel Brown, entered his house, in Wilkes County, at midnight, and barbarously murdered him in the presence of his wife and children.”

Ramsay: "At Beaufort, Camden, and Ninety-Six, they generally laid down their arms, and either submitted as prisoners or subjects. Excepting the extremities of the state bordering on North Carolina, the inhabitants who did not flee out of the country preferred submission to resistance. This was followed by an unusual calm, and the British believed that the state was thoroughly conquered."

16 May. Allaire. "Tuesday, 16th. The American Volunteers relieved the Navy, and took command of Fort Moultrie."

17 May. Clinton sent Cornwallis, located at St. Thomas’ Parish north of Charleston, to take Camden. Arbuthnot meanwhile feared the possible approach of the French fleet under Admiral Charles Louis d’Arsac, Chevalier de Ternay and was eager to leave Charleston as soon as possible.

Clinton, in Charleston, wrote to Cornwallis on this date: "Your lordship has already with you (in the field) two thousand five hundred and forty-two rank and file; but if you have the least reason to suppose the enemy likely to be in great number, you shall be reinforced with the 42d, the light infantry, and any other corps you chuse. As your move is important, it must not be stinted. I will give you all you wish of every sort. Let me know what it is as soon as possible. In the mean time, I shall order the light infantry and 42d regiment to prepare; depending upon it, that as soon as you can spare them, you will return them to me for all operations to the northward must be cramped without them. If you chuse to keep the 17th dragoons, you are heartily welcome to them during this move." Cornwallis in his reply of the 18th said the 42nd Regt., the Light Infantry, would not be needed, and declined the extra temporary support. However, he retained the 17th dragoons which he already had with him. These did nevertheless end up returning to New York with Clinton.

18 May. Cornwallis left his ground near Huger's Bridge on the 18th and directed his march to Lenud's ferry with 5 pieces of cannon and upwards of 2,500 men (2,542 rank and file.) Boats were collected with difficulty as the Americans had concealed or destroyed all within their reach. While Cornwallis was engaged with crossing with his main force Tarleton "received instructions to march to George Town, in order to chase away or take prisoners, all the violent enemies to the British government, and to receive the allegiance of the well-affected. This service was performed without any opposition, during the passage of the other troops.

21 May. Cornwallis on the north side of Lenud's ferry resumed his march toward Nelson's Ferry, ultimately heading toward Camden.

22 May. Clinton, in cooperation with Arbuthnot, issued the first of three proclamations. The tenor of this first was rather mild compared to what would follow. It spoke of the restoration of “civil government,” and promised severe punishment to those who should oppose Royal government or aid the Rebels, and protection to those loyal to the crown.

22 May. Clinton wrote Maj. Patrick Ferguson appointing him Inspector of Militia in the Southern Provinces, by which authority Ferguson was to raise and train loyalists militia units, and to hand out minor officer commissions. Ferguson was given very specific instructions as to how the loyalists were to be paid, clothed and organized: “This Militia you will form into Companies consisting of, from 50 to 100 Men each, and will when the local and other Circumstances will admit of it, form Battalions consisting of, from 6 to 12 Companies each, allowing such as cannot conveniently be assembled in Battalions, to remain as Independent Companies. Each Company to be under a Lieutenant chosen by the Men, to whom you may add if you find it necessary, an Ensign from the Non Commissioned Officers and others who have served in the Army, to assist in establishing a certain Degree of Order, Regularity and Discipline, which however must be done with great Caution, so as not to disgust the Men, or mortify unnecessarily, the Love of Freedom…” Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes of the South Carolina Royalists and Major Graham were to assist him in this. When Ferguson arrived at Ninety-Six on 22 June, he was joined by Robert Cunningham and Capt. David Fanning, the latter from North Carolina. Fanning also participated for a brief time in this enterprise to enlist and train loyalists. After Cornwallis took overall command in South Carolina, he commissioned Cunningham a Lieutenant Colonel, and bestowed on him command of the loyalists in the Ninety-Six district.

24 May. Allaire: "Wednesday, 24th. Lay at Fort Moultrie."

25 May. Allaire. "Thursday, 25th. The detachment was relieved by British and Hessian Grenadiers. The American Volunteers [Ferguson’s Corps] marched up to Mount Pleasant, and crossed over to Charleston. Marched through the town, and took up their ground just in front of the lines. The horses and baggage with myself crossed from Lempriere's Point to the Ship Yard, which is about two miles from the town.”

26 May. Allaire. "Friday, 26th. The following corps got in motion about three o'clock in the morning, under the command of Col. Balfour, of the Twenty-third regiment, viz - Light Infantry, commanded by Maj. Graham, three companies of the Seventh by Capt. Peacock, American Volunteers by Maj. Ferguson, and the Prince of Wales American Volunteers by Lieut. Col. Patterson [Thomas Pattinson] - in number about six hundred. Marched out to the Ten Mile House, and halted. Made bough houses to cover the men from the heat of the sun. Heavy thunder shower."

26 May. (also possibly 29 May, 3 June, or later) [raid] Mobley's Meeting House, also Gibson’s Meeting House, Brierly’s (Fairfield County, S.C.) Col. William Bratton and Captain John McClure, who had been camped beside the Catawba with some whig partisans, were enlisted to assist Major Richard Winn, and 100 of Capt. Edward Lacey’s men under Winn’s command, in a raid on a gathering of loyalists at Mobley's [Baptist] Meeting House (or else possibly at the not too distant Gibson's Meeting house) in Winnsborough. Despite British successes at this time, Lacey, Winn and some others had themselves been collecting men at New Acquisition. Bratton, Winn, and McClure then surprised and routed the loyalists. Bass speaks of this event as two separate actions, followed by a third where another group of loyalist at Brierly’s were sent retreating into the Dutch Fork. The Dutch Fork was a settlement area, largely loyalist in sympathy, located between the Broad and Saluda Rivers, and which occupied part of what is now Newberry, Lexington and Richland counties.

Lossing: “Already Whigs between the Catawba and Broad Rivers, led by Bratton, M'Clure, Moffit, Winn, and others, had smitten the enemy at different points. The first blow, struck at Beckhamville [see 7 June], is noticed on the preceding page. To crush these patriots and to band the Loyalists, marauding parties, chiefly Tories, were sent out. At Mobley's meeting-house, on the banks of Little River, in Fairfield District, a party of these men were collected just after the affair at Beckhamville [June, 1780.]. Around them were gathering the Tories of the district, when Captains Bratton and M'Clure fell upon and dispersed them.”

26 May. Buford left Rugeley's Mills and resumed his retreat northward. Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger meanwhile, remained along with Governor John Rutledge and his council, as guests of wealthy loyalist Henry Rugeley. Rugeley, apparently was acting both diplomatically and simply as a gracious host. William Dobein James’ version of what took place might sound as if Buford's column itself had halted at Rugeley's along with the Governor's party, and did not proceed northward till the 28th. This, however, this seems unlikely given the distance from Rugeley's to Waxhaws and the heavy baggage Buford was carrying (see below Waxhaws 29 May.)

27 May. From Nelson's ferry on this date, Cornwallis dispatched Tarleton with 40 cavalry of the 17th Light Dragoons, 130 Br. Legion dragoons, 100 mounted infantry of the legion (these last on horses allotted by Cornwallis) and a three-pounder in pursuit of Col. Abraham Buford's force retreating northward. The same day Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger and the South Carolina officials at Rugeleys' received advanced word of Tarleton's approach. Acting as escort, Huger moved with the governor and his council to escape capture, after having passed on command of the Continentals and supply column to Col. Abraham Buford. Long marches and severe heat caused the loss of number of horses, yet in 54 hours Tarleton managed to cover 125 miles and caught up with Buford on the 29th.

28 May. Tarleton's force arrived at Camden, arriving at Rugeley's at dawn on the 29th.

28 May. Sumter left his family and civilian life, riding to Salisbury, North Carolina, to help raise troops to fight British. North Carolina leaders as well busied themselves about this time with the same task. Almost immediately afterward, his home was burnt down by Tarleton’s men under Capt. Charles Campbell after an effort to apprehend him. Sumter ended up in Charlotte and then removed to New Acquisition (west of Waxhaws), where he was joined by compatriots.

29 May. [battle] WAXHAWS (Lancaster County, S.C.) At 3 pm, Tarleton, with his advance detachment, reached a squad of Buford’s, under Lieut. Pearson, which he captured, or else as James puts it “cut to pieces.” Buford, in the meantime, had been moving north along a road on the South Carolina side of the Waxhaws settlement. He had with him 350 to 380 Virginia Continentals. In addition he had a detachment of the 3rd Continental Light dragoons under Col. William Washington and two six-pounders. Tarleton then approached Buford, whose main body was within view of Pearson’s capture. Tarleton’s force consisted of 130 Legion dragoons, 40 17th Light Dragoons and 100 mounted British Legion infantry, under Maj. Charles Cochrane, and a three pounder. However, it was only his advanced detachment of which participated in the main attack. This consisted of 60 dragoons from the 17th Light Dragoons and the British Legion cavalry, and 60 mounted infantry of the British Legion, plus a flanking force of an additional 30 British Legion dragoons and some infantry. The remainder of Tarleton's force came up gradually in the rear as a reserve. While allowing time for the reserve to move up, Tarleton sent Buford a summons to surrender, which Buford refused. Buford, while the parley was taking place, had tried to keep the supply wagons moving, while he formed up his men in line to receive the British attack. When Tarleton did attack, Buford's men waited till the British cavalry was within ten yards, and then fired. The waiting till the last minute to fire caused few casualties among the horsemen, and in moments Buford's force was broken up and routed. Buford's own cavalry was with the wagons and when apprised of the disaster fled northward. Many of Buford's infantry who continued fighting, and even those who surrendered, were mercilessly cut down by Tarleton's dragoons. Some were hacked at and mutilated so gratuitously that the action was later widely denoted a massacre. The Americans claimed that Tarleton had violated the flag of truce, but since Buford had already answered Tarleton's summons with a refusal this does not seem to have been the case. Tarleton stated that his own horse had been shot out from under him after the single volley from the Continentals. His men thinking him killed, acted out of retaliation, while it then took Tarleton that much more time to bring them back under control. Buford later maintained that the rampant butchery commenced after a white flag had already been lifted. According to Tarleton’s after battle report, the Americans lost 113 men killed, 147 wounded and left on parole (over 200 prisoners in all), 2 six pounders, (plus 2 accompanying wagons with ammunition, 1 artillery forge cart, 55 barrels of powder), 26 wagons with new clothing, arms, musket cartridges, new cartridge boxes, flints, and camp equipage. The British lost 5 killed, 12 wounded, plus 11 horses killed and 19 horses wounded. Allaire states that the Americans lost 114 killed, 150 wounded, 53 taken prisoners, and that the British lost 5 killed and 12 wounded. Buford with Washington's cavalry, and a few men who cut horses from the wagons, were all who escaped. Lee specifically states that 80 or 90 of Buford’s infantry evaded capture.

Tarleton: “At three o'clock in the afternoon, on the confines of South Carolina, the advanced guard of the British charged a serjeant and four men of the American light dragoons, and made them prisoners in the rear of their infantry. This event happening under the eyes of the two commanders, they respectively prepared their troops for action. Colonel Buford's force consisted of three hundred and eighty continental infantry of the Virginia line, a detachment of Washington's cavalry, and two six pounders: He chose his post in an open wood, to the right of the road; he formed his infantry in one line, with a small reserve; he placed his colours in the center, and he ordered his cannon, baggage, and waggons, to continue their march.

Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton made his arrangement for the attack with all possible expedition: He confided his right wing, which was composed of sixty dragoons, and nearly as many mounted infantry, to Major [Charles] Cochrane, desiring him to dismount the latter, to gall the enemy's flank, before he moved against their front with his cavalry: Captains Corbet and Kinlock were directed, with the 17th dragoons and part of the legion, to charge the center of the Americans; whilst Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with thirty chosen horse and some infantry, assaulted their right flank and reserve: This particular situation the commanding officer selected for himself, that he might discover the effect of the other attacks. The dragoons, the mounted infantry, and three pounder in the rear, as they could come up with their tired horses, were ordered to form something like a reserve, opposite to the enemy's center, upon a small eminence that commanded the road; which disposition afforded the British light troops an object to rally to, in case of a repulse, and made no inconsiderable impression on the minds of their opponents. The disposition being completed without any fire from the enemy, though within three hundred yards of their front, the cavalry advanced to the charge. On their arrival within fifty paces, the continental infantry presented, when Tarleton was surprised to hear their officers command them to retain their fire till British cavalry were nearer. This forbearance in not firing before the dragoons were within ten yards of the object of their attack, prevented their falling into confusion on the charge, and likewise deprived the Americans of the further use of their ammunition: Some officers, men, and horses, suffered by this fire; but the battalion was totally broken, and slaughter was commenced before Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton could remount another horse, the one with which he led his dragoons being overturned by the volley. Thus in a few minutes ended an affair which might have had a very different termination. The British troops had two officers killed, one wounded; three privates killed, thirteen wounded; and thirty-one horses killed and wounded. The loss of officers and men was great on the part of the Americans, owing to the dragoons so effectually breaking the infantry, and to a report amongst the cavalry, that they had lost their commanding officer, which stimulated the soldiers to a vindictive asperity not easily restrained. Upwards of one hundred officers and men were killed on the spot; three colours, two six-pounders, and above two hundred prisoners, with the number of waggons, containing two royals, quantities of new clothing, other military stores, and camp equipage, fell into the possession of the victors.”

Allaire: "Thursday, June 1st. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and marched to Nelson's Ferry, Santee river. By express were informed that Col. Tarleton, Monday, the 29th, fell in with a body of Rebels, (Buford's corp-L.C.D.) forty miles above Camden. He summoned them to surrender-received all insolent answer, charged them, killed one Lieutenant-Colonel, three Captains, eight Subalterns, one Adjutant, one QuarterMaster, and ninety-nine Sergeants and rank and file. Wounded three Captains, five Subalterns, and one hundred and forty-two rank and file. Made prisoners two Captains, one Subaltern, fifty rank and file. Total killed, wounded and taken prisoners, one Lieutenant-Colonel, eight Captains, fourteen Subalterns, one Adjutant, one Quarter-Master, and two hundred and ninety-one Sergeants, rank and file; three stand of colors taken, two brass six-pounders, two howitzers, two wagons with ammunition, one artillery forge wagon, fifty-five barrels powder, twenty-six wagons loaded with clothing, camp equipage, musket-cartridges, cartridge-boxes, flints, etc., etc. Killed of the Legion, Lieut. McDonald and Ensign Campbell, serving with the cavalry, two privates of the cavalry, and one of the Light Infantry. Total, two Subalterns, and three rank and file. Wounded, Lieut. Patterson, seven dragoons, making eight rank and file of the cavalry, and three of the infantry. Total wounded, one Subaltern, and eleven rank and file."

William Dobein James: "At Camden, Caswell, with the militia, quitted Buford, who then commanded the continentals, and retreated by the way of Pedee. Buford's regiment was soon after placed under the command of Gen. Huger, as an escort to Gov. Rutledge, then at Camden; and was detained, with a fatal security, by the general, for two days in that place. And so much off their guard, were our rulers themselves, that Gov. Rutledge, and his council, were soon after hospitably entertained, at Clermont, by Col. Rugely[Henry Rugeley], an Englishman, professedly opposed to the American cause. At midnight, he woke them up, advised them of Tarleton's approach, and with some difficulty, persuaded them to escape; at daylight, Tarleton arrived at Clermont. That morning, Huger gave up the command again to Buford, and took the Charlotte road, with the governor and his two remaining council, Daniel Huger and John L. Gervais. Buford proceeded on rapidly, upon the Salisbury road, and from circumstances, his baggage waggons must have been sent on before he took the command again, that morning; otherwise, in making the very quick march he did, they must have been left far in his rear. But Tarleton blames him, for sending them ahead, because they might have served him as a rampart, and other historians have adopted his account. After a pursuit of one hundred miles, in fifty-four hours, Tarleton approached Buford, about forty miles from Camden, and twenty-six from Clermont; and dispatched Capt. David Kinloch with a flag, summoning him to surrender upon the terms granted to the garrison of Charleston. Buford called a council of his officers, who deeming it a deception, he continued his march. In the afternoon, Tarleton overtook him, unfortunately, in an open wood, and cut to pieces his rear guard. At the sound of his bugle, Buford drew up his men, all infantry; but Capt. Carter, (not Benjamin,) who commanded his artillery, and led the van, continued his march. Tarleton advanced, with his infantry in the centre, and his cavalry on the wings. He was checked by Buford's fire; but the cavalry wheeling, gained his rear. Seeing no hope of any longer making a defence, Buford sent Ensign Cruitt with a flag of truce, and grounded his arms. Disregarding the flag, and the rules of civilized warfare, Tarleton cut Cruitt down, and charged upon Buford, with his cavalry in the rear; while Maj. Cochrane, an infuriated Scotchman, rushed with fixed bayonets, in front. A few of Buford's men, resumed their arms, and fired, when the British were within ten steps, but with little effect; as might have been expected, from what has been stated. Buford's regiment was entirely broken by the charge, no quarters were given by the British; 113 men were killed of the Americans, and 151 so badly wounded as to be left on the ground. This was nearly two thirds of the whole American force, according to Tarleton's own account; and the manner in which those left on the ground were mangled, is told, by others, as horrible. No habitation was near, but the lone cabin of a poor widow woman; and the situation of the dead, was fortunate, when compared with that of the living. Tarleton says, he lost but two officers, and three privates killed, and one officer and thirteen privates wounded. The massacre took place at the spot where the road from Lancaster to Chesterfield now crosses the Salisbury road."

29 May. Brig Gen. Andrew Williamson evacuated Augusta. Following shortly upon this, the Rebel militia forces under his command were disbanded either as parolees to the British, or else they continued resistance to the British elsewhere.

30 May. The Delaware and Maryland Regiments, under de Kalb, left Petersburg on their way to North Carolina.

June. Sometime in the month, Lieut. Col. Charles Porterfield with 300 Virginia State Troops arrived to join or deploy near to Caswell’s N.C. militia above the Pee Dee. Although Otho Williams speaks of Porterfield’s arriving in South Carolina in the spring, too late to help the garrison at Charleston, strangely he is not mentioned being in the vicinity at the time of Waxhaws in late May. He was, however, in South Carolina by at least early July, which is when we find our first (known) reference of his actually being present. These facts then would seem to indicate that he came to South Carolina probably in June. This at least seems a reasonable conclusion, that is unless and until possible new information on this point is uncovered.

June. The British began setting up a series of outposts and fortifying certain locations in South Carolina to protect the frontier and coastal regions. Specifically these were: Camden, Cheraws, Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock, Ninety-Six and Georgetown. Some loyalists soon began gathering in bands threatening whigs with horse stealing, cattle rustling, home burning. The whigs then gathered, east of Catawba, under Col. Thomas Brandon, Col. William Bratton, Capt. John McClure, Col. William Hill, Maj. Richard Winn and Capt. Edward Lacey. (to name some of the more prominent.)

After Cornwallis arrived at Camden on June 1st, Colonel Francis Lord Rawdon, with a detachment which included the Volunteers of Ireland and the detachment of legion cavalry, made a brief excursion into the Waxhaws settlement. Writes Tarleton: “The sentiments of the inhabitants did not correspond with his lordship's expectations: He there learned what experience confirmed, that the Irish were the most adverse of all other settlers to the British government in America. During the stay of the volunteers of Ireland in the Wacsaws, many of the inhabitants gave their paroles; an obligation they readily violated, when called to arms by the American commanders.” Rawdon then withdrew to Camden, during which time Cornwallis was transforming that town into a fortified base of operations, and launching ground for an invasion of North Carolina. Stores such as rum, salt, artillery stores, were sent from Charlestown to start a magazine there in Camden. With Cornwallis were the 23rd Regt., the 33rd Regt., the 71st Regt. (subsequently moved to Cheraws), the Royal North Carolina Regt., the Prince of Wales American Volunteers, the Volunteers of Ireland, the British Legion, and a detachment of artillery.

Not long after occupying Camden, Cornwallis dispatched Maj. Archibald McArthur with 71st Regt. to occupy the Cheraws settlement on the south side of the Pee Dee River to cover that area of the country. Over time, many of McArthur’s men suffered from heat and fevers, which significantly weakened his detachment.

As with McArthur at Cheraws, Lieut. Col. George Turnbull, with the New York Volunteers and some loyalist militia, were sent to establish posts at Rocky Mount, and nearby Hanging Rock. Some British Legion infantry, if not with Turnbull originally, were subsequently added to his force. Turnbull, however, does not seem to have been with Cornwallis when the latter first reached Camden, and was probably moved up to that location shortly afterward, and then moved from Camden to Rocky Mount.

The town of Ninety-Six was occupied, and without resistance, by Lieut. Col. Nisbit Balfour with detachments of light infantry and the South Carolina Royalists, coming from Charleston, on 19 June, which date see. It was so named for being supposedly Ninety-Six miles from the main Cherokee town of Keowee or Keewee, or else, as Ward states, Ninety-Six miles from “the old frontier fort of Prince George on the Keowee River.” Johnson speaks of Cambridge as being the actual main town of the area, but Cambridge was not built till after the war.

William Hill: “At that time [i.e. after the fall of Charleston] all the upper division of the State [South Carolina] was commanded by Genl. Pickens, as Genl. Williamson that had the chief command previous to that time, turned a traitor to his country & went to the enemy then in Savannah, & made his peace with them—Previous to the fall of Charleston, at that time there being a considerable quantity of arms & ammunition deposited at a fort in Ninety Six District, the British commander Earl Cornwallis, commissioned a certain Capt. Parriss, that commanded about 80 tories, to go ahead of his troops to take the submissions of all the Americans that was disposd. (sic) to become British subjects. To this Parriss & his small party of Tories did Genl. Pickens submit and surrender the before mentioned fort together with all the military stores. And likewise marched several hundred men with their firearms & surrendered to the said Parriss.”

Clinton had early on wanted to seize Georgetown, which was still occupied by some rebel militia, but the trouble of securing galleys for this purpose, given the departure of Arbuthnot prevented a sea borne attack which he preferred. Since moving by land would only succeed in dispersing the militia in Georgetown (rather than capturing them), it was decided to put off taking the town till a later time. After resistance had died down, a small detachment of provincials was sent there (probably in June.) After that, Maj. James Wemyss and the 63rd Regt, were dispatched to the post no later than mid July.

Memorial of Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger: “In June 1780 Lord Cornwallis Commanding in the Southern District ordered your Memorialist with his Battn. and three other Regts. to take post so as to Cover the frontiers of Georgia and South Carolina which he did with such good effect, as to establish the tranquility of the Country.”

1 June. Cornwallis reached Camden.

1 June. Clinton and Arbuthnot issued a second proclamation which said that all previous resistors to the crown who accepted allegiance, except the most egregious violent offenders and murderers, would be offered pardon. They also invited all inhabitants to assist in the restoration of British rule. Arbuthnot and the commissioners who accompanied the expedition desired to reinstate the civil government. Clinton, however, felt that given the then current state of things such a measure would be premature and imprudent.

3 June. Clinton, without Arbuthnot’s collaboration this time, issued a third, more drastic proclamation which announced that all paroles given to the inhabitants of South Carolina would be considered null and void, and that it would be assumed that all citizens were to continue as loyal subjects of the crown, meaning among other things, that the males of age were potentially liable for military service, either in the loyal militia of the regular army, all previously paroled militia must take up arms for England, or be classified as traitors, and consequently risk hanging. Those with families were to form militia at home, and young men without family were to be ready to assemble when required, and to serve with the King's troops for any 6 months of the ensuing 12 that might be found requisite. They would not, however, be required to be marched beyond the Carolinas or Georgia, and when their term of service expired were freed from all claims of military obligation, excepting the common and usual militia duty at the place of his residence. This edict, in effect, explicitly denied the right of inhabitants to remain neutral. It outraged many, and thereby emboldened many to take up arms or otherwise resume resistance against the British. Not long thereafter rebel militia groups started forming, including one in the Kingstree area under Maj. John James, one in the neck between the Pee Dee and Lynches Rivers under Lieut. Col. Hugh Giles, and another regiment on Britton's Neck under Col. John Ervin.

6 June. Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis, at Camden, assumed command of the British Army in the South as Sir Henry Clinton prepared to sail back to New York.

Cornwallis later wrote to Lord German, on August 20, 1780: "Sir Henry soon afterwards embarked for New York, and appointed me to the command of His Majesty's Forces in the Southern Provinces. I was then at Camden, but the Corps with me being totally destitute of Military Stores, Clothing, Rum, Salt & other articles necessary for Troops in the operations of the Field, and Provisions of all kinds being deficient, almost approaching to a Famine in North Carolina, it was impossible for me to penetrate into that Province before the Harvest. I therefore employed myself in fixing posts of Troops from the Pedee to the Savannah rivers, to awe the disaffected and encourage the loyal Inhabitants, And I took every measure in my Power to raise some Provincial Corps, & and to establish a Militia as well for the Defence as for the internal Government of South Carolina. One Provincial Corps, to consist of five hundred men, was put in Commission to be raised between the Pedee and Wateree, to be commanded by Mr. Harrison with the rank of Major; And another of the same number was ordered to be raised in the district of Ninety-Six, to be commanded by Mr. Cunningham, to whom, on account of his active Loyalty for several years past, I gave the rank of Lieut Colonel; And there appeared to be great reason to expect that both these Corps would be soon compleated as well as the first South Carolina Regt., which was composed of Refugees who had now returned to their native Country. In the district of Ninety-Six, by far the most populous and powerful of the Province, Lt Col. Balfour, by his great attention & diligence, and by the active assistance of Majr Ferguson, who was appointed Inspector General of the Militia of this Province by Sir Henry Clinton, had formed seven Battalions of Militia, consisting of above four thousand Men, and entirely composed of persons well affected to the British Government, which were so regulated that they could with ease Furnish fifteen hundred Men at a short notice for the defence of the Frontier or any other home Service. But I must take this opportunity of observing that this Militia can be of little use for distant Military operations, as they will not stir without an Horse, & on that account Your Lordship will easily conceive the impossibility of keeping a number of them together without destroying the Country. Many Battalions were likewise formed by myself & other Officers on the very extensive line from Broad River to Cheraws, but they were in general either weak or not much to be relied on for their fidelity. In order to protect the raising of Harrison's corps & to awe a large tract of disaffected Country between the Pedee & Black River, I posted Major McArthur with the 71st regiment & a troop of Dragoons at Cheraw Hill on the Pedee, where his detachment was plentifully supplied by the Country with Provisions of all kinds. Other small Posts were likewise established in the front & on the left of Camden, where the people were known to be ill disposed, And the Main body of the Corps was posted at Camden, which, for this Country is reckoned a tolerably healthy place, and where the Troops could most conveniently subsist & receive the necessary supplies of various kinds from Charlestown. I likewise had settled good channels of Correspondence with our friends in North Carolina, and had given them positive directions to attend to their harvests, & to remain quiet untill I could march to their relief."

6 June. Allaire. "Tuesday, 6th. Got in motion at three o'clock in the morning, and marched thirteen miles to Col. Thomson's [Thompson’s Plantation], and halted on the march..."

Thompson's Plantation was situated just south and east of the confluence of the Congaree and Wateree rivers.

7 De Kalb camped at “Genl. Parsons” in Granville County, N.C. where he remained till June 21st.

8 June. Clinton, along with Arbuthnot's squadron, sailed for New York. He took back with him "British Grenadiers and light infantry, Hessian Grenadiers, German Chausseurs, Forty-second Regiment, Queen's Rangers, and a detachment of British artillery, amounting in the whole to about 4500." Although not mentioned he also took with him the detachment of the 17th Light Dragoons. His return expedition reached New York by June 18th. Charleston was left with the 7th Regt., the 63rd Regt., the 64th Regt., 2 battalions of Hessians from the von Huyne, and von Dittfurth, a large detachment of royal artillery, and some provincials, all under the command of Brig. Gen Patterson, who had been appointed commandant of the town. According to Tarleton, after the victories at Charleston and Waxhaws, the British were able to raise 4,000 loyalist militia in Georgia and South Carolina. These added to the 6,000 British, Hessians and Loyalist units left by Clinton (5,400 effectives in South Carolina, 1,000 in Georgia) gave Cornwallis 10,000 men.

7 June. (possibly late May, or else 6 June) [skirmish] Beckham's Old Field, also Beckhamville, Alexander's Old Field (Chester County, S.C.) About 200 loyalists, collecting under a leader named Houseman, were surprised and scattered by a smaller, whig force of 32 mounted men under Capt. John McClure and the Reverend John Simpson.

Lossing: “Here was the scene of exciting events during the early part of the summer of 1780. Rocky Mount was made a royal post. Captain Houseman, the commander, sent forth hand-bills, calling the inhabitants together in an "old field," where Beckhamville post-office now stands, to receive protection and acknowledge allegiance to the crown. One aged patriot, like another Tell, refused to bow to the cap of this tiny Gesler. That patriot was Joseph Gaston, who lived upon the Fishing Creek, near the Catawba. In vain Houseman, who went to his residence with an armed escort, pleaded with and menaced the patriot. His reply was, "Never!" and as soon as the British captain had turned his back, he sent his sons out to ask the brave among his neighbors to meet at his house that night. Under Captain John M'Clure, thirty-three determined men were at Judge Gaston's at midnight. They were clad in hunting-shirts and moccasins, wool hats and deer-skin caps, each armed with a butcher-knife and a rifle. Early in the morning, they prepared for the business of the day. Silently they crept along the old Indian trail by the margin of the creek, and suddenly, with a fearful shout, surrounded and discomfited the assembled Tories upon the "old field," at Beckhamville. The British soldiers in attendance fled precipitately to their quarters at Rocky Mount. Filled with rage, Houseman sent a party to bring the hoary-headed patriot, then eighty years of age, to his quarters; but they found his dwelling deserted. His wife, concealed in some bushes near, saw them plunder the house of every thing, and carry off the stock from the plantation. Nothing was left but the family Bible -- a precious relic, yet preserved in the family…”

8 June. Brig. Gen. Griffith Rutherford, hearing of Rawdon’s advance into the Waxhaws settlement, issued orders for the militia of the Salisbury District, and Rowan, Mecklenburg and Lincoln (or Tryon) counties to meet on the 10th at Rees’ (or Reese’s) Plantation eighteen miles northeast of Charlotte.

10 June. Rutherford’s militia collected at Rees’ (or Reese’s) Plantation and numbered 700 to 800.

10 June. Allaire: "Saturday, 10th. Got in motion and left Thomson's at twelve o'clock at night, and marched eighteen miles to Beaver creek, where we halted. Maj. Graham, and two flank companies of the Prince of Wales American Volunteers, remained at Thomson's. This day a company of militia came in with their arms..."

10 June. [skirmish] Moore's First Gathering. (Lincoln County, N.C.) Col. John Moore, a Lieut. Col. in the Royal North Carolina Regiment acting as an agent for Cornwallis, arranged for meeting among the loyalists of Tryon County, North Carolina at Indian Creek, seven miles from Ramsour's Mill. Major Joseph McDowell, with about 20 mounted men, attempted to ambush and capture some of its attendees, but upon being found out was himself chased off by Moore's larger force of around 40. No casualties to either side were reported.

William A. Graham:" He [Cornwallis] sent Colonel John Moore into this country to inform the people that he was coming and would reward and protect the loyal, but would inflict dire punishment upon his opponents; for them to secure the wheat crop and be in readiness, but to make no organization until he should direct. Moore had gone from this section [Tryon County] and joined the British army some time previous and had been made Lieutenant-Colonel of Hamilton's Tory regiment. Colonel Moore returned to the vicinity and appointed a meeting for June 10th at his father's (Moses Moore) residence on Indian Creek, seven miles from Ramsaur's. The place of the "Tory Camp" is still pointed out, and is on the Gaston side of the County line on the plantation which was owned by the late Captain John [I.]Roberts. Forty men met him on that day. He delivered Lord Cornwallis' message, but before they dispersed a messenger informed them that Major Joseph McDowell (who was one of the most ubiquitous officers of the North Carolina militia during the Revolution) was in the neighborhood endeavoring to capture some of the men who were present. Moore, having a force double in number to that of McDowell, sought him and followed him to South Mountains, but did not overtake him. He then dismissed the men with directions to meet at Ramsaur's Mill on the 13th of the month."

12 June. Ferguson marched to the "Congarees" or Congaree Stores, near (just south east of) what would later be Fort Granby, south of the confluence of Congaree (i.e. Broad/Congaree river) and Saluda Rivers, or modern Cayce, South Carolina.

Allaire: "Monday, 12th. Got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and marched fourteen miles to Congaree Stores..."

13 June. Congress elected Maj. Gen. Horatio Gates head of the Southern Army to replace Lincoln.

13-18 June. Moore's Second Gathering (Lincoln County, N.C.) Col. John Moore and Maj. Nicholas Welch prematurely called out the loyalist to Ramsour's Mill, contrary to Cornwalllis' instructions, and by the 18th, on which 200 more joined him, Moore had assembled 1,300 men. Many, however, were without weapons or ammunition. Col. Hugh Brevard and Maj. Joseph McDowell with a small company again attempted to disrupt Moore's gathering, and was again chased off.

14 June. Allaire: "Wednesday, 14th. Lay at Congaree Stores. Capt. Peacock and the three companies of Royal Fusileers [23rd Regt.] under his command, remain here; Col. Patterson [Thomas Pattinson] and his battalion [Prince of Wales Volunteers] to go to Camden."

14 June (or thereabouts) Cornwallis approved Robert Cunningham's plan to convert his levies of militia from the Ninety-Six district into a provincial regiment. A short while before this, Cornwallis had also granted John Harrison a Majors commission and permission to create a provincial regiment. On 30 June, he wrote to Clinton: "I agreed to a proposal made by Mr. Harrison, to raise a provincial corps of five hundred Men, with the rank of Major, to be Natives of the Country between the Pedee and Wateree." This unit in time became the South Carolina Rangers, or Harrison's Corps. The unit, however, in practice performed little better than ordinary militia, and was quite dissimilar to the more professional provincial regiments like the Royal North Carolina Regiment or the Volunteers of Ireland, though the latter had its own share of discipline problems. Both Cunningham and Harrison were men of fortune and influence in their respective districts.

Mid June. Cornwallis formally instituted a policy, inaugurated by Clinton, by which rebel estates "were seized, and placed in the hands of commissioners, who were vested with power to sell the produce, which with the stock of cattle and horses found upon them was appropriated to the use of the army."

14 June. On the evening of the 14th, Rutherford, his force now organized, learned of the gathering of Moore and the loyalists at Ramsour’s Mill, forty miles to the northwest of him. He ordered Col. Francis Lock, based in Salisbury, to bring together an additional force to assist in going after Moore.

Davie: "The Militia were every where in arms, but every place wanted protection; at length about [‘three hundred’] men [‘composed of the militia of Burke, Lincoln, & Rowan Counties’] assembled under Colonel Francis Lock and seven hundred under General Rutherford including the South Carolina refugees, under Col. Sumpter, Neale and others, and some Cavalry under Major Davie who had a commission to raise an Independent corps [‘near Charlotte’]."

15 June. Ferguson continued his march towards Ninety-Six. At the same time, Balfour, from Charleston with some companies of light infantry was headed in the same direction.

Allaire: "Thursday, 15th. Got in motion at twelve o'clock at night, and marched twelve miles to Saluda Ferry; crossed the river and halted."

15 June. Coming from Salisbury, Col. Thomas Sumter camped at Tuckasegee Ford on the Catawba. Here he assembled a force of some comrades from his old 6th Regt. and 200 Catawba Indians. He then moved down the river and joined with other South Carolina militia leaders and their men at King Hagler’s Branch in the land of the Indians. A convention was formed, and on the 15th, he was elected on the vote of Col. William Bratton, Maj. Richard Winn (president of the "convention"), Col. William Hill, Capt. Edward Lacey to be brigade commander. At the same time, the convention leaders all agreed to serve till the end of the war. This meeting took place at Hagler's Branch near present Fort Mil, S.C. Sumter and his troops then moved on to join Rutherford gathering men for the expedition against Ramsour’s Mill. Despite the election, Sumter would not formally become a Brigadier General of the South Carolina militia until October 1780.

15 June Rutherford advanced to two miles south of Charlotte.

16 June. Col. John Fisher was appointed head of the Orangeburg loyalist militia.

16 June. Lieut. Col. George Turnbull, in command at Rocky Mount, dispatched British Legion Capt. Christian Huck with 35 British Legion cavalry, 20 mounted New York Volunteers, and 60 loyalist militia to the area in what is now York County, S.C. for the purpose of encouraging and recruiting loyalist. Although by July a fair number had joined Huck, so many subsequently left him that that by 11 July he was reduced to probably not much more than his original strength of around 115.

17 June. Rawdon withdrew from Waxhaws to Hanging Rock.

18 June. [skirmish] Hill's Iron Works (York County, S.C.) At an iron foundry established by Col. William Hill and Isaac Hayne in the South Carolina backcountry in anticipation of the war, loyalists defeated a whig militia force, and burned the iron works.

Lossing: “This disaster, following closely upon the other, [i.e., according to Lossing, Beckhamvile then Mobley’s Meeting House] alarmed the commander at Rocky Mount, and he sent out Captain Christian Huck, a profane, unprincipled man, with four hundred cavalry, and a body of well-mounted Tories, to "push the rebels as far as he might deem convenient." He executed his orders with alacrity. At one time he destroyed Colonel Hill's iron-works; at another he burned the dwelling of the Reverend William Simpson, of the Fishing Creek church, and murdered an unoffending young man on Sunday morning, while on his way to the meeting-house, with his Bible in his hand. He hated Presbyterians bitterly, and made them suffer when he could. Loaded with the spoils of plunder, Huck fell back to Rocky Mount, and prepared for other depredations. About this time, Bill Cunningham and his "Bloody Scout" were spreading terror in Union and Spartanburg Districts, and also south of the Ennoree. Against this monster, John M'Clure was dispatched. He chased him across Union District, and almost thirty miles further toward Ninety-Six. Four of the scout were captured, and carried in triumph into Sumter's camp, on the Waxhaw; their leader barely escaped.”

Cornwallis wrote to Clinton on June 30th: “The surrender of General Williamson at Ninety-Six and the reduction of Hill’s Iron Works by the dragoons and militia under Turnbull has put an end to all resistance in South Carolina.”

18-19 June. Rutherford moved to Tuckesegee Ford on the Catawba River, from his camp south of Charlotte. The next day (the 19th) he moved to Dickson’s place, sixteen miles from Ramsour’s. Col. Francis Lock, meanwhile, had, along with Colonel Thomas Brandon of South Carolina, brought together about 400 North Carolina and a few South Carolina militia, many of them mounted, with which to attack Moore and the 1,300 loyalists at Ramsour's Mill. They were camped at Mountain Creek or “the Glades,“some 16 miles from Ramsour’s. Included in Lock's force was 270 men under Major Joseph McDowell ("Quaker Meadows Joe") and Col. Thomas Brandon with a small force of mounted South Carolina militia. On the 19th, Lock crossed Sherrald’s (also Sherill’s) Ford on the Catawba on his way to Ramsour's Mill. Rutherford originally intended to coordinate a joint attack with Lock against Moore, but the order did not get through in time, due to the negligence of the messenger. In a council held during the night, Lock and his officers decided to attack Moore the next day. Col. James Johnston of Lincoln County was sent to Rutherford to inform him of their resolution.

William A. Graham: "On the 18th Major Wilson, with sixty-five men, among whom were Captains Patrick Knox and William Smith, crossed the Catawba at Toole's Ford, about fourteen miles from Charlotte, near where Moore's Ferry was for many years and Allison's Ferry is now. The ford has been seldom used since 1865, and has been abandoned as a crossing for many years. It is three miles below Cowan's Ford. Taking the Beattie's Ford Road, he soon met Major Jo. McDowell with twenty-five men, among whom were Captain Daniel McKissick and John Bowman. Major McDowell, who had been moving about the country awaiting re-inforcements, probably informed him of the position occupied by the Tories. These troops, in order to unite with the forces being raised by Colonel Locke, kept the road up the river, passing Beattie's Ford, and three miles above, Captains Falls, Houston, Torrence, Reid and CaIdwell, who had crossed at McEwen's Ford with forty men, joined them. McEwen's Ford was near where McConnell's Ferry was, up to 1870, but both ford and ferry have long been abandoned. Marching the road that is now the Newton Road, past Flemming's Cross Roads, they camped on Mountain Creek at a place called the "Glades," sixteen miles from Ramsaur's. Here, on the 19th they received additional forces under Colonel Locke, amounting to two hundred and seventy men, among whom were Captains Brandon, Sharpe, William Alexander, Smith, Dobson, Sloan and Hardin. Colonel Locke had collected most of this force as he proceeded up the river and had crossed with them at Sherrill's [Sherrald’s] Ford, which is used to this day, and where General Morgan crossed the following January. The whole force now amounted to about four hundred-McDowell's, Fall's and Brandon's men (perhaps one hundred) being mounted.

Joseph Graham: “In the evening of that day (the 18th), he [Rutherford] dispatched an express to col. Locke [Francis Lock], advising him of his movement and of the enemy’s strength, and ordering Locke to join him on the 19th in the evening, or on the 20th in the morning, a few miles in advance of Tuckasegee Ford. The express was negligent and did not reach col. Locke. The morning of the 19th was wet and the arms of gen. Rutherford’s men were out of order. At mid-day the weather cleared up, and orders were given to the men to discharge their guns. This discharge produced an alarm in the neighborhood, and the people thinking the tories were attempting to cross the river, many of them came in with arms and joined Rutherford. In the evening he encamped sixteen miles from Ramsour’s.”

Davie: "It was agreed [by Rutherford, Lock, and their officers] to attack Moores camp at Ramsours as the most dangerous body of the Enemy, on the 22nd following, for this purpose Col. Lock marched to cross the river at Sherrills & Beatie's fords [on the Catawba] while General Rutherford also moved to cross below at [‘Tuckaseegie’] Ford [on the south fork of the Catawba.] These divisions were have to met in the night near the enemy and [‘to have attacked’] them at break of day but the march of both parties was too circuitous, and the point of rendezvous too distant to insure punctuality; General Rutherford did not arrive, and Colonel Lock who had gained his position in the night, called a council of the officers in which they resolved to attack the enemy not withstanding the disparity of numbers..."

19 June. The town of Ninety-Six was taken by detachments of light infantry under Lt. Colonel Nisbit Balfour. At the time there was no fort at Ninety-Six as such, though the town had what has been variously described as a primitive stockade or else a simple ditch with a palisade used to protect against Indian attacks.

20 June. [battle] RAMSOUR'S MILL, also Ramsaur's Mill, Ramseur's Mill. (Lincoln County, N.C.) In the morning hours of 20 June, Col. Francis Lock, Maj. Joseph McDowell, and Capt. William Falls (to name some of the more prominent leaders) with 300 to 400 men (mostly from North Carolina, but with some from South Carolina as well) charged Col. Moore and the 1,100 to 1,300 loyalists at Ramsour's Mill. According to Joseph Graham, only about three fourths of the loyalists, however, had been yet armed, giving them an estimated effective militia force of approximately 825 to 975. They were deployed on a wooded ridge with little underbrush. While the loyalists at first delivered a well-executed fire, they were quickly engaged in hand-to-hand combat by Lock's men, and in a space of thirty minutes (or up to an hour) were routed. This is generally how the battle is described in summary. But such description can be misleading, as the engagement perhaps might be better likened to a grand “shoot out, ” accompanied by a melee, than what we ordinarily think of as a revolutionary war battle. The actual maneuvering, in both retreat and advance, involved small groups and individual men, rather than organized military units, and the battle was conducted more by bands of men, and commanders leading by example, rather than by more usual military formations and tactics. As Joseph Graham states: “Few either of the officers and men had ever been in battle before.” Rutherford with his 700 men arrived too late to participate in the action, but did send Maj. William Richardson Davie with his cavalry, and some others, in pursuit. Both sides each lost about 38-40 killed, and 100 wounded. In addition, at least 50 loyalists were taken prisoner. Loyalists, who were not wounded or killed, either fled into South Carolina, or went into hiding at their homes. The significance of Ramsour's Mill can be perhaps best appreciated when one considers what the effect of an additional 1,000 to 2,000 loyalist troops present in Tryon County might have had on King's Mountain, Cowpens, and Cornwallis' North Carolina campaign of 1781. Also, after the battle, north and northwest South Carolina, which had grown relatively quiet in June, became a hot-bed of rebel activity in July.

NORTH CAROLINA AND SOUTH CAROLINA MILITIA AT RAMSOUR’S MILL

Col. Francis Lock (Rowan County)

North Carolina Militia

Maj. Wilson (Mecklenburg County)

Capt. William Alexander (Rowan County)

Capt. Armstrong, killed

Capt. Joshua Bowman, killed

Capt. Dobson (Burke County), killed

Capt. Houston, wounded

Capt. Patrick Knox (Mecklenburg County)

Capt. McKissick, wounded

Capt. Murray, killed

Capt. Smith, killed

Mounted infantry:

Maj. Joseph McDowell (Burke County, N.C.)

Capt. William Falls (Rowan County), killed

South Carolina Militia

Col. Thomas Brandon (Union County, S.C.)

Total of Lock’s force: 300-400

Not present at the actual engagement, though involved in the after-battle pursuit:

Brig. Gen. Griffith Rutherford (Rowan County, N.C.)

North Carolina Militia

Col. William Lee Davidson

Maj. William Graham (Lincoln County)

Maj. James Rutherford

Cavalry:

Maj. William Richardson Davie

South Carolina militia

Col. Thomas Sumter

Col. Andrew Neal

Col. William Hill

Maj.. Richard Winn

Capt. Edward Lacey

Catawba Indians, General Newriver

TOTAL of Rutherford’s column: 700 men

NORTH CAROLINA LOYALIST MILITIA AT RAMSOUR’S MILL

Col. John Moore, Royal North Carolina Regt. (from Tryon County)

Maj. Nicholas Welch, Royal North Carolina Regt.

Capt. Carpenter, wounded.

Capt. Cumberland, killed

Capt. Murray, killed

Capt. Whiston

Capt. Worlick, killed

Total Loyalist force: 1,100-1,300. Of these roughly 825 to 976 (based on an estimation) were armed.

On 20 August, Cornwallis, at Camden, wrote to Lord Germain:"(O)ur Friends in Tryon County, North Carolina, in the latter end of June, who, having assembled without concert, plan, or proper leaders, were, two days, after, surprised and totally routed by the Son of Genl. Rutherford. Many of them fled into this Province, where their reports tended much to terrify our friends and encourage our enemies."

Davie: "...the Tories [‘were’] encamped on a high ridge, clear of under wood, and covered with large oaks, their rear was protected by a Mill-pond and their right flank by a strong fence. At daybreak the regiments advanced by companies, the enemy drew up behind the trees and baggage and the action became in a moment general; the enemy's fire was well directed, but the militia pressed forward with great spirit and intrepidity and in about 30 minutes the Loyalists gave way on all sides, the loss of the militia was heavy in officers...a considerable number of the enemy were killed and wounded and they lost all their baggage. The General [Rutherford] arrived about an hour after the action and dispatched Major Davie with his cavalry in pursuit of the fugitives with orders to clear that part of the country of all straggling parties; many came and surrendered voluntarily a great number were taken prisoners, some flying to South Carolina others at their plantations, and in a few days that district of country lying between the river, the mountains and their [‘so called’] line was entirely cleared of the Enemy."

Pension statement of Samuel Patton: "The fightin' went on for near an hour with hundreds of men wounded and dead on both sides. The Tories had the advantage as they was on the ridgeline and hid by bushes and such. As our infantry got close they began to fight hand to hand with the butts of their guns as they didn't have no bayonets on 'em. The lines was crossed and neither side couldn't tell one another apart and the confusion got so bad that by the end only about a hundred Tories was still left to fight and they retreated across the creek and was joined by others from up on the ridge. It was then that two men from the Patriot militia was dispatched to ride to urge us to quickly come to the battlefield in case of further fightin'....When we arrived [Patton was with Rutherford's force] the battle had ended nearly an hour before. One of the militamen I had served with durin' my first commission told me all about what happened after our company arrived about an hour after the fightin' had ended. The Torys was camped on a hill about a half a mile north of Lincolnton on a farm beside Ramsour's Mill. They was up on the ridge with view of a field with hardly no trees and a pond. When the troops of North Carolina approached the camp they was fired on by some advance picket guards who shot and then ran back to their positions. The cavalry companies led by Captain Falls and McDowell followed by the infantry companies advanced on the Tories up the ridge. It was right at the start, the militia man said, Captain Falls was shot through his chest and rode about one hundred and fifty yard from the battle and fell dead from his horse."

Pension statement of John Hargrave of Union County, S.C. "He [Hargrave] further states that in June of the year '80 he again volunteered under one Capt. Thomas Hemphill & Col. Francis Lock, for the purpose of fighting the Tories who were very numerous. That having got together about 400 they heard that the Tories had taken Maj. (then) Edward Hampton & John Russell Lieut. & had condemned them to be hanged, but that they, having determined to rescue them, met the Tories 1400 or 1500 in number at a place Called Ramsour's Mill & defeating them took all their baggage & made something like 100 of them prisoners as well as he recollects."

Allaire:"Friday, 23d. Lay in the field at Ninety-Six. Some friends came in, four were wounded. The militia had embodied at Tuckasegie, on the South Fork of Catawba river-were attacked by a party of Rebels, under command of Gen. Rutherford. The [loyalist] militia were scant of ammunition, which obliged them to retreat. They were obliged to swim the river at a mill dam. The Rebels fired on them and killed thirty. Col. Ferguson, with forty American Volunteers, pushed with all speed in pursuit of the Rebels. It is seventy miles distance from Ninety-Six. The militia are flocking to him from all parts of the country. "

Joseph Graham: “…Moore and Welch gave orders that such of their men as were on foot or had inferior horses should move off singly as fast as they could; and when the flag returned, not more than fifty returned. They immediately fled. Moore with thirty men reached the British army at Camden, when he was threatened with a trial by a court-martial for disobedience of orders, in attempting to embody the royalists before the time appointed by the commander-in-chief. He was treated with disrespect by the British officers, and held in a state of disagreeable suspense; but it was at length deemed impolitic to order him before a court-martial.

As there was no organization of either party, nor regular returns made after the action, the loss could not be ascertained with correctness. Fifty-six lay dead on the side of the ridge where the heat of the action prevailed; many lay scattered on the flanks and over the ridge toward the mill. It is believed that seventy were killed, and that the loss on each side was equal. About an hundred men on each side were wounded, and fifty Tories were taken prisoner. The men had no uniform and it could not be told to which party many of the dead belonged. Most of the Whigs wore a piece of white paper on their hats in front, and many of the men on each side, being excellent riflemen, this paper was a mark at which the Tories often fired, and several of the Whigs were shot in the head. The trees behind which both Whigs and Tories occasionally took shelter were grazed by the balls; and one tree in particular on the left of the Tory line, at the root of which two brothers lay dead, was grazed by three balls on one side and by two on the other.

In this battle, neighbors, near relations and personal friends fought against each other, and as the smoke would from time to time blow off, they would recognize each other. In the evening, on the next day, the relations and friends of the dead and wounded came in, and a scene was witnessed truly affecting to the feelings of humanity.”

21 June. Leaving Rawdon in charge of the garrison, Cornwallis departed Camden and began his return journey to Charleston. On 20 August 1780 he wrote Germain: "I set out on the 21st of June for Charlestown, leaving the command of the Troops on the frontier to Lord Rawdon, who was, after Brigadier General Paterson, the Commandant of Charlestown, the next Officer in rank to me in the Province."

21-22 June. Rutherford stayed at Ramsour's Mill for two days following the battle, having send Davie and other mounted troops to pursue and round up any remaining loyalist resistance in the area. Word came in on the 22nd that Colonel Samuel Bryan was assembling another group of loyalists at the "forks of the Yadkin, in the north end of Rowan County adjoining Surry about 75 miles East of Ramsours.” However, by this time Rutherford's North Carolina (mostly) and South Carolina militia force of about 1200 had dwindled to a mere 200. Bryan consequently fled with 800 loyalists to Cheraws, though as with Moore's men, many of these were not armed. What was left then of Rutherford's men at the same time dispersed temporarily with his permission, while Davie and small groups of others continued in the field.

22 June. Ferguson with 152 men of the Corps bearing his name, having marched from Nelson's Ferry to Thompson's Plantation then the Saluda (above the mouth of the Broad River), arrived at Ninety-Six. He subsequently marched 16 miles to Williams' Plantation in Fair Forest, where he erected some field works which were to become the basis for Fort Williams, which became a collecting and defensive point for loyalists under Col. Robert Cunningham.

Allaire. "Thursday, 22d. Got in motion at twelve, and marched ten miles to the fording place, Saluda river; crossed the men and baggage in a scow, and forded the horses; continued our march six miles to Ninety-Six, where we halted. It is a village or country town-contains about twelve dwelling houses, a court-house and a jail, in which are confined about forty Rebels, brought in prisoners by the friends to Government, who have just now got the opportunity, and gladly embrace it, many of them having been obliged before this to hide in swamps to keep from prison themselves. Ninety-Six is situated on an eminence, the land cleared for a mile around it, in a flourishing part of the country, supplied with very good water, enjoys a free, open air, and is esteemed a healthy place. Here were condemned seventy-five friends to Government at one court; five were executed-the others got reprieved. "

22 June. De Kalb arrived at Hillsborough. Sometime prior to that on the marched there he was joined by Col. Edward Carrington with 6 cannon and three under-strength companies of artillery.

30 June (also given as 8 June). [skirmish] Brandon's Defeat (Union County, S.C.) After Ramsour's Mill, Col. Thomas Brandon and his men returned to South Carolina to collect more men and keep the loyalists at bay. While doing so, he was himself, with 70 or 80 men, routed by a much larger force of loyalists. Elsewhere, most of the resistance to British occupation in South Carolina around this time was grouped under Sumter, or else retreated into North Carolina from where they made occasional forays back into the state. Otherwise things remained relatively quiet.

Thomas Young: "In the spring of 1780, I think in April, Col. Brandon was encamped with a party of 70 or 80 Whigs, about five miles below Union courthouse, where Christopher Young now lives. Their object was to collect forces for the approaching campaign, and to keep a check upon the Tories. They had taken prisoner one Adam Steedham, as vile a Tory as ever lived. By some means Steedham escaped during the night, and notified the Tories of Brandon's position. The Whigs were attacked by a large body of the enemy before day and completely routed."

Pension statement of Richard Brandon filed by his wife Agnes: "(Richard Brandon, brother of Col. Thomas Brandon) entered the service of his country as a private horseman, Capt. Jolly's Co., Col. Brandon's Regiment shortly after the commencement of hostilities and was afterwards promoted to the rank of sergeant of Quartermaster in his Brother Col. Brandon's Regiment until he was killed at Brandon's defeat in Union District S.C. the last of June [the 30th] 1781 as above stated..."

Late June. Just after Ramsour’s Mill, Sumter received authorization from North Carolina officials to seize and impress wagons, horses, and provisions of loyalist to supply his own troops, giving a receipt in the name of that state for any such confiscations. He then rounded up some horses, and camped at Hagler’s Hill, later moving further east of the Catawba to Clem’s Branch of Sugar Creek some 14 miles below Charlotte. In two weeks of training, some of it involving things like wrestling, contests of strength, and marksmanship, he had 500 men well organized and officered. Given how they later fought at Rocky Mount, Hanging Rock and Blackstocks, Sumter can be considered to have trained his men well. On 4 July he then emerged from hiding and camped at Old Nation Ford on the Catawba. Here Col. James Williams joined him with a small party from the Ninety-Six region.

Ramsay: "The steady persevering friends of America, who were very numerous in the North-western frontier of South Carolina, turned out with great alacrity to join Col. Sumter, though opposition to the British government had entirely ceased in every other part of the state."

Late June. [skirmish] Bullock’s Creek (Chester or York County, S.C.) Chesney: "(A) number of loyalists assembled at Sugar Creek and the waters of Fair Forest under the command of Col. Balfour, I took protection the 25th of June 1780 from Isaac Grey, Captain South Carolina Regiment. About the middle of June I embodied with the Militia as Lieutenant and I commanded in an affair at Bullock's Creek where the rebel Party was defeated in attempting to cross the ford. I then joined Colonel Balfour and was in an affair at James Wood's house above the Iron-Works on Pacolet but not finding the opposition there that we expected, returned again to Fair Forest; Col. Balfour then returned to Ninety-Six, and Major Ferguson succeeded to the command under the title of Colonel and Inspector General of Militia."

Late June. In the Wake of Ramsour's Mill, Col. Samuel Bryan marched with 700-800 loyalists to Maj. McArthur's camp at Cheraws. Only two thirds of Bryan's men were armed, and these indifferently. Bryan's men were subsequently posted to Hanging Rock. Cornwallis wrote to Lord Germain, on 20 August 1780: "And about the same time [as Ramsour's Mill], notwithstanding my injunctions to the contrary, another body of Loyalists rose at the forks of the Yadkin under Col. Bryan (driven to it, as they said, by the most barbarous persecution,) and after a long and difficult march joined Major McArthur at the Cheraws to the amount of upwards of 700 Men."

Late June. Near the end of the month, provisions were so scarce around Hillsborough that de Kalb marched his troops towards the Pee Dee country. However, he went no farther than Coxe's Mill near Buffalo Ford on the Deep River, where he arrived early July. There he had to spend much of the time having his men collect food, while making an effort to establish a small magazine. De Kalb unsuccessfully tried to get Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell with the North Carolina militia in advance of him to fall back and join the Continentals. Caswell claimed lack of provisions prevented such a move. Along with the Maryland and Delaware troops, de Kalb had with him Lieut. Col. Carrington's detachment of three companies of artillery and five cannon which had joined him in Virginia.

Late June. Men of North Carolina, with some from South Carolina and Georgia, together amounting to about 300, began embodying in the southwest part of North Carolina under Col. Charles McDowell.

July. [skirmish] Big Glades (Ashe County, N.C.) Despite Ramsour’s Mill, there were still areas in western North Carolina where the loyalists or tories were active. It should be observed that there were many minor skirmishes that took place in the course of the war in general which are either entirely unknown or else buried away in scattered pension statements of former militia men. A number of these took place in this area. One such was Big Glades, which North Carolina historian, John Arthur Preston, among other similar events, records: “From Robert Love's pension papers it appears that the first battle in which he took part was when he was in command of a party of Americans in 1780 against a party of Tories in July of that year. This band of Tories was composed of about one hundred and fifty men, and they were routed ‘up New River at the Big Glades, now in Ashe County, North Carolina, as they were on the way to join Cornwallis.’ ‘In the year 1780 this declarent (sic) was engaged against the Torys at a special court first held on Toms creek down the New river, and afterwards upon Cripple creek; then up New river...then, afterwards at the Moravian Old Town.... making an examination up to near the Shal~w [Shallow] Ford of the Yadkin . . . routing two parties of Tories in Guilford County, hanging one of the party who fell into his hands up the New River, and another, afterwards, whom they captured in Guilford.’ This activity may explain the presence of the mysterious battle ground in Alleghany (sic) County.”

July. [skirmish] Lawson’s Fork (Spartanburg, S.C.)

July. At some time in the month the Hessian Regt. von d'Angelleli was sent from Savannah to Charleston. This made it the third Hessian regiment present there, along with von Huyne and von Dittfurth.

2 July. De Kalb marched to Chatham Court House, N.C., where he stayed for two days after, leaving on the 5th.

4 July. Maj. General Horatio Gates, on his way south to take command of the southern army, wrote from Fredericksburg, Virginia, to Samuel Huntington, President of Congress, and requested that Col. Daniel Morgan be promoted to Brigadier General, which request was not long after granted.

5 July. The Maryland and Delaware regiments, under de Kalb crossed the Deep River, reaching Hollinsworth's farm on the Deep River July 19.

6 July. De Kalb halted at Coxe's (or Wilcox’s) mill on the Deep River to collect provisions. The North Carolina Militia force, now under Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell was ahead now in advance of de Kalb and by Mask's Ferry on the Pee Dee River, on the route to Camden. Near Caswell on the same route was Lieut. Col. Charles Porterfield with 300 Virginia State Troops. The country lying between Coxe's Mill and Camden was extremely sterile, and impracticable to pass through without forming magazines. This and lack of wagons and provisions, prompted de Kalb to want to march by way of Charlotte into South Carolina instead.

9 July. Allaire: "Sunday, 9th. The American Volunteers moved from Ninety-Six at seven o'clock in the evening, under the command of Captain [Abraham] DePeyster, and marched seven miles to Island Ford, of Saluda river, on our way to meet a party of Rebels that were making approaches towards our lines. Dr. Johnson and I being late before we left our old quarters, without any guide, got out of the road; found our mistake at a mill, three miles from the road we ought to have taken. It turned out to be no great loss, as we have supplied ourselves with a grist of corn for our horses. We came up to the detachment at one o'clock in the morning. Our baggage had not arrived, which put us to the necessity of going to a house to lodge...."

10 July. Admiral de Ternay’s convoy disembarked Lieut. Gen. Jean Baptiste Donatien de Vimeur Comte de Rochambeau and 6,000 French troops at Newport, Rhode Island, as the first division of 12,000 men being sent by France.

10 July. By this date, the 1st Bttn. DeLancey's under Col. John Harris Cruger, the 3rd Bttn., New Jersey Volunteers under Lieut. Col. Isaac Allen, and a detachment of the 16th Regt. were directed to move by way of Augusta, where they stayed a short while, then to Ninety-Six where Balfour and Ferguson were situated. During their subsequent year-long stay at Ninety-Six, the Cruger’s and Allen’s men were involved in many small skirmishes in the area, most of them unrecorded. Ninety-Six was by far the most populous and powerful area in western South Carolina. Cornwallis in letter to the ministry of 20 August 1780 wrote: “[The area had available] seven loyalist battalions available totaling 4000 men, 1500 of which could be ready at short notice for defense of the frontier or any other home service...such militia can be of little use for distant operations as they will not stir without a horse, and on that account your lordship will se the impossibility of keeping a number of them together without destroying the country."

11 July. Col. Elijah Clark with a 145 mounted men from the upper region of Georgia (Wilkes County) crossed the Savannah with the intent of joining McDowell's force gathering in North Carolina. When Clark learned a strong force of loyalists barred his passage, he and his men decide it was more prudent to return and disperse until they could collect a more sizable force. Col. John Jones, however, with 35 of Clark's men decided to continue the march. They passed themselves off as a group of loyalists, by which means they were able to traverse the country.

12 July. [battle] HUCK’S DEFEAT, also Williamson's Plantation (York County, S.C.) Whigs under Colonel William Bratton, Capt. John McClure, and another group under Col. William Hill and Capt. Edward Lacey attacked Capt. Christian Huck's force at Williamson’s Plantation. Huck having previously left White's Mill in modern Chester County went in search of rebels. He then made his camp at Williamson's plantation in modern Brattonville, S.C. He had posted handbills calling inhabitants to renew allegiance to the King, while carrying out a policy of violence and intimidation which outraged the whigs. Bratton and McClure first moved to attack Huck, and then were joined by men from Sumter's camp, who were situated on Clem's Branch east of the Catawba in Lancaster County. The force when collected was made up of four groups, those under Bratton and McClure, those under Lacey, those under Col. William Hill and Col. Andrew Neal, and those under John Moffit (also Moffet). At time, Sumter was in Salisbury with a few men seek more money, arms, and recruits. When first collecting to go after Huck, Bratton, Lacey, Hill, et. al. had, it is estimated, some 500 to possibly 800 men, but as they approached and became engaged their force had lessened to 250-350 (Ramsay gives the number as 133.) This shrinking of their force has been ascribed to the tendency of militia to come and go as they pleased. Lacey has been spoken of as the commander of the collected group, but probably only because he had brought the most men with him, the militia men in practice generally answering only to their immediate superior. Among the soldiers present in Bratton and Lacey's force were Col. Samuel Watson, Maj. Richard Winn, and Capt. Andrew Love. Huck had started out in June with some 35 British Legion cavalry, 20 mounted New York Volunteers, and 60 loyalist militia, and probably gaining at least a few more loyalist militia who stayed with him along the way. Tarleton gives Huck's strength as 110, while Allaire speaks of 17 British Legion,18 New York Volunteers and 25 militia. Based on these accounts Huck's force ranged anywhere between about 70 to 125.

Huck’s troops were lying without proper pickets with only a sentinel posted in the road at each end of their camp. At dawn, the Whigs, stealthily approaching from opposite sides, surprised Huck's sleeping camp in two groups. The fighting that ensued lasted an hour, after which most of Huck's force was killed wounded or captured. Reports state that Huck lost 25 to 50 Killed, and more than this wounded. A number of the loyalists were hung afterwards, ostensibly in retaliation to the same British practice following the fall of Charleston. Whig losses were said to be very few. This particular significance of this battle lay in it being the first victory of militia against regulars, thereby encouraging the former to more ambitious feats, which soon followed at Rocky Mount and Hanging Rock.

On July 15th, Cornwallis wrote to Clinton: "the Captain [Huck] is killed, and only twelve of the legion and as many of the militia escaped."

Allaire: "Wednesday, 12th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the evening, and forded Duncan's creek and Enoree river. Continued marching to Capt. Frost's, at Padget creek, eight miles from the Widow Brown's. This evening met an express with the disagreeable news of a party of ours consisting of seventeen of the Legion, eighteen York Volunteers, and twenty-five militia being defeated at Col. Bratton's, at Fishing creek.

Thursday, 13th. Lieut. Hunt of the Legion Cavalry came to our quarters at Capt. Frost's. He was one of the party defeated the twelfth inst. He gave an imperfect account of the affair. Capt. Huck commanded the party consisting of one subaltern and seventeen dragoons of the Legion, three subalterns and eighteen New York Volunteers, twenty-five militia men. They were sent in pursuit of a Rebel party, and arrived at twelve o'clock, Tuesday night, the 11th instant, at Col. Bratton's, at Fishing creek, and were very much fatigued. They thought to rest themselves. Unfortunately a Rebel party commanded by a Col. Lacey came upon them at four o'clock in the morning of the 12th, who were in amongst them, and had possession of every pass before they where apprised of it-except a road leading towards North Carolina, where Captain Huck, with four dragoons, attempted to make off. Huck got shot through the neck, of which he died. Mr. Hunt, with one dragoon, took a foot path leading to a swamp. The militia he could give no account of..."

James Collins: “We had not proceeded far until the sentinels discovered us –- fired on us and fled. The troops were soon mounted and paraded. This, I confess, was a very imposing sight, at least for me, for I had never seen a troop of British horse before, and thought they differed vastly in appearance from us -– poor hunting shirt fellows. The leader drew his sword, mounted his horse, and began to storm and rave, and advanced on us; but we kept close to the peach orchard. When they got pretty near the peach trees, their leader called out ‘disperse you d—d rebels, or I will put every man of you to the sword.’ Our rifle balls began to whistle among them, and in a few minutes my Lord Hook was shot off his horse and fell at full length; his sword flew out of his hand as he fell and lay at some distance, and both lay till some of his men gathered about him and around him two or three times. At length one halted and pointed his sword downward, seemed to pause a moment, then raising his sword wheeled off and all started at full gallop. We then moved on to the house without opposition, but all at disappeared. In the yard sat two good looking fellows bleeding pretty freely, their horses standing at no great distance: one of whom was shot through the thigh.”

12? July. [skirmish] Stalling’s, also Stallions, Brandon's Camp (York County, S.C.) A few weeks following his defeat in June, Col. Thomas Brandon and Capt. Andrew Love, with a force of 50, surprised and surrounded a body of loyalists holding up at the Stalling's home. Brandon had one wounded, the loyalists had two killed, four wounded, and twenty-eight taken captured. Mrs. Stallings of the residence, and wife of one of the loyalists, was accidentally killed by a stray ball.

Thomas Young: "We had received Intelligence of a party of Tories, then stationed at Stallions; a detachment of about fifty Whigs under Col. Brandon, moved to attack them. Before we arrived at the house in which they were fortified, we were divided into two parties. Capt. Love with a party of sixteen - of whom I was one - marched to attack the front, while Col. Brandon with the remainder, made a circuit to intercept those who should attempt to escape, and also to attack the rear. Mrs. Stallions was a sister of Capt [Andrew] Love, and on the approach of her brother she ran out, and begged him not to fire upon the house. He told her it was too late now, and that their only chance for safety was to surrender. She ran back to the house and sprang upon the door step, which was pretty high. At this moment, the house was attacked in the rear by Col. Brandon's party, and Mrs. Stallions was killed by a ball shot through the opposite door. At the same moment with Brandon's attack, our party raised a shout and rushed forward. We fired several rounds, which were briskly returned. It was not long, however, before the Tories ran up a flag, first upon the end of a gun, but as that did not look exactly peaceful, a ball was put through the fellow's arm, and in a few moments it was raised on a ram-rod, and we ceased firing... We had but one wounded, William Kennedy, who was shot by my side. I was attempting to fire in at the door of the house, when I saw two of the Tories In the act of shooting at myself and Kennedy. I sprang aside and escaped, calling at the same time to my companion, but he was shot (while moving) through the wrist and thigh...The loss of the Tories was two killed, four wounded, and twenty-eight prisoners whom we sent to Charlotte, N. C. After the fight, Love and Stallions met and shed bitter tears; Stallions was dismissed on parole to bury his wife and arrange his affairs."

13 July (also given as the 12th). [skirmish] First Cedar Spring, also Cedar Spring (Spartanburg County, S.C.), Col. John Thomas Jr. and Major Joseph McJunkin were drawing recruits with which to join Sumter, when Ferguson sent 150 loyalists to disperse them. With 60 men, Thomas and McJunkin ambuscaded the loyalists at Cedar Spring, near Fair Forest. Casualties were apparently slight, but the loyalists were routed. Earlier, Thomas' father, John Sr., had taken protection, and was too advanced in age to take part in the resistance.

13 July. [skirmish] Gowen's Old Fort (Spartanburg or Greenville County, S.C.) Col. John Jones and his 35 men, mostly from Georgia, passing themselves off as loyalists, found out the location of a sleeping loyalist force of 40 men. With 21 of his men, Jones surprised the camp, killed 1, wounded 3, and took 32 prisoners (including the there wounded) who were paroled. Jones took their best horses and guns, damaging those guns he could not take. The next day (14th), Jones united with Col. Charles McDowell's 300 men at Earle's Ford on the east side of the North Pacelot River.

13 July. Allaire: "Thursday, 13th...We left Capt. Frost's about six o'clock in the evening; forded Tyger river, continued our march twelve miles to Sugar creek. Here we found two hundred militia encamped at Wofford's old field, Fair Forest, under command of Majors [Daniel] Plummer and Gibbes [Zecharias Gibbs]. The Rebels, we hear, are collecting in force at the Catawba Nation and Broad river."

14 July. Allaire: "Friday, 14th. Lay encamped at Fair Forest. Every hour news from different parts of the country of Rebel parties doing mischief. Light Infantry of Gen. Brown's corps joined us at twelve o'clock at night."

15 July (also given as 14 or 16 July) [skirmish] Earle’s Ford, also McDowell's Camp (Polk County, N.C.) Jones following his Gowen's Old Fort attack, retreated east and joined, Col. Charles McDowell, who had 300 to 400 men in a camp on the North Pacelot River (most likely on the south bank.) Issuing out of Prince's Fort, occupied by Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes with roughly 400 men, Maj. James Dunlop (also Dunlap), along with 14 Provincials and 60 loyalists under Col. Ambrose MiIlls, all mounted, and seeking revenge for Gowen's Old Fort caught up at night with Jones' party which had obtained refuge in McDowell's camp. Fighting ensued in which the whigs lost 8 killed and 30 wounded. Another version states 2 of Jones men were killed and 6 wounded. Among the wounded was Col. Jones. Jones' command then devolved on John Freeman, who fell back, and was supported by Major Singleton, Col. Andrew Hampton of McDowell's force, and finally the rest of McDowell's force itself. In what followed, Dunlop was chased back to Prince's Fort. Loyalist losses were two killed, 2 wounded, and one captured.

Allaire: "Saturday, 15th...Capt. Dunlap [Dunlop] made an attack upon the Rebels; drove them from their ground, took one prisoner, who informed him that the Rebels were four hundred strong. Upon this information Dunlop thought proper to retreat, as his number was only fourteen American Volunteers and sixty militia. We lost two killed, a sergeant and private wounded, and one prisoner. The loss of the Rebels is uncertain-reports are, twenty or thirty killed. Upon this news arriving, Capt. [Abraham] DePeyster ordered the American Volunteers and militia to get in motion to support Dunlop. Capt. Frederick DePeyster, with one hundred militia men, marched twelve miles to McElwain's creek, where they met Dunlap."

Mid July. Col. Abraham Buford, and what was left of his Virginia Continentals, made a temporarily return to Virginia due to lack of clothing, equipment and supplies -- despite de Kalb's protest. Gates, at Hillsborough, then called Buford back. However, he was not able to return south until after the battle at Camden.

Gates wrote to Buford on 20 July 1780: "In a Letter from Baron de Kalb of the 16th Instant is the following Paragraph, 'You may have met with a small Detachment of Colo Buford's Remains. I wanted to keep them with the Army, but wanting Arms and Cloathing, he insisted on marching them to Virginia, and promised me he would join in the beginning of July. I have not heard from him since.' In the Difficulty of finding Arms and Cloathing I can find an Excuse for your Delay hitherto. Those Articles, I cannot but suppose are by this Time furnished; and in that belief, must convey my orders, that you join the Army under my Command as early as possible. But should any accident have arisen to prevent your Supplies, you will make such urgent application to the Executive Authority of the State, as the Necessity of the Case so clearly demands - and when prepared, lose not a Moment in coming forward. I can add Nothing upon the Subject of collecting your Men, in your passage hither, which your own Judgment will not suggest. "

16 July (also given as 17 July). [skirmish] Prince's Fort, (Spartanburg, S.C.) After his raid on Jones' men at McDowell's camp, Maj. James Dunlop retreated to his base at Prince's Fort, a seven miles northwest of present day Spartanburg. Before day break the next morning (the 16th) Jones' remaining men under Freeman, and some of McDowell's men under Captain Edward Hampton, all mounted and numbering 52, went in pursuit of Dunlop and in two hours caught up with him not far from Princes Fort. 8 of Dunlop's men were killed on the first fire, following which Dunlop's forces were routed, and a number more killed and wounded. This, of course, is the American version of what happened, and it is well to be reminded in this and in other such instances that it is more than likely the loyalists would have given a different or somewhat different account of exactly what took place.

17 July. In a letter to de Kalb of this date, Sumter reported that the British troops occupying posts outside Charleston numbered 3,482.

20 July. [skirmish] Flat Rock. (Kershaw County, S.C.) Brig. Gen. Rutherford marched down the Yadkin, and sent Maj. William Richardson Davie to a position opposite Hanging Rock, and near the South Carolina border to prevent the loyalists from forgaing in the Waxhaws area. Davie with his own corps of cavalry, and reinforced with some South Carolina militia under Major [possibly Robert] Crawford, 35 warriors of the Catawba tribe of Indians under their Chief General Newriver, and some Mecklenburg militia under Lieut. Col. Heaggins [or Haggins, Huggins], posted himself 18 miles from Hanging rock on the north side of Waxhaws Creek. From this location, Davie engaged in frequent skirmishes with loyalists foraging (or plundering, depending on how one viewed it.) The loyalists were soon driven into the lines of Hanging Rock by Davie's detachments on patrol. At the time, the British at Hanging Rock needed to collect supplies every day, but could not do so in the direction of Waxhaws, because of Davie. Soon it became necessary for them to draw supplies from Camden instead. After preparing an ambush on the evening of the 20th, Davie, with a part of his dargoons and militia commanded, under Capt. Petit, and as well including Col. William Polk who was present acting as a volunteer, captured one of these supply convoys from Camden, which contained liquor and clothing about five miles below Hanging Rock in the afternoon of the 21st. The wagons were destroyed and the captured wagoners and escort were mounted on captured horses.

22 July. [skirmish] Beaver Creek Ford. (Lancaster County, S.C.) In the early hours of the 22nd, Davie's force was returning from Flat Rock. His advance guard under Capt. Petit and Col. William Polk (who had come along as an independent volunteer) was ambushed near the main branch of Beaver Creek. The prisoners taken at Flat Rock were being guarded by some dragoons under Col. William Polk. The initial fire threw Polk's force back in confusion, and killed many of the prisoners who had been placed in the lead of the column. Unable to regroup and fight back, Davie retreated. Davie lost 2 wounded, including Capt. Petit, and 1 killed, the casualties falling mostly among the prisoners. Total British losses in this and Flat Rock action are estimated at 40, which includes prisoners taken. The specific spot of this skirmish is not known, but since the creek begins at a point corresponding with the main road between Camden and Waxhaws, it is inferred that this is where the action took place, hence the Lancaster County designation.

21 July. [skirmish] Colson's Mill, also Colston’s Mill, and Coulson's Mill (Stanly County, N.C.) Approximately 400 North Carolina militia under Lieut. Col. William Lee Davidson, and detached by Brig. Gen. Rutherford at Salisbury, attacked and dispersed 200 loyalists encamped at Colson's [Colston’s] Mill not far from the confluence of Rocky and Pee Dee Rivers. The loyalist lost 3 killed 4 or 5 wounded, and 10 captured. Davidson had two wounded, including himself. Davidson subsequently reunited with Rutherford, and the latter commenced his march to join Gates.

Pension statement of Henry Connelly of Guilford County, N.C.: "(N)ews arrived that General Lincoln was overtaken at Charlestown, and all were taken prisoners. General [William Lee] Davidson now raised several hundred men, and Colonel [Hugh] Brevard had several skirmishes with the Loyalists, in which this applicant and his company actively participated at Colson's Mills. About this time at a place in the western part of the state [N.C.] the Tories had collected to a great number and we marched against them and (met them) at Colson's Mills. This was in the month of May 1780, as well as this applicant recollects. He recollects well that it was just before or about the time of Gates' defeat at Camden."

21 July. Allaire: "Friday, 21st. Col. Balfour, with the Light Infantry from Ninety-Six, joined us-we still remained at the [Fair Forest] Ford."

22 July. Allaire: "Saturday, 22d. The Light Infantry, American Volunteers, and three hundred militia, got in motion at seven o'clock in the evening; made a forced march of twenty-five miles to Lawson's Fork to surprise a party of Rebels, who, we were informed, lay there. We arrived at James Wood's plantation at six o'clock in the morning; greatly disappointed at finding no Rebels here. We were informed they were at Green river-twenty-five miles farther."

Chesney: "I then joined Colonel Balfour and was in an affair at James Wood's house above the Iron-Works on Pacolet but not finding the opposition there that we expected, returned again to Fair Forest; Col. Balfour then returned to Ninety-Six, and Major Ferguson succeeded to the command under the title of Colonel and Inspector General of Militia."

23 July. Allaire: " Sunday, 23d. Got in motion at one o'clock in the morning, and countermarched to our old ground, Fair Forest Ford."

25 July. Gates takes command from de Kalb at or Coxe's (also Wilcox’s) Mill on Deep River. A few days before de Kalb had been joined by Armand’s Legion with about 60 infantry and 60 cavalry.

25 July. Allaire: "Tuesday, 25th. Col. Balfour with the Light Infantry got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and marched towards Ninety-Six."

25 July. Col. Charles McDowell camped at Cherokee Ford on the Broad River sent a request to Col. Isaac Shelby and Lieut. Col. John Sevier for men to assist against the encroachments of Ferguson and the loyalists out of Ninety-Six. Sevier, at that time too occupied protecting the local settlements to come himself, sent a regiment of his men (mounted) under Major Charles Robertson, who then joined McDowell. A few days after Robertson's arrival in McDowell's camp, Shelby (who had to travel a greater distance) joined them with another 250 mounted riflemen.

Mid to Late July. [raid] Hammond's Raid. (Edgefield County, S.C.) About roughly in this same period, Col. Elijah Clark and his Georgians of Wilkes County were again assembling. Mounted, they crossed over into South Carolina and moved north along the foot of the mountains. Somewhere in their march, they were joined by Col. John Jones and his men, and afterwards Captain James McCall and Capt. Liddle with some twenty mounted men from the Ninety area. McCall and Liddle had earlier served in Pickens' regiment. The group then moved to join Sumter. Sumter, for some unknown reason, asked that those who were willing should reinforce McDowell instead. Among those from South Carolina who also joined Clark was Capt. Samuel Hammond, from Edgefield County, S.C. Hammond, along with Bennett Crafton, had gathered a force of 76 men for the purpose of making their way into North Carolina. However, about half withdrew before the expedition got started, and attempted to remain in hiding. Despite their efforts these latter were afterwards captured by the British. Hammond and the 32 that remained proceeded on their way along the base of the mountains. Along the way, Hammond, receiving a tip from a local, surprised and routed a party of 70 to 80 loyalists. The loyalists lost 4 killed, and 11 captured (but which were released on parole) and many weapons taken. Hammond's group then moved on, and as they passed the Saluda and Bush Rivers met up with a detachment of 70 to 80 of Clark's men under Capt. Edward Hampton. The two groups then united with Clark's main body, bringing Clark's force to a total of over 200 men. Clark, not long afterwards, joined his force to Col. Charles McDowell's at Cherokee Ford.

Mid to Late July. A loyalist militia force, organized between the Enoree and Tyger Rivers, nominally commanded by a Col. Floyd, which had formerly been under the command of a Col. Andrew Neal, once armed and accoutered were marched by the second in command, "one [Lieut. Col. John] Lisle [Lyles]" off to join Col. Neal who was with Sumter in the Catawba. These troops then once again became part of Neal's command, which participated at Rocky Mount on 30 July. The incident was reported by Cornwallis in a letter to Clinton of 6 August 1780.

26 July (also possibly 25 July or 1 August). [skirmish] Hunt's Bluff, also Mars Bluff (Darlington and Marlboro counties, S.C.) Because of the new threat from Gates' army, in late July the 71st Regt., which had been stationed at Cheraws was ordered to withdraw from there, and they subsequently took up a position on the east branch of Lynches Creek (modern Lynches River.) Maj. Archibald McArthur, commander of the 71st, departed on the 24th (says Ripley) leaving 100-106 sick men under Lord Nairne, to the care of Col. Robert Mills (Ripley says William Henry Mills) and some "loyalist" militia, who was to escort them to Georgetown. 2 days later these same "loyalist" mutinied, and took the 100 sick men of the 71st north as prisoners to Gates' army. Bass says that the Pee Dee borne flotilla headed for Georgetown but was ambushed and taken by Col. John Ervin near Mars Bluff, Mills and a few loyalist having escaped. Ripley, on the other hand, states that Maj. Tristram Thomas and with a force of whig militia waylaid the group as it was coming down river, at a location nine miles southwest of modern Bennettsville. Using the "quaker cannon" ruse he forced them to surrender. In a subsequent encounter, Thomas captured a supply working its way up the Pee Dee River from Georgetown.

Cornwallis wrote to Germain on 20 August 1780: "Our Cheraw Militia, having seized & bound their field officers, attacked & took some boats on the Pedee in which Majr McArthur was sending near one hundred of his sick to Georgetown. I was greatly alarmed for a small detachment which I had sent under Majr Wemys to reduce the people of Georgetown to some order, & for my water communication on the Santee, on which at that time a large quantity of Rum, Salt, Arms, & Military Stores were moving in boats up to Camden."

27 July. After first gathering all available men at Coxe’s Mill on the Deep River, Gates' army marched thru barrens towards Mask's ferry on the Pee Dee River.

Otho Williams: “All were in motion, however, early in the morning of the 27th of July, and the general [Gates] took the route over Buffalo Ford, leading towards the enemy's advanced post on Lynch's Creek, on the road to Camden, leaving two brass field-pieces and some baggage for want of horses. Colonel Williams, presuming on the friendship of the general, ventured to expostulate with him upon the seeming precipitate and inconsiderate step he was taking. He represented that the country through which he was about to march was by nature barren, abounding with sandy plains, intersected by swamps, and very thinly inhabited; that the little provisions and forage which were produced on the banks of its few small streams were exhausted, or taken away by the enemy, and by the hordes of banditti (called tories) which had retired from what they called the persecution of the rebels, and who would certainly distress his army, small as it was, by removing what little might remain out of his way. On the other hand, the colonel represented that a route about north west would cross the Pee Dee River some where about where it loses the name of Yadkin, and would lead to the little town of Salisbury in the midst of a fertile country and inhabited by a people zealous in the cause of America. That the most active and intelligent officers had contemplated this route with pleasure, not only as it promised a more plentiful supply of provisions, but because the sick, the women and children, and the wounded, in case of disaster, might have an asylum provided for them at Salisbury or Charlotte, where they would remain in security, because the militia of the counties of Mecklenburgh and Roan [Rowan], in which these villages stand, were staunch friends. The idea of establishing a laboratory for the repair of arms at a secure place was also suggested as necessary -- the security of convoys of stores from the northward, by the upper route - the advantage of turning the left of the enemy's out-posts even by a circuitous route -- that of approaching the most considerable of these posts (Camden) with the River Wateree on our right, and our friends on our backs - and some other considerations were suggested. And, that they might the more forcibly impress the general's mind, a short note was presented to him, concisely intimating the same opinion and referring to the best informed gentlemen under his command. General Gates said he would confer with the general officers when the troops should halt at noon. Whether any conference took place or not, the writer don't know. After a short halt at noon, when the men were refreshed upon the scraps in their knapsacks, the march was resumed. The country exceeded the representation that had been made of it - scarcely had it emerged from a state of sterile nature - the few rude attempts at improvement that were to be found were most of them abandoned by the owners and plundered by the neighbours. Every one, in this uncivilized part of the country, was flying from his home and joining in parties under adventurers who pretended to yield them protection until the British army should appear - which they seemed confidently to expect. The distresses of the soldiery daily increased -- they were told that the banks of the Pee Dee River were extremely fertile -- and so indeed they were; but the preceding crop of corn (the principal article of produce) was exhausted, and the new grain, although luxuriant and fine, was unfit for use. Many of the soldiery, urged by necessity, plucked the green ears and boiled them with the lean beef, which was collected in the woods, made for themselves a repast, not unpalatable to be sure, but which was attended with painful effects. Green peaches also were substituted for bread and had similar consequences.”

30 July. [surrender] Fort Anderson, also Thicketty Fort. (Spartanburg County, S.C.) Men under Colonel Charles McDowell, Col. Andrew Hampton, Col. Isaac Shelby, Col. Elijah Clark, Major Charles Robertson of Sevier's regiment, and in addition some of Sumter's men, moved from Cherokee Ford with a force of about 600 men to attack Fort Anderson also known as Thicketty (or Thickette) Fort, commanded by Loyalist Captain Patrick Moore. Fort Anderson was located about ten miles southeast of Cowpens. The loyalist garrison surrendered of 93 men plus one British sergeant-major without firing a shot on the condition they be granted parole, which terms were acceded to by the back country leaders. Among the items taken at the fort were 150 or 250 stand of arms (sources differ.) McDowell and his men returned to their camp at Cherokee Ford following the surrender.

Chesney: "Shortly afterwards he marched to Thicketty Creek, encamped and requested me to carry an express to Captain Patrick Moore, then commandant at Anderson's fort, with a particular private message to him to hold the fort till the last minute. Before I could return, the army had decamped about midnight and retreated towards Captain Lewis Bobo's on Tyger River, where I joined them, and we got an account that Col. McDole [McDowell] had, without opposition, reduced Anderson's fort and made them prisoners, Moore having shamefully surrendered it thus disappointing Ferguson's scheme of bringing the Americans to battle whilst attacking it. "

30 July (also given as 1 August). [battle] Rocky Mount, and joint diversionary attack on Hanging Rock (Lancaster County, S.C.) On the last (or second to last) of July Col. Thomas Sumter with 200 to 300 South Carolina refugees, and Col. Robert Irwin (also Irvin) with 300 Mecklenburg militia, rendezvoused at Davie's camp on the north side of Waxhaw's Creek. It was decided that Sumter, Neal, and Irwin, with their combined force of about 500-600 men, would assault Rocky Mount on the west side of the Wateree. Davie meanwhile, was with about 40 militia cavalry and mounted infantry, was to make a diversionary attack at Hanging Rock about fifteen miles eastward.

Tarleton speaks of the fortifications at Rocky Mount consisted of two log houses and a loop hole building surround by a "strong" abbatis, on an elevation which was clear all around. Bass, on the other hand, describes the buildings as a shed and a great house. Defending Rocky Mount was Lieut. Col. George Turnbull with a force of 300, about half of which were some New York Volunteers, and the other some loyalist militia. Sumter tried to surprise Rocky Mount but his approach was detected and announced by some loyalists. The attack about 6 am, and lasted some eight hours, Sumter's men made a few assaults and kept up a heavy fire on the post, but without cannon could do little to dislodge them. The whigs tried setting fire to the great house, but a sudden rain storm came up and put out the fire. Having run out of lead by this time as well, Sumter retreated six miles. He was not able to cross Rocky Ford because storm had caused flooding there. Meanwhile 300 troops had marched in from Hanging Rock to reinforce Turnbull. Turnbull briefly tried to pursue Sumter. The latter, however marched unhindered to Land’s Ford on the Catawba. Ripley, however, states: "During the withdrawal, the Patriots met two parties of the enemy marching to reinforce the post. In the ensuing skirmish, Sumter lost 20 men but is said to have killed 60 of the enemy and captured a few others." Among the American losses was Col. Andrew Neal, considered a leader of great promise, who was killed during one of the assaults. Carrington gives Sumter’s losses thirteen men killed or wounded. Tarleton gives British losses as one officer killed, one wounded, and about 10 killed or wounded. Though Sumter had failed, the action served as good training for many of his men.

The same day, Davie, with Capt. Flenchau (Davie refers to him as Flenniken), 40 dragoons and 40 riflemen, on approaching Hanging Rock learned of three companies of mounted loyalist riflemen who were returning to camp. An ambush was laid, and the loyalist militia were attacked from front and flank. Because Davie's dragoons could not take prisoners many of the loyalists surrounded were, as Davie candidly admits, "literally cut to pieces." 60 horses were taken, with accoutrements, as well as 100 muskets and rifles. The Provincials at Hanging Rock came too late to rescue the militia, and Davie was able to retreat without loss.

Tarleton: “Having gained the necessary information, he [Sumter] directed his efforts against the corps at Rocky mount. Near the end of July he passed Broad river, at Blair's ford, with about nine hundred men, and advanced upon Turnbull, whose force was composed of one hundred and fifty provincials, and as many militia. The defences of Rocky mount consisted of two log houses, a loop-holed building, and an abbatis; placed upon an eminence, which commanded a view of the neighbouring country. Colonel Sumpter having no cannon to destroy the abbatis or the buildings, selected some of his bravest followers, to remove the former, and to endeavour to set fire to the latter, whilst his people, under cover of the trees and rocks, on the declivity of the mountain, maintained a heavy fire upon the garrison. After three attacks, in the last of which some of the forlorn hope penetrated within the abbatis, the American commander retreated with loss and precipitation. In the gallant defence of this post, Lieutenant-colonel Turnbull had one officer killed, one wounded, and about ten men killed and wounded.”

Pension statement of Thomas Reagan of Newberry County: “The next morning this applicant with Sumpters forces about sunrise moved down the River towards the British Camp & arrived there about 24 hours after they started. They lay about one mile & a half of the enemy the succeeding night and came within gunshot distance (neither side having cannon) about 8 o clock Sumpters forces immediately attacked the British who lay in a large log house at a place called "Rocky Mount" on the Catabaw (sic) -- The ingagement (sic) lasted till near 11 o clock in the fore noon when the troops under Sumpter drew off, leaving the British in possession of the log house. During this ingagment Sumpters party were protected by the woods and the huge rocks situated near the log house consequently but few were killed of his men -- This applicant thinks there were killed and missing about 14 or 15 men and among the killed were Col. Lee -- Capt. Jones and Capt. Burns who was shot in the Eye & fell close by this applicant who took an active part in the ingagement. Our forces were marched back to their old Camping ground and incamped for the night -- The forgoing officers named as belonging to Sumpters force except one Maj. Heather who carried a flag to the British the next day to get permission to bury the dead, are all now recollected. This applicant left Sumpters forces the third day after his joining them & with his six companions returned to Newbury County and joined the rest of his company.”

Late July (after 25 July). In response to a call by Gates for all Continental officers to turn out, Col. Francis Marion and some 20 to 28 followers arrived at Gates’ camped. In a well known description, Williams writes: “Colonel Marion, a gentleman of South Carolina, had been with the army a few days, attended by a very few followers, distinguished by small black leather caps and the wretchedness of their attire; their number did not exceed twenty men and boys, some white, some black, and all mounted, but most of them miserably equipped; their appearance was in fact so burlesque that it was with much difficulty the diversion of the regular soldiery was restrained by the officers; and the general himself was glad of an opportunity of detaching Colonel Marion, at his own instance, towards the interior of South Carolina, with orders to watch the motions of the enemy and furnish intelligence.” A few days prior to Camden, probably August 14th, Marion then left Gates and returned to the Santee area for the purpose of destroying boats and otherwise interfering with both British lines of communication and their possible routes of retreat.

Draper: "200 Tories of the New river region, within what is now Grayson County, Virginia, and Ashe County, North Carolina, had risen in arms, with some British officers aiding them with a view of seizing the Lead Mines near present Wytheville; when Colonel [William] Campbell, by order of Colonel Preston, took the field on August at the head of one hundred and forty or fifty men, and scoured that wild and mountainous country; and at a place known, as the Big Glades, or Round Meadows, approaching a large body of Tories, the latter under cover of a thick fog, fled, dispersing in every direction, and hiding themselves in the mountains, losing only one of their number in their flight...Colonel Campbell then marched to the old Moravian town of Bethabara, in North Carolina, where he made head-quarters for some time, sending out detachments in quest of Tory bands -- one penetrating into Guilford County, surprised and dispersed two companies of Tories at night, and captured Captain Nathan Read, on e of their leaders and seventeen others...Another party of Tories was dispersed above the Shallow Ford of Yadkin. Returning from this expedition, Colonel Campbell led four hundred brave riflemen from Washington County to meet Ferguson's Rangers and the united Tories of the Carolinas...." See also 1 September.

Col. William Preston wrote to Col. William Campbell on 21 August 1780: “I have ordered the Montgomery troops to assemble at the lead mines as soon as possible. As you are to take the command of the whole, you will please to give orders to the officers accordingly, who, with the soldiers, are hereby strictly commanded to obey such orders as they may receive from you on this tour of duty. You may continue them on this service as long as you judge it absolutely necessary for the safety of this and our sister State of North Carolina. I wish you every success in suppressing the internal enemies of the state.”

August. Sometime in this month, Col Abel Kolb commanded a group of South Carolina militia in the Long Bluff area on the Upper Pee Dee River, primarily for defense against local "Tories."

3 August. Heavy rains having previously delayed his baggage and artillery, Gates crossed the Pee Dee at Mask's Ferry and was joined by Lieut. Col. Charles Porterfield with 300 Virginia State Troops. Porterfield originally entered South Carolina sometime probably in June (i.e. ostensibly after Waxhaws) as a reinforcement intended for Charleston. But arriving after fall of the city, he remained just above the North and South Carolina border. Brig. Gen. William Harrington, of Cumberland County, N.C., who with his North Carolina militia from adjacent counties (probably no more than a few hundred) had been with Gates for a short while, by this time had taken his men to Cross Creek to protect Gates against the loyalists from that region. Meanwhile, Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens, with the Virginia militia was on his way to add his men to Gates’ army, but was halted 50 miles in Gates rear at Buffalo Creek for lack of provisions, while Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell still remained south of Gates and the Continentals.

Gates wrote to Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell, 3 August, 1780: "I should have been glad to have received a Line in Answer to the Letter I wrote you by General [William] Harrington, to have been certain that you would meet me at Anderson's it would have relieved my Mind from many anxieties; -- as it is I suffer every Distress for want of Provisions, and know not if I can expect any Relief where I am going; from you -- General [Griffith] Rutherford and your Command have gleaned the Country on both Sides of the River; and the Virginia Militia stick in my Rear, and devour all that comes forward. -- This is a Mode of conducting War I am a stranger to -- The Whole should support and sustain the Whole, or the Parts will soon go to Decay - General Caswell's Zeal for the Public Service will induce him to consider my Situation, and be explicit in acquainting me how far in my present Distress I can depend upon him. I conclude General Rutherford has obeyed your Order, and that he is now with you. -- The heavy Rains since General Harrington left me has delayed us so much that the Artillery Stores & Baggage will only be on this side the Ferry by 9 o'clock this Morning, when I shall instantly march (in the firm expectation of finding you there) to Anderson's - I also earnestly expect from you a supply of Provisions."

Kirkwood: “Augst. 3rd. Marched to Thompson’s Creek The line at this place divides North & South Carolina…18 [miles].”

4 August. Gates issued proclamation, exhorting support for the American cause, denouncing British policy of forcing allegiance to the Crown on American citizens, and threatening punishments for those found guilty of plundering.

5 August. "On the 5th day of August, in the afternoon, General Gates received a letter, informing him that General Caswell meditated an attack upon a fortified post of the enemy on Lynch's Creek, about fourteen miles from the militia [i.e. Caswell's] encampment....the next morning, orders were issued for the army to march with the utmost expedition to join the militia." Caswell feared an attack from the post. Gates not trusting in Caswell's competence sought to bring the North Carolina militia under his own command. The two forces joined on 7 August.

5 August. In the latter part of July the bulk of the Prince of Wales Volunteers under Maj. John Carden, along with some loyalist militia, was advanced towards Hanging Rock in part to "awe the disaffected," having first stopped at Rocky Mount. On August 5th, the troops continued their march, and arrived at Hanging Rock at nightfall, at which time Carden assumed command of the post. Apparently think his position safe for the time being, he had neglected to send out proper patrols to guard against surprise. Earlier the same day, and following their cooperation on the attack at Rocky Mount, Sumter and Davie reunited at Land’s Ford on the Catawba River in preparation and consultation for a prospective attack on Carden’s post.

6 August. [battle] HANGING ROCK (Kershaw-Lancaster County border, S.C.) After making plans and arrangements on the 5th, Sumter with 300, mostly mounted, men under Col. William Hill, Maj. Richard Winn, Capt. Edward Lacey, and Capt. John McClure and about 500 North Carolina (mostly Mecklenburg) militia under Col. Robert Irwin, which included some 80 cavalry and mounted militia under Maj. William Richardson Davie, moved to attack the British post at Hanging Rock. Sumter did not yet have formal rank as Brigadier General, but was selected the senior officer among the group. Hanging Rock, an "open camp" located in a settlement, was occupied by Maj. John Carden with 500 provincials, including 160 of British Legion, under Capt. Kenneth McCulloch and Capt. John Rousselet, a detachment of the Royal North Carolina Regiment, a detachment of the King's Carolina Rangers, and Carden’s own Prince of Wales American Volunteers, posted in some houses, plus at least two cannon. A separate force of Col. Samuel Bryan's regiment of North Carolina Volunteers, a militia/provincial regiment, and some other loyalists, totaling about 700 to 900 were at a position near some woods separated from Carden's main by a creek with a deep ravine. Sumter decided on a plan of attack of attacking the camp in three mounted detachments. Davie, on the other hand proposed leaving the horses behind before making their approach, "urging the confusion consequent on dismounting under fire and the certainty of losing the suddenness and certainty of attack." He was, however, over ruled.

The American and British versions differ not a little, hence the extensive quotations given below. The initial assault was made early in the morning where Winn's and Davie's men completely routed Bryan's corps. Capt. McCulloch’s company of the British Legion after presenting a volley was also routed by Sumter’s riflemen. McCulloch himself was killed, which possibly accounts for their flight. The Prince of Wales Regt. also came under heavy fire and suffered very severe losses, including Carden who was badly wounded. The King’s Carolina Rangers then came up, and having cleverly deployed themselves in some woods, checked the rebel assault with a surprise crossfire. This allowed the British to drew up on a hollow square in the enter of the cleared ground, and further protected themselves with a three-pounder which had been left by some of Rugeley’s Camden militia. At one point, Capt. Rousselet of the Legion infantry, led a gallant charge and also forced Sumter’s men back. This allowed the British to drew up on a hollow square in the enter of the cleared ground, and further protected themselves with a three-pounder which had been left by some of Rugeley’s Camden militia. Since Carden was wounded command devolved on Capt. Rousselet. 40 mounted Legion infantry, under Capt. Charles McDonald and Capt. Patrick Stewart, who were on their way to Camden from Rocky Mount, rode to the scene after hearing shooting. These, along with some of Hamilton’s N.C. provincials, after arranging themselves to appear as if greater in number than they actually were successfully charged Sumter’s militia. They were, however, driven back by a counter-charge from Davie’s dragoons. While the main British force held up in the square, many of the whig units lost order and began looting the camp, not a few becoming intoxicated in the process by availing themselves of the British rum. Sumter, out of ammunition, and finding Rousselet’s position now too strong to attack, took his men, now "loaded with plunder," and retreated.

The battle was interpreted by both sides as a victory for themselves: the British because they had fought off the Americans, the Americans because they had captured the British stores, took many prisoners, and withdrew in safety. The action lasted three to four hours, with many men fainting from hear and drought. Sumter reported British losses at Hanging Rock as 250 killed and wounded, and that he also took 70 prisoners. Sumter lost 20 killed, 40 wounded, 10 missing. Capt. John McClure, one of the most active partisan leaders in the summer of 1780, was mortally wounded, Col. Hill and Maj. Winn were also wounded but not seriously. According to William Hill in his memoirs, Sumter lost 40 killed and 3 wounded. Tarleton states that the British Legion, alone, lost 22 killed, upwards of 30 wounded, and that the Americans left 100 dead on the battlefield. As well as Capt. McCulloch, the Legion also lost Lieut. Ralph Cunningham. According to a Loyalist source, the Prince of Wales Regt., out of 181 officers and men present, 93 were killed, wounded or missing. The same source says the Royal North Carolinians lost 50 officers and men. Allaire records the King’s Carolina Rangers suffering over 100 lost, mostly of this number taken prisoner. Though not so catastrophic, Davie’s corps suffered significant casualties. Boatner gives Carden’s losses as 192 killed and wounded, while Sumter’s were 12 killed and 41 wounded. The extreme heat only aggravated the suffering of the wounded of both sides. Following the battle, Rawdon at Camden sent the 23rd Regt., under Major Mecan, from Rugeley's to Hanging rock. This allowed Bryan time and room to collect his dispersed force. A historian for the Prince of Wales Volunteers maintains that many of the British prisoners lost at Hanging Rock, were recovered after the battle of Camden.

Davie: "[Sumter's] right and center divisions fell together with the left upon the Tory encampment: -- these devoted people [the Tories] were briskly attacked both in front & flank and soon routed with great slaughter; as the Americans pressed on in pursuit of the Tories who fled toward the center encampment they received a fire from 160 of the Legion and some companies of Hamilton's Regiment posted behind a fence, but their impetuosity was not checked a moment by this unexpected discharge, they rushed forward, and the Legion Infantry immediately broke and mingled in the flight of the Loyalists, yielding their camp without another struggle to the Militia; at this moment a part of Col. [Thomas] Browns regiment had nearly changed the fate of the day, they passed by a bold and skilful maneuvre (sic) into the wood between the center & Tory encampment, drew up unperceived, and poured a Heavy fire on the Militia forming, from the disorder of the pursuit, on the flank of the encampment; these brave men took instinctively to the trees and bush heaps and returned the fire with deadly effect, in a few minutes there was not a British officer standing, one half of the regiment had fallen, and the others on being offered quarters threw down their arms; the remainder of the British line who had also made a movement to their right now retreated hastily toward their former position and drew up in the center of the cleared grounds in the form of the Hollow Square. The rout of these different corps the pursuit & plunder of the camps had thrown the Americans into great confusion, the utmost exertions were made by Col. Sumter & the other officers to carry the men on to attack the British square, about 200 Infantry with Davie's dragoons were collected and formed on the margin of the woods, and a heavy but ineffectual fire was commenced on the british [sic] troops, about 3 or 400 of the Enemy consisting of the Legion Infantry Hamiltons regt with a large body of Tories, were observed rallying and forming on the edge of the woods on the opposite side of the British camp under cover of the trees, and charged them with his company of Dragoons, these people under the impressions of defeat were all routed and dispersed in a few minutes by this handful of men. The distance of the square from the woods and the constant fire of two pieces of field artillery prevented the militia from making any considerable impression on the British troops; so that upon Major Davie's return it was agreed to plunder the encampments and retire; as this party was returning toward the center encampment some British Legion Cavalry appeared drawn up on the Camden road, with a countenance as if they meant to keep their position but on being charged by the dragoons of Davie's corps they all took the woods in flight & one only was cut down. A retreat was by this time absolutely necessary -- The commissary stores were taken in the center encampment, and numbers of the men were already inebriated, the greatest part were loaded with plunder and those in a condition to fight had exhausted their ammunition, about an Hour was employed in plundering the camp, taking the paroles of the British officers, and preparing litters for the wounded; all this was transacted within full view of the British army who in the meantime consoled themselves with some military music & an interlude of 3 cheers for King George which was immediately answered by 3 cheers and the Hero of American Liberty; the militia at length got into the line of march in three columns, Davie's corps covering their rear, but as they were loaded with plunder, encumbered with their wounded friends, and many of them intoxicated, it is easy to conceive that this retreat could not be performed according to the rules of the most approved military tactics, However under all these disadvantages the field off unmolested along the front of the Enemy about 1 O'clock."

Lee: "Our loss was not ascertained, from the usual inattention to returns prevalent among militia officers; and many of our wounded were immediately carried home from the field of battle. The corps of Davie suffered most. Captain [John] McClure of South Carolina, and Captain Reed of North Carolina, were killed; Colonel [William] Hill, Major Richard Winn and Lieutenant Crawford, were wounded as were Captain Craighead, Lieutenant Flenchau, and Ensign McClure of North Carolina. The British loss exceeded ours. Captain [Kenneth] McCullock, who commanded the legion infantry with much personal honor, two officers, and twenty men of the same corps, were killed and nearly forty wounded. Many officers and men of Brown's regiment were also killed and wounded and some taken."

Allaire: “Thursday, 10th…By the express heard that Sumter had attacked Hanging Rock the 6th instant. The North Carolinians were first attacked; they gave way. Brown's corps came up, but were obliged to give way. The Legion Cavalry came in the Rebels' rear, and soon gained the day. Brown's corps suffered much-three officers killed, and three wounded-an hundred men taken prisoners. “

Tarleton: “Colonel Sumpter crossed Broad river, and retired to his former camp in the Catawba settlement; where, reinforcing the numbers he had lost at Rocky mount, he was soon in a condition to project other operations. This active partizan was thoroughly sensible, that the minds of men are influenced by enterprize, and that to keep undisciplined people together, it is necessary to employ them. For this purpose, he again surveyed the state of the British posts upon the frontier, and on minute examination he deemed Hanging rock the most vulnerable: He hastened his preparations for the attack, because a detachment of cavalry and mounted infantry had been ordered from that place to reinforce Rocky mount. On the 6th of August, at seven o'clock in the morning, he approached the flank of the post, which was entrusted to the North-Carolina refugees, under the orders of Colonel [Samuel] Bryan. This loyalist, with his undisciplined people, though opposed by troops equally undisciplined, soon retreated from his ground, and Colonel Sumpter directed the weight of his attack against the legion infantry, which resisted his efforts with great coolness and bravery. The example of courage exhibited by one hundred and sixty men of the legion, who charged the Americans twice with fixed bayonets, to save their three pounder, made a detachment of Colonel Brown's regiment recover from the consternation into which they had been thrown by the flight of Colonel Bryan, and they now joined their endeavours to defend the British encampment. Colonel Sumpter still persevered in his attack, and very probably would have succeeded, if a stratagem employed by Captains [Patrick] Stewart and [Charles] M'Donald, of the British legion, had not disconcerted his operations. These officers, with forty mounted infantry, were returning the same morning from Rocky mount, and on the route heard the cannon and musketry at Hanging rock; on a nearer approach to their post, they judiciously left the Rocky mount, and made a circuit to get into the main Camden road, to reinforce their companions: When they arrived in sight of the Americans, the bugle horn was directed to sound the charge, and the soldiers were ordered to extend their files, in order to look like a formidable detachment. This unexpected appearance deranged the American commander, and threw his corps into a state of confusion, which produced a general retreat. Captain [Kenneth] M'Cullock, who command the legion infantry with so much distinction, was killed, with two other officers, and twenty men: Upwards of thirty of the same corps were wounded. The detachment of Colonel Brown's regiment [King’s Carolina Rangers] had, likewise, some officers and men killed and wounded, and a few taken prisoners. Colonel Bryan's North-Carolina refugees were greatly dispersed, but did not suffer considerably by the fire of the enemy. About one hundred dead and wounded Americans were left on the field of battle. Colonel Sumpter rallied his men not far from Hanging rock, and again fell back to the Catawba settlement, to collect more men from the Wacsaws, and to receive refugees, who flocked from all parts of South Carolina. The repulses he had sustained did not discourage him, or injure his cause: The loss of men was easily supplied, and his reputation for activity and courage was fully established by his late enterprizing conduct."

MacKenzie: "In our author's [Tarleton's] description of the action at Hanging Rock, the partiality which he entertains for his own corps is evident; the gallantry of officers, and of a detachment with which he was not immediately connected, is consigned to oblivion. This assertion is justified by his silence on the loss of Lieutenant Brown of the North Carolinians, who fell in a desperate charge, which the crisis of the action rendered inevitable; and besides him, not less than seventy men of the same regiment were killed and wounded, of which, however, no mention is made, as it would appear a participation of the credit ascribed to the legion. To the names already specified, those of many American Loyalists might have been added; men, whose integrity was incorruptible, undismayed in the hour of danger, who sacrificed their private interest to publick good, and who, though they knew that the internal peace of their families was destroyed, by the ravages of relentless war, fought and bled with manly spirit; maintained their allegiance to their latest moments, and evinced a probity of mind under every reverse of fortune, which must endear them to posterity."

Hanger: "Colonel Bryant's [Samuel Bryan’s] militia were attacked by General Sumpter, were beat, and driven out of the field -- the North Carolinians suffered nearly the same fate. The loss of the Prince of Wales's regiment sustained was heavy; that corps, both officers and men, were nearly destroyed. The British legion were then attacked by the whole American force. Captain M'Cullock, before the attack became general, was mortally wounded: the command of the legion devolved on Captain [John] Rousselet. He charged the enemy; repulsed, and drove them. This officer, possessing happily not only valour, but also good conduct, joined with it, instead of permitted his victorious troops in a broken and irregular manner to pursue the enemy, (which in cases I could mention, has proved fatal, where British valour, intoxicated with a momentary success, has lost sight of discipline, regularity and order; which neglect of regularity may in future wars, if not corrected, be more severely felt) halted, convinced of the advantage of the ground he had been attacked upon, he marched back and took possession of it again. Sumpter renewed the attack; he was again and again beat off, charged, and pursued, but with regularity. These operations of a gallant few, gave time for a few of the scattered troops to rally and join the legion, which the approach of the detachment under Captains [Charles] M'Donald and [Patrick] Stewart, &c. &c. as related by Colonel Tarleton, obliged General Sumpter to quit the field, and desist from any further attack on that post."

6 August. Gates wrote to Brig. Gen. William Harrington of the North Carolina militia on this date: "I am to desire that you will forthwith proceed to Peedee and take such a position for your Head Quarters as may be most convenient for the executing the Service you are intended by these Instructions to perform. That being done you will acquaint all the Colonels or Officers commanding Regiments of Militia that I have appointed you to be commanding General of the whole of the Militia upon both side of the River Peedee, from Cheraw District, to the District at the Mouth of the said River both inclusive. You will call out such Proportions of the said militia only as are necessary for immediate Service, not more than One half at a Time (but this is not to be understood to preclude you from accepting any Volunteers that may offer to serve). You have likewise in case of Vacancy from any cause full Power and Authority from me: to Grant Brevet Commission to any person capable of taking command of a Regimt of Militia: - to direct and in my Name authorize him in like manner to fill up vacant Commissions in His Corps. - When you have collected and organized a Body of Militia fit for a General Officers command, you will make your Returns and Report to me in writing, and I shall thereupon give Orders and Directions for the particular Service, which the Public Interest renders it necessary you should perform."

Harrington, with his North Carolina militia, had left Gates a few days before, and was probably at Cross Creek by this time. Yet as per Gates instructions he did move to the Cheraw District. Thereafter he operated primarily in upper Pee Dee and Cheraw areas, and for a period Marion looked to him as superior when not in direct consultation with Gates. Initially he kept headquarters near Cheraw, and later at Haley's Ferry and Cross Creek. He continued to command in this area until about mid-December. 1780, when he moved up river, and shortly thereafter commanded at Grassy Creek on the Roanoke River.

7 August. Gates' army united with the 2,100 N.C. militia under Caswell at "the Cross Roads, about fifteen miles east of the enemy's post, on Lynch's Creek."

8 August. [battle] Second Cedar Spring, also Wofford's Iron Works, Buffington, the Peach Orchard. (Spartanburg County S.C.) Col. Charles McDowell was camped at Cherokee Ford with not more than a thousand men (according to Draper), and had sent out an advance force of an estimated 600 mounted men under Colonel Isaac Shelby, Col. Elijah Clark, and Col. William Graham to keep watch on and check the foraging parties of Ferguson, who is thought to have had 400-600 according to one account, and 1,500-1,800 men according to Draper. On the evening of 7 August, Shelby, Clark and Graham, expecting a direct attack, retreated from their bivouac two miles west of Cedar Spring to an area near Wofford's Iron Works a few miles north, on Lawson's Fork of the Pacelot. On the morning of the 8th, Ferguson's advance guard of 114 dragoons and mounted loyalists under Maj. James Dunlop attacked, but, outnumbered was beaten back with some loss. When Ferguson's came up with the main force however, Clark, Shelby and Graham's men were forced to make a hasty retreat. Ferguson pursued them some four or five miles but after the backcountry men had posted themselves on some high ground called, he off his attack and withdrew. Much of the battle took on the form of a running engagement, and some versions speak of two separate but closely related skirmishes going on simultaneously. The number of men involved and of casualties in the battle is not clear, there being different versions of each coming from both sides. However, it would seem on the surface fair to say that Dunlop and Ferguson outnumbered Shelby, Clark and Graham, and the losses for both sides were about the same except that the Americans took more prisoners. It is not stated that Ferguson even took any. Draper presents and examines the various versions of the battle at considerable length in his Kings Mountain and Its Heroes. As with a number of facts about the battle, the given number of casualties differ. Shelby, cited in Draper, reported 20 British were taken including 2 officers. Ripley states the British lost 8 to 34 killed and wounded, and making reference to two separate reports says Shelby, Clark and Graham lost either 3 killed and 21 wounded, or else 21 killed to 50 wounded, preferring the lower figure. Allaire gives the loyalist losses as 20 to 30 killed, and 3 captured. The Rebel loss was not certain, but as many as 22 were wounded including, Col. Clark.

Allaire: “Tuesday, 8th. Learning that the Rebel wagons were three miles in front of us at Cedar Spring, Captain Dunlap, with fourteen mounted men, and a hundred and thirty militia, were dispatched to take the wagons. He met three Rebels coming to reconnoitre our camp; he pursued, took two of them-the other escaped, giving the Rebels the alarm. In pursuit of this man, Dunlap and his party rushed into the centre of the Rebel camp, where they lay in ambush, before he was aware of their presence. A skirmish ensued, in which Dunlap got slightly wounded, and had between twenty and thirty killed and wounded-Ensign McFarland and one private taken prisoners. The Rebel loss is uncertain. A Maj. Smith, Capt. Potts, and two privates, were left dead on the field. Col. Clark, Johnson and twenty privates were seen wounded. We pursued them five miles to the Iron Works, but were not able to overtake them, they being all mounted. We countermarched five miles to Cedar Spring, and halted to refresh during the heat of the day. At six in the evening, marched and took a height near the ground the Rebels left.”

Chesney: "On the 9th August I was appointed Capt. and assistant Adjutant General to the different battalions under Col. Ferguson; and same day we attacked the enemy at the Iron works and defeated them with little trouble to ourselves and a good deal of loss to the Americans, in whose hands I found some of our men prisoners, whom I released.”

Lossing: “While Ferguson was in Spartanburg District, on his way toward Gilbertown, a detachment of his little army had a severe skirmish with Colonel Clark and his men at Greene's Spring. Clark and his company, some two hundred in number, had stopped at the plantation of Captain Dillard, who was one of them, and, after partaking of refreshments, proceeded to Greene's Spring. The same evening Ferguson arrived at Dillard's, whose wife soon learned, from the conversation of some of his men, that they knew where Clark was encamped, and intended to surprise him that night. She hastily prepared supper for Ferguson and his men, and while they were eating she stole from the room, bridled a young horse, and, without a saddle, rode to the encampment of Clark, and warned him of impending danger. In an instant every man was at his post, prepared for the enemy. Very soon Colonel Dunlap, with two hundred picked mounted men, sent by Ferguson, fell upon the camp of Clark. Day had not yet dawned, and the enemy were greatly surprised and disconcerted when they found the Americans fully prepared to meet them. For fifteen minutes the conflict raged desperately in the gloom, when the Tories were repulsed with great slaughter, and the survivors hastened back to Ferguson's camp.”

[

8 August. Major James Wemyss left Georgetown with a mounted detachment of the 63rd Regt., and a number of sick and convalescents, and arrived at Sumter's plantation on the north side of the Santee at Nelson's ferry, on his way ultimately to Camden. He was careful to avoid encountering Maj. John James (with some 500) rebel militia in the area. Wemyss remained at Sumter’s for a few days, writing Cornwallis on the 11th: "The [loyalist] militia from St. James and St. Johns who were with Col. Tarleton returned yesterday and found everything quiet on the road to Camden."

9 August. Rawdon's advanced to a position on the west branch of Big Lynches Creek, fourteen miles from Camden. With him were the 23rd Regt., the 33rd Regt., the 1st Battalion of the 71st Regt., the Volunteers of Ireland, the Royal North Carolina Regiment, 40 dragoons of the legion and 4 pieces of cannon. A hospital, the baggage, and stores, were left under a weak guard at Camden. At the same time, Rawdon ordered Cruger at Ninety-Six to send him the four companies of light Infantry under Capt. Charles Campbell. Carden and the Hanging Rock garrison evacuated that post and returned to Camden. The British Legion infantry under Capt. Patrick Stewart, and a detachment of the King’s Carolina Rangers which had been posted at Rugeley’s were ordered to Lynches creek. A guide led Stewart to the outpost of Gates' army where he learned his mistake in just the nick of time. Armand's cavalry and Porterfield pursued Stewart till he reached Rawdon at Lynches. Turnbull and the force at Rocky Mount made up of the New York Volunteers were also subsequently removed to Camden.

Stedman: “In order to stop their progress, lord Rawdon moved forward, with the force under his command at Camden, and took a strong position about fourteen miles in front of it, upon the west branch of Lynche's Creek. General Gates advanced on the opposite side; and the two armies continued for several days opposed to each other, with the creek only intervening between their advanced parties. While the opposite armies lay in this situation, orders were sent to lieutenant-colonel Cruger to forward with all haste to Camden the four companies of light-infantry stationed at Ninety-six; and intelligence being received of a movement made by the Americans towards their right, orders were sent to the British officer commanding at Rugeley's Mills, to evacuate his post, which was exposed on account of its advanced situation, and, after sending part of his detachment to join the army, to retire with the rest of Camden. By the evacuation of the post at Rugeley's Mills the road leading from Waxhaws to Camden was left unguarded; and lord Rawdon, fearing that general Gates might attempt to pass him by this road, and get into his rear, found it necessary to fall back from Lynche's Creek, nearer to Camden, and took a new position at Logtown. By this time almost all the inhabitants between Black River and Pedee had openly revolted and joined the Americans; and, in other quarters, they seemed disposed to follow the example, whenever it could be done with security.”

10 August. Tarleton this while had been suffering from a fever. Having recovered, he collected all the dragoons he could find in Charles town and headed north to join Rawdon. Maj. Hanger, who had lately been appointed to the British Legion cavalry, was with him. With 30 dragoons and 40 mounted militia assembled, he crossed Lenuds Ferry on August 6th. Along the way Tarleton deceived some Whig militia under Bradley near the Black river into thinking he was a rebel, very much like what Lee would later do to Pyle. He took them as prisoners to Camden. He found the Legion cavalry at Camden nearly destroyed by constant patrols and detachments. He gathered all of them he could at Camden as were fit for duty, then reinforced Rawdon on 10 August at Lynches Creek (also spoken of as Lynches River.) Bass records that Tarleton passed through the area rather quickly to avoid ambush by the local whig militia, and makes no reference to Bradley’s capture. It should be noted, however, that British never used the Kingstree as a means of connecting with Camden unless the moving force of theirs in question was specifically designated for action in the area.

10 August. On the evening of the 10th, Cornwallis left Charleston to take command of the army in the field at Camden.

10 August. Allaire: “Thursday, 10th. Sent the wounded to Musgrove's Mills, Enoree river, to be attended by Dr. Ross. We marched about seven miles to Culbertson's plantation, on Fair Forest. Express arrived from Col. [George] Turnbull [of the New York Volunteers] at Rocky Mount, with orders to join him…”

11 August. On the approach of Gates, Rawdon left his position on Little Lynch's Creek and moved speedily toward Camden.

11 August. Allaire: “Friday 11th. [Ferguson’s corps with some loyalist militia] Got in motion at six o'clock in the morning. Marched ten miles to Maj. [Zecharias] Gibbs' plantation; lay all night.”

12 August. Cornwallis stopped at Nelson’s Ferry, on his way to Camden, and met with Maj. Wemyss there, whose "small" detachment of the 63rd Regiment then followed Cornwallis to Camden.

12 August. Turnbull received orders to remove the New York Volunteers and garrison at Rocky Mount to Camden, which he subsequently did.

Allaire, entry for 15 August: “Col. Turnbull had orders the twelfth to retreat from Rocky Mount, and act as he saw proper-to get to Camden if he could. Sumter appeared with cannon at Rocky Mount, about twelve hours after Col. Turnbull left it, in order to make a second trial for the post. He found not so harsh a reception as his first attempt."

12 August. Allaire: “Saturday, 12th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning, and marched seven miles to a Rebel Capt. Stripling's plantation. He has taken protection, and as yet has not broken his promise. A Maj. [James} Rutherford (Brig. Gen. Rutherford’s son) came with a flag; in consequence of his coming in our rear, without giving signal by drum or trumpet, was detained all night, and threatened with imprisonment. “

Chesney: "Our next route [August 12] was down towards the Fish Dam Ford on Broad River, where there was a fight near the mouth of Brown's Creek with Neale's Militia where we, made many prisoners amongst the rest Esaw Smith; who had taken me so recently; after this we crossed that River and formed a junction with the troops under the command of Col. Turnbull and the Militia under Col. Phillips and having received authentic accounts that Sumter had cut off our retreat to Lord Cornwallis's Army at Camden, we had it in contemplation to cross Broad River and retreat to Charles Town. At this time the halfway men (as those not hearty in the cause were called) left us; we then marched to the Rebel Col. Winns and encamped there waiting for more authentic accounts."

13 August. Allaire: “Sunday, 13th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the morning, and marched nine miles to Tinker creek. At seven in the evening got in motion and marched five miles to Smith's Mills, on Swift's creek. Here we lay all night.”

13 August. Cornwallis arrived and took command of the British army at Camden. The same day four light Infantry companies arrived from Ninety-Six. Upon application of Tarleton, Cornwallis assembled all horses in army, and selected the best for the cavalry, British legion.

13 August. Key Loyalist leaders of the upcountry or their representatives convened at Fair Forest Shoal in Brandon's settlement. Most the leaders themselves were actually away, but those present or represented included: of North Carolina, Col. Ambrose Mills; and of South Carolina: Col. Robert Cunningham, Maj. Zacharias Gibbs, Col. Moses Kirkland, Col. Daniel Clary, Col. Richard King, Col. Daniel Plummer, Lieut. Col. John Phillips. It was agreed that loyalists who joined the rebel cause were to be seen as worse than rebels, and would be subject to the most severe punishments.

13 August. Gates marched his army to Rugeley's Mill (or Clermont, the name of Rugeley’s estate), where 700 Virginia militia under Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens arrived also. When Sumter learned Gates was at Rugeley’s he moved from Land’s Ford on the Catawba. By this time Col.. Charles Myddleton from the lower Congaree, and Col. Thomas Taylor with militia from Congarees had joined forces with him. Also Col. Henry Hampton was on the march from Broad River with his riflemen. Sumter suggested to Gates an attack against Wateree or Camden ferry, to which the latter concurred. Gates then sent him 100 Maryland Continentals, 300 North Carolina militia and 2 cannon, under Col. Thomas Woolford, to assist Sumter’s operations and, if possible, to acquire provisions for the army.

14 August. A considerable convoy of British wagons from Ninety-Six advanced on the route from McCord’s Ferry on the Congaree River to Camden. McCord’s Ferry was located on the Congaree River, just northwest of Thompson’s Plantation and Belleville.

14 August. Sumter received reinforcements, under Lieut. Col. Thomas Woolford, which Gates had dispatched on August 13th.

15 August. Allaire: "Tuesday, 15th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning. Marched two miles to Lisle's Ford; forded Broad river-proceeded seven miles to a Mr. Coleman's in Mobley's settlement; halted during the heat of the day. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the evening; marched two miles to the camp of the New York Volunteers, where we got intelligence that Gen. Gates lay within three miles of Camden, with an army of seven thousand men…”

15 August. [skirmish] Cary's Fort, also Carey’s Fort. (Kershaw County, S.C.) Sumter with 700 SC militia (probably some NC militia included in this total as well), Sumter with 300 to 400 of his men, and Col Thomas Woolford detachment of 100 Maryland Continentals, 300 North Carolina militia and 2 brass three pounders surprised and captured a redoubt, Ft. Cary, on the west bank of the Wateree Ferry, commanded by Col. James Cary, a South Carolina loyalist. In the same operation, Col. Thomas Taylor attacked and captured a convoy containing arms, clothing, corn, rum and other stores, a number of sick, on its way to the redoubt from Ninety-Six, which were being escorted by about 50 light infantry, many of whom themselves were invalids. Seven loyalists were killed, and all together Sumter and his men took 70 British soldiers, 150 loyalists, some horses, 44 wagons loaded with supplies, a drove of three hundred cattle and a flock of sheep. They then made a hasty retreat up the west side of the Wateree River. Bass states that Taylor both surprised the fort and captured the convoy.

From the Wateree Ferry on the same day, Sumter wrote Gates: “I have just time to inform you, that early this morning I took possession of all the passways over the Wateree river, from Elkins' ford to Mr. Whitear's ferry, five miles below Camden. The enemy had guards at many different places upon the river, all of which were evacuated last night or this morning, and the guards ordered into Camden, except those at Wateree ferry, which was continued on both sides of the river, of which the guard upon the west side was surprised by a party of my men, who killed seven, and took about thirty prisoners, among which was Colonel [James] Cary, the commander, together with thirty-eight waggons, loaded with corn, rum, &c. also a number of horses: The boats are all upon the opposite side of the river; the ground upon this side is very bad; the enemy keep up a constant fire, but I have received no damage yet. I intend to keep possession if I can, until I am honoured with your excellency's farther command. I should not have been so precipitate in my movements, but foresaw the excessive disadvantage that would result from their having the communication open, whereby they were constantly receiving both men and provisions.…..P.S. I have the pleasure to inform your excellency, that I have this instant made about seventy prisoners, all British, six waggons, baggage, &c. just from Ninety-Six; many of the prisoners are sick.”

15 August. Gates gave orders to have the sick, extra artillery, heavy baggage and such quarter-masters stores not immediately wanted sent, under guard, to Waxhaws. In the evening he left Rugeley’s and advanced toward Camden, not aware that Cornwallis was immediately advancing toward him.

15-16 August. [skirmish] Saunder’s Creek, also Gum Swamp (Kershaw County, S.C.) At 10 pm, Cornwallis marched out of Camden on the road toward Rugeley's with the 23rd Regt., the 33rd Regt., the 71st Regt., the Light infantry, the Volunteers of Ireland, the Royal North Carolina Regt., the British Legion, the North Carolina Volunteers (i.e. Bryan’s refugees), 6 field pieces (4 pieces of cannon went with main body, two in reserve) and some pioneers. A few supply wagons followed behind, guarded by the Legion dragoons. The coolness of the night made marching at such a late hour preferable to marching in the warm day. Left in charge at Camden was Maj. Archibald McArthur, who had with him a small body of provincials, including the remnants of the Prince of Wales Volunteers, some loyalist militia, and a number of convalescents and sufferers of malaria from the regular army, including many from the 71st Regt. According to Stedman the number of sick in Camden had numbered 800, which one infers was roughly about how large McArthur’s garrison force was. A part of the 63rd Regt., under Maj. James Wemyss, which had been supplied with horses at Charleston had also been sent thither to reinforce the garrison. Although the harvest was nearly over, the magazines at Camden were not ready, Cornwallis therefore was in no position to hold out against a possible siege, hence the need to take action. About 2 am, some seven miles from Camden, his forward troops, under Webster, and Gates’ advanced guard, to their mutual surprise, stumbled into each other near Saunders Creek. After some brief fighting, Gates’ advance troops withdrew, and the two armies then made preparations for battle on the morrow.

Cornwallis to German, 21 August 1780: “I had now my option to make, either to retire or attempt the enemy; for the position at Camden was a bad one to be attacked in, and by General Sumpter's advancing down the Wateree, my supplies must have failed me in a few days.”

Lee "[Cornwallis] found his army very much enfeebled; eight hundred being sick, his effective strength was reduced to somewhat less than two thousand three hundred men, including militia and Bryan's corps, which together amounted to seven hundred and fifty men."

Tarleton: “[Webster] composed his advance guard of twenty legion cavalry, and as many mounted infantry, supported by four companies of light infantry, and followed by the 23d and 33d regiments of foot.”

Stedman: “Cornwallis began his march towards Rugeley's Mills, at ten in the evening of the fifteenth of August, committing the defence of Camden to major McArthur, with some provincials, militia, convalescents of the army, and a detachment of the sixty-third regiment, which was expected to arrive during the night. The army marched in the following order: The front division, commanded by lieutenant-colonel Webster, consisted of four companies of light-infantry, and the twenty-third and thirty-third regiments, preceded by twenty cavalry, and as many mounted infantry of the legion, as an advanced guard. The center division consisted of the volunteers of Ireland, the legion infantry, Hamilton's North Carolina regiment, and colonel Bryan's refugees, under the command of lord Rawdon. And the two battalions of the seventy first regiment followed as a reserve; the dragoons of the legion forming the rear-guard. It is not a little singular that the same night, nearly about the same time, and with a similar intention, general Gates should have left his encampment at Rugeley's Mills, and moved forward towards Camden. Both armies marching on the same road, in opposite directions, their advanced guards met and fired upon each other about two in the morning. Some prisoners were made on both sides; and from these the respective commanders became acquainted with the movements of the other: Both armies halted and were formed; and the firing soon afterwards ceased as if by mutual consent.”

John Robert Shaw: “Having received intelligence that general Gates had encamped in a bad situation, Lord Cornwallis mustered his troops and harangued them in words nearly to this effect. ‘Now my brave soldiers, now an opportunity is offered for displaying your valor, and sustaining the glory of British arms; -- all you who are willing to face your enemies; -- all you who are ambitious of military fame stand forward; for there are eight or ten to one coming against [us]; let the men who cannot bear the smell of gunpowder stand back and all you who are determined to conquer or die turn out.’ Accordingly we all turned out except a few who were left to guard the sick and military stores. We marched out of Camden about 10 o’clock at night, August 15, 1780; it being the intention of our general to surprise the enemy in his quarters at Ruggles[Rugeley’s]. But in this we were disappointed, for Gen. Gates had set out about the same hour, in hopes to surprise us at Camden. We came up with their advanced party about seven miles from Camden, when the light troops and guards advanced on each side necessarily engaged each other in the dark. In this blind encounter, the American cavalry being driven back in the van, occasioned some disorder in their ranks; and having thus repelled them, we were eager for a general engagement; but Lord Cornwallis finding the enemy were on bad ground, was unwilling to hazard in the dark the advantages which their situation would afford him in the light.”

16 August. [battle] CAMDEN, also Gates’ Defeat, Pine Tree (Kershaw County, S.C.) Sometime after dawn, Cornwallis advanced to attack Gates’ army. Although the Americans outnumbered the British at least two to one, most of Gates’ troops were poorly equipped and poorly organized militia, many of whom were sickly from having recently been living off a diet of green corn, green peaches, and molasses. As American skirmishers moved forward, Webster advanced to attack. In a mere matter of minutes, Cornwallis managed to effectively route Gates’ entire left flank, the vast bulk of which was formed from these troops. The Delaware and Maryland Continentals under de Kalb on the American right, not quite aware of the disaster of their left put up a courageous fight, at one point even driving back the troops under Rawdon immediately in front of them. However, it was just a matter of time before they were flanked by the light infantry and 23rd Regiment, and then attacked in the flank by a detachment of the British Legion cavalry under Hanger, while Tarleton with rest of the Legion cavalry, “completed their confusion.” What Delaware and Maryland troops who were not killed, seriously wounded or taken prisoner retreated toward Rugeley’s. De Kalb who throughout the action bravely led these Continentals personally suffered eleven bullet, sword, and bayonet wounds, and died a few days later. When the militia had fled, Gates had tried a few times to rally them but without success. He then abandoned the field himself, before the battle had quite ended, and made toward Charlotte. Cornwallis, for his part, in defeating Gates had achieved one of the most remarkable and important British victories of the entire war. The victory embolden the loyalists, particularly those in the area of Lynches and Drowning Creek. It also had its dark side. After the battle, says Ramsay, "(Cornwallis) ordered in the most positive manner 'that every militia man, who had borne arms with the British, and afterwards joined the Americans, should be put to death.' At Augusta, at Camden and elsewhere several of the inhabitants were hanged in consequence of these orders." Williams says these executions were done without trial. How many actually lost their lives in this way is difficult to ascertain. On the evening following the battle of Camden, Cornwallis ordered Turnbull, with the New York Volunteers and Ferguson's corps, who were at Little River, to move instantly and go after Sumter. These latter orders, however, were shortly after countermanded, as Tarleton who was sent on the same mission the next morning, actually did catch up with Sumter within a couple days.

BRITISH FORCES AT CAMDEN

Key: Rank and file/Officers, NCOs, supernumeraries, musicians total. Otherwise troop strength given is Rank and File total.

Lt. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis

Webster’s Division

23d regiment: 261/292, Lieut. Col. James Webster

33d regiment: 209/238, “ “ “ “

Light infantry companies: 129/148, Capt. Charles Campbell

Reserve

71st Regt., Lieut. Col. Alexander McDonald

1st battalion, 71st Regt.: 114/144, Lieut. Archibald Campbell

2d battalion, 71st Regt.: 94/110

Rawdon’s Division

Royal North Carolina regiment: 233/267, Lieut. Col. John Hamilton

Volunteers of Ireland: 253/303, Col. Lord Francis Rawdon

North Carolina Volunteers [militia]: 300/322, Lieut. Col. Samuel Bryan

British Legion: 157/180 cavalry, 106/126 infantry, Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton

The British Legion infantry, under Capt. Patrick Stewart, formed part of Rawdon’s Division, while the cavalry under Tarleton was deployed near the Reserve with discretion to act as opportunity arose.

Royal artillery: 15/19, Lieut. John McLeod

Additional men from the line regiments: 128 (matrosses)

4 six-pounders, 2 three-pounders

Pioneers. 23/28, Lieut. Henry Haldane

Cornwallis’ strength, from “Return of Troops under the command of Lieutenant-General Earl Cornwallis”:

1 colonel, 4 lieutenant colonels, 3 mjors,31 captains, 46 lieutenants, 23 ensigns, 6 adjutants, 2 quarter masters, 3 surgeons, 3 mates, 133 serjeants, 40 drummers, 1944 rank and file.

Total minus surgeons, quarter masters and [surgeon’s] mates: 2,231.

AMERICAN FORCES AT CAMDEN

Major General Horatio Gates

Major General Johannes de Kalb, second in command

CONTINENTAL AND STATE TROOPS

Brig. Gen. William Smallwood

1st Maryland Brigade (Consisting of the 1st, 3rd, 5th and 7th Maryland Regiments)

1st Maryland Regt., Lieut. Col. Peter Adams

3rd Maryland Regt., Lieut. Col. Nathaniel Ramsey

5th Maryland Regt., possibly Lieut. Col. Benjamin Ford

7th Maryland Regt., Col. John Gunby

Total for the 1st Maryland Brigade: 300-400 Rank and File

Brig. Gen. Mordacai Gist

2nd Maryland Brigade (Consisting of the Delaware Regt. and he 2nd, 4th and 6th Maryland Regiments)

Delaware Regt., Lieut. Col. David (Joseph) Vaughan

2nd Maryland Regt, Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard

4th Maryland Regt., Lieut. Col. Thomas Woolford

6th Maryland Regt.

Total for the 2nd Maryland: 300-400 Rank and File

TOTAL for the combined 1st and 2nd Maryland Brigade: 1,052/781

Armand’s Legion: 60 cavalry, 60 infantry, Col. Charles Armand

1st Continental Artillery [Virginia]: 100, Col. Charles Harrison, Capt. Anthony Singleton

7 six-pounders.

Virginia State Troops [acting as light infantry]: 100, Lieut. Col. Charles Porterfield

MILITIA

North Carolina Militia

Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell

Butler’s Brigade: 600, Brig. Gen. John Butler

Gregory’s Brigade: 600, Brig. Gen. Isaac Gregory

Rutherford’s Brigade: 600, Brig. Gen. Griffith Rutherford

These included men from the following North Carolina counties: Franklin, Halifax, Chatham, Lincoln, Cabarrus, Anson, Rowan, Wilkes, Cumberland, Bute, Craven, Surry, Guilford, Caswell, Wake, Orange, Mecklenburg, Northhampton, Jones.

Virginia Militia Brigade: 700, Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens

These included men from the following Virginia counties: Bedford, Amherst, Dinwiddie, James City County, Louisa, Amelia, Spotsylvania, Henry, Pittsylvania, Charlotte, Lunenberg, Goochland, Chesterfield, Caroline, Northumberland, Montgomery, Culpepper.

One troop of South Carolina volunteer mounted infantry: 70, Maj. Thomas Pinckney

TOTAL AMERICAN STRENGTH: 4,100/3,052

CASULATIES AND CAPTURES

BRITISH

“Return of the killed, wounded, and missing, of the troops under the command of Lieutenant-general Earl Cornwallis, in the battle fought near Camden, South Carolina, on the 16th of August, 1780.

Total. 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 2 serjeants, 64 rank and file, killed; 2 lieutenant colonels, 3 captains, 8 lieutenants, 5 ensigns, 13 serjeants, 1 drummer, 213 rank and file, wounded; 2 serjeants, 9 rank and file, missing.”

Total British Casualties: 324 (68 killed, 245 wounded, 11 missing.)

AMERICAN

Tarleton: Americans lost 2,070 men (70 officers and 2,000 rank and file.)

Stedman: “Between eight and nine hundred of the enemy were killed in the action, and in the pursuit, and about one thousand made prisoners, many of whom were wounded.”

Otho Williams gives the combined losses for the Continentals of killed, wounded, and missing, in both Camden and Fishing Creek, as 872, or 711 Rank and File.

American losses as given by Rankin: 800-900 killed, 1,000 prisoners, of these were 162 Continentals killed, 12 South Carolina militia killed, 3 Virginia militia killed, 63 North Carolina militia killed.

Ramsay: “Two hundred and ninety American wounded prisoners were carried into Camden, after this action, of this number 206 were continentals, 82, were North Carolina militia, and 2 were Virginia militia.”

Lossing: The exact loss sustained by the Americans in the engagement on the sixteenth, and Sumter's surprise on the eighteenth, was never ascertained. The estimated loss was as follows: exclusive of De Kalb and General Rutherford, four lieutenant colonels, three majors, fourteen captains, four captain lieutenants, sixteen lieutenants, three ensigns, four staff, seventy-eight subalterns, and six hundred and four rank and file. They also lost eight field-pieces, and other artillery, more than two hundred baggage wagons, and the greater part of their baggage. That of Gates and De Kalb, with all their papers, was saved. The loss of the British was severe. Gates estimated that more than five hundred of the enemy were killed and wounded; Stedman says the British loss was three hundred less than the Americans. A great many of the fugitive militia were murdered in their flight. Armed parties of Tories, alarmed at the presence of the Americans, were marching to join Gates. When they heard of his defeat, they inhumanly pursued the flying Americans, and butchered a large number in the swamps and pine barrens.”

Ward: The Continentals lost 650 killed wounded or captured; the North Carolina militia 100 killed and wounded, 300 captured; 3 Virginia militia wounded.

American officer casualties of note:

Maj. Gen. de Kalb mortally wounded.

Brig. Gen. Griffith Rutherford wounded and taken prisoner.

Brig. Gen. Isaac Gregory wounded twice, taken prisoner.

Lieut. Col. Charles Porterfield killed.

American cannons, muskets, wagons and stores captured:

“Return of ordnance and military stores taken by the army under the command of Lieutenant-general Earl Cornwallis, at the battle fought near Camden, the 16th of August, 1780”:

Brass guns: Six pounders, 4; three pounders, 2; two pounders, 2. Total, 8.

Iron guns: Three pounder, 1; two pounder, 1; swivels, 3; Total, 5.

Ammunition wagons covered 22, 2 traveling forges, fixed ammunition for six pounders, 160, same for three pounders, 520, stands of arms, 2000, musket cartridges, 80,000.

Tarleton summarizes the captures as 20 ammunition wagons, 150 carriages containing baggage, stores, camp equipage.

Davie: "General Gates had joined the army but a few days which time was employed in continual marches, he was entirely unacquainted with the character of the officers or the merits of the different corps which composed his army, and was ignorant of their numbers, having never received a return untill after the orders of the 15th were issued, the regular troops wanted rest and refreshment, the whole of the militia wanted arrangement and the ordinary preparation for a battle was intirely neglected among them, in Rutherfords Brigade there was scarce a cartridge made up, and their arms were generally in bad order; the consequence of continual marching & exposure. A man must have had more than ordinary good fortune to avoid a defeat under so many unfortunate circumstances."

Allaire: "Saturday, 19th. Lay at Winn's plantation. An express arrived from Camden with the agreeable news of Lord Cornwallis' attacking and totally defeating Gates' army on the morning of the 16th; twelve hundred were killed and wounded, left on the field; and one thousand prisoners, eight brass field pieces taken, being all the Rebels had in the field, several stand of colors, all their ammunition wagons, a hundred and fifty wagons of baggage, provisions, and stores of different kinds. All this with the trifling loss on our side of not more than ten officers killed and wounded, and two or three hundred non-commissioned officers and privates…”

Otho Williams: “…Every corps was broken and dispersed; even the boggs and brush, which in some measure served to screen them from their furious pursuers, separated them from one another. Major Anderson was the only officer who fortunately rallied, as he retreated, a few men of different companies, and whose prudence and firmness afforded protection to those who joined his party on the rout. Colonel Gunby, Lieutenant Colonel Howard, Captain Kirkwood, and Captain Dobson, with a few other officers, and fifty or sixty men, formed a junction on the rout, and proceeded together. The general order for moving off the heavy baggage, &c., to Waxaws was not put in execution, as directed to be done on the preceding evening. The whole of it, consequently, fell into the hands of the enemy, as well as all that which followed the army except the waggons of the Generals Gates and De Kalb; which, being furnished with the stoutest horses, fortunately escaped under the protection of a small quarter guard. Other waggons also had got out of danger from the enemy; but the cries of the women and the wounded in the rear and the consternation of the flying troops so alarmed some of the waggoners that they cut out their teams and, taking each a horse, left the rest for the next that should come. Others were obliged to give up their horses to assist in carrying off the wounded, and the whole road, for many miles, was strewed with signals of distress, confusion and dismay…”

Lee: "Major Davie hastened to the general rendezvous at Rugeley's mill. On the fifteenth, arriving after Gates had moved, he followed the army; and marching all night, met the first part of our troops about four miles from the field of battle...he continued to advance..[and learning of Gates’ defeat]...instantly dispatched Captain Martin, attended by two dragoons, to inform Sumter of this afflicting event; to urge him to take care of his corps by immediate retreat, and to request him to repair to Charlotte, whither himself meant to proceed, and assemble...On the night following, Captain Martin reached Sumter who immediately decamped with his prisoners and booty."

Stedman: “They [the militia] ran at first like a torrent, and afterwards spread through the woods in every direction. Lord Rawdon began the action on the left with no less vigour and spirit than Webster had done on the right; but here, and in the center, against part of Webster's division, the contest was more obstinately maintained by the Americans, whole artillery did considerable execution. Their left flank was, however, exposed by the flight of the militia; and the light-infantry and twenty-third regiment, who had been opposed to the fugitives, instead of pursuing them, wheeled to the left and came upon the flank of the continentals, who, after a brave resistance for near three quarters of an hour, were thrown into total confusion, and forced to give way in all quarters. Their rout was completed by the cavalry, who continued the pursuit to Hanging Rock, twenty-two miles from the field of action…

[After the battle] Instant death was again denounced against those who, having taken protections from the British government, should afterwards join the enemy; and , to impress them with an idea that this punishment would be hereafter rigorously inflicted, some few of the most hardened of the militia, who had been taken in general Gates's army with arms in their hands, and protections in their pockets, were actually executed. But perfidy, it seems, was not confined to the lower ranks of men: By letters found upon some of the officers of general Gates's army, it was discovered that even persons of superior rank, prisoners upon parole in Charlestown, had held an improper correspondence with their friends in the country. In consequence of this discovery, those persons, and some others, against whom there were strong circumstances of suspicion, were at first put on board the prison-ships, and afterwards sent to St. Augustine, in East Florida, where paroles were again allowed to them but under such restrictions as their recent conduct rendered necessary.”

16 August. After the action near Wofford's Iron Works, Col. Charles McDowell moved his camp from Cherokee Ford on the Broad River to Smith's Ford downriver. On the 16th, Col. James Williams, with a South Carolina militia force with units Col. Thomas Brandon, Col. James Steen, and Major Joseph McJunkin, joined McDowell's force at Smith's Ford. About that same time the term of expiration for Shelby's men was nearing, and it was decided to attack the 200 loyalists reported at Musgrove's Mill on the Enoree River, some forty miles from Smith's Ford. Shelby and Clark were chosen as leaders of a force, which included Williams and his men; some North Carolina militia under Major Joseph McDowell; Clark's Georgians and South Carolinians under Captain James McCall and Capt. Samuel Hammond; and, of course, those under Shelby. Draper speaks of Clark and Shelby as the force's main commanders, however, showing often as Draper does in his work a certain antipathy towards Williams it is very possible that Williams, ostensibly the highest ranking South Carolina leader in the fight, had equal if not greater commanded status in the expedition as Clark and Shelby.

Mid to late August. Following Camden, Col. John Fisher, commanding the Orangeburg militia, established the small fort at Orangeburg shortly after Camden.

17 August. Sumter made camp at Rocky Mount on his way north. Early in the morning this same day, Tarleton left Cornwallis to go in pursuit of him with 350 British Legion and one artillery piece. Along the way he picked up 20 Continental stragglers left over from Camden. His scouts soon learned of Sumter’s location, and he then crossed to the west side of the Wateree with his me, while swimming his horses, at a ferry facing Rocky Mount. “After the passage was effected,” says Tarleton, “a patrole of legion dragoons was directed to proceed a few miles to the westward, to inquire after Turnbull and Ferguson; but no intelligence was obtained.” He continued pushing north. By the afternoon, however, Tarleton's men were sorely fatigued by the long march and sweltering heat. So by mid-day he took with him 100 dragoons and 60 mounted Legion infantry to push ahead, leaving the remainder of his force to follow up as they could. For his part, Sumter reached Fishing Creek on the morning of the 18th, and feeling himself safe, camped there.

17 August. Based on his credentials as a Continental officer of the 2nd South Carolina Regiment, rather than any formal, state authority, Col. Francis Marion took command of Williamsburg militia, under Maj. John James, at Witherspoon’s Ferry. At the same time, Marion directed Peter Horry to take command of the militia on the lower Santee, already under Captains Bonneau, Mitchell, and Benson, with orders to destroy all boats from lower ferry on the Santee to Lenud’s Ferry, and to prevent anyone crossing the river in that region.

17 August. After Camden, principal part of British army fell back to Camden. Cornwallis with the light Infantry, the Legion infantry and the 23rd Regt. moved forward toward Rugeley's.

Clinton: "(Cornwallis, after Camden,) immediately dispatched messengers into North Carolina with directions to the King's friends to take arms, and promised that he would march thither without loss of time to their support, his intention being, as he tells me in his letter of 23d of August, to endeavor to get as soon as possible to Hillsboro, and there assemble and try to arrange the friends who were inclined to arm in our favor, and so form a very large magazine for the winter of flour and meal from the country, and of rum, salt, etcs., from Cross Creek - in short to engage in solid operations in North Carolina in support of them."

Cornwallis to German, 21 August 1780: “On the morning of the 17th, I dispatched proper people into North Carolina, with directions to our friends there to take arms and assemble immediately, and to seize the most violent people, and all military stores and magazines belonging to the rebels, and to intercept all stragglers from the routed army; and I have promised to march without loss of time to their support. Some necessary supplies for the army are now on their way from Charles town, and I hope that their arrival will enable me to move in a few days.”

17 August. In the aftermath of Camden, at least 100 Continentals had been collected at Charlotte by, not counting Armand's Legion which had lost few men. There was a small amount of provisions in the town, which, with the aid of Charlotte inhabitants, made it possible to refresh the men. Many Catawba Indians, who were allied with the Americans, both against the British and the Cherokees, followed the army to Charlotte.

Williams: “General Gates and Caswell arrived at Charlotte on the night of the action. The ensuing morning presented nothing to them but and open village, with but few inhabitants, and the remains of a temporary hospital, containing a few maimed soldiers of Colonel Buford's unfortunate corps, which had been cut to pieces on the retreat, after the surrender of Charleston.

General Caswell was requested to remain there, to encourage the militia of the country, who were to rendezvous there in three days, (as it was first intended) to countenance the reassembling of the American army. General Gates perceived no effectual succour short of Hillsborough, where the general assembly of North Carolina were about to convene; thither he repaired, with all possible expedition; and was followed the next day by General Caswell, who despaired of the meeting of the militia; probably because he thought that their first object, the army, was annihilated.

On the two days succeeding the fatal action, Brigadier General Gist, who commanded the second brigade of Maryland troops, previous to its misfortune at Charlotte, arrived with only two or three attendants, who had fallen into his route. Several field officers, and many officers of the line also, arrived similarly circumstanced; and, although not more than about a dozen men of different corps arrived in irregular squads, from time to time, not less than one hundred infantry were collected in the village within that time; besides Armand's cavalry, which was very little reduced; and a small corps of mounted militia, which retired from the Waxsaw settlement, under the command of Major Davy [Davie], an enterprising and gallant young man, who had been raising volunteer cavalry, to join the army.

Very few of the fugitive militia resorted to this place.

Fortunately, there was small supply of provision in the town - the inhabitants did all they could to refresh both men and officers -- and, by the provident care of Colonel Hall, of Maryland, a quantity of flour was sent back on the route of the retreating troops.”

Gov. Abner Nash of North Carolina wrote to the state’s delegates, on 23 August 1780: "General Stevens writes to General Gates, that he has collected between seven and eight hundred of Virginia militia and state troops. General Caswell made a stand at Charlotte near the boundary line, and called in upwards of 1000 fresh men. These he added to Col. Sumpter's party of about seven hundred (i.e. 700 as numbered prior to Fishing Creek), and gave him command of the whole."

Davie: "You will observe in a latter from Govr Nash to the North Carolina Delegates dated 23d of Aug. 80. He says that 'General [Richard] Caswell made a stand at Charlotte and called in upwards of a thousand fresh men that he added these to Sumpters party of about seven hundred and gave him command of the whole while he (Caswell) came on to the Assembly.' This you know is a damnable lie, Caswell did not stay to collect one man-and followed Genl Gates before Gist, Smallwood and the other officers abandoned the Town...Genl Gates in his letter of the 30th repeats this falsehood."

17 August. Sumter camped at Rocky Mount on his march north.

17-18 August. A number of pension statements and declarations refer to North Carolina militia units on their way to join Gates’ army, but after hearing of Camden, either remained in North Carolina, or else retreated there.

Jacob Little of Pitt County, N.C.: "I volunteered as a private in the Militiea on the 10 August 1780 -- for three months in the County of Pitt, State of North Carolina under Capt. John Hodges and was marched to join the main army to go against Lord Cornwallis but Gen'l Gates defea[t] [text missing]Camp[text missing]So. Carolina disappointed us - we joined col. Seawell's Regiment at Ramseys Mill on Deep River…all marched to the Yadkin (line missing) very troublesome to our Army We suffer [for want] of provisions…”

Jesse Harrison of Halifax County, N.C.: “(J)oined a volunteer company under Lockheart who went to the assistance of the army under General Gates a short time before the battle of Camden, was after the dispursion (sic) of Gates army regularly discharged from service in Halifax County, North Carolina…”

William Rose of Granville County, N.C.:“(W)e staid here some little time -- thence we marched to Salisbery [Salisbury] -- thence down to Pedee River, thence on the road to join General Gates we were joined by General John Butler then in about 7 miles of Camden we heard of the defeat of General Gates at that place and we retreated back to Hillsborough -- then we staid a short time -- and in Sept 1780 and as well as I remember we marched in the direction of Wilmington.”

18 August. Having gathered additional men, Marion moved with his force to Lenud's ferry to assist Horry in destroying boats.

18 August (also given as 19 August). [battle] MUSGROVE’S MILL (Union and Laurens County border, S.C.) On 17 August, Col. Elijah Clark, Col. Isaac Shelby and Col. James Williams with 200 mounted men (from Georgia, the over-mountain settlements, and South Carolina respectively) rode from Col. Charles McDowell’s camp on Smith's Ford to attack loyalists at Musgrove's Mill. On the morning of the 18th, some of Clark's, Shelby's, and Williams' men skirmished with an outlying party of the loyalists at Musgrove's Mill, in which both sides lost sides suffered some wounded, and the loyalist one killed. The firing alerted Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes and Major Thomas Fraser who were staying in the Musgrove's residence nearby. A council was held, and rather than wait for a patrol of 100 mounted who had gone out a short while earlier, it was decided to attack the rebels immediately, who meanwhile had moved to a wooded ridge about a half mile from the mill. For to the back-countrymen's surprise, the loyalist had the previous night been reinforced from Ninety-Six with 200 Provincials under Lieut. Col. Alexander Innes, and another 100 loyalists recruits for Ferguson. Innes reinforcement included a detachment of New Jersey Volunteers under Captain Peter Campbell, a company from 1st Bttn. Delancey, under Captain James Kerr, plus 100 mounted men of Innes’ own South Carolina Royalists. Some accounts speak of some New York Volunteers also being present, but this seems unlikely. The original garrison there was under the command of Maj. Thomas Fraser of the South Carolina Royalists. Present also were Capt. Abraham DePeyster of Ferguson’s corps, and Capt. David Fanning, and Col. Daniel Clary head of the loyalists of that region. Another hundred, apparently all or mostly loyalist militia, were out patrolling. Maj. Patrick Ferguson with a sizable force was not many miles away to the east. Innes left 100 of his men to guard his camp, and went to attack Shelby and Clark with the rest, not counting the 100 out patrolling. While awaiting Innes, Shelby and Clark's men built an impromptu redoubt in some thirty minutes. Then Capt. Shadrack Inman led a party of 25 men to lure Innes' force into an ambush. The stratagem, proposed by Inman, succeeded. The Provincials and loyalists attempted to take the backcountry men with the bayonet, and almost succeeded, but most of their officers, including Innes, himself, were wounded at the critical moment. Disorder set into their ranks and they fled, Inman, however, was killed. Being informed of Camden, the Whigs then mounted and headed northeast toward North Carolina. Prisoners were distributed one for each three Americans who alternated riding double with the enemy. Each prisoner was forced to carry his rifle or musket, with the flint removed so that it could not fire. They avoided the roads and moving as quickly as possible, were thus able to reach the safety of McDowell’s camp at Smith’s Ford.

The action as a whole, from the approach of Innes to the retreat of his forces to the Mill lasted about an hour. According to Draper British lost 63 killed, 90 wounded, 70 prisoners. The back-country men lost 4 killed and 8 or 9 wounded. Much of the disparity in losses is attributed to the Provincials and Loyalist over shooting their targets. Following the battle Clark, Shelby and Williams withdrew in a northwesterly direction, traveling 60 miles, to re-join McDowell (there with about 200) at Smith's Ford. In their flight, they came within five miles of Ferguson. Ferguson pursued, but was unable to catch up with partisans. Prisoners taken were sent to Hillsborough. Clark subsequently returned to Georgia and secreted himself in the woods of Wilkes County, where he was supplied with food from friends. Shelby, meanwhile, returned to the Holston and Watauga settlements, the term of his men’s service having expired. Accounts of the numbers involved and casualty estimates of forces at Musgrove’s Mill differ. Col. James Williams, cited in Draper, gave the Whigs strength as 200, the original Loyalists at the mill at 200, who were then reinforced by 300. The Whigs lost 4 killed and 7 or 8 wounded, while the loyalists lost 60 killed while taking 70 prisoners. Major James Sevier reported the Whig’s strength as 250, as learned from participants. Maj. Joseph McJunkin gave Clark, Shelby and Williams force at about 150, and the British who participated as 300. Ripley calculates the Patriots as numbering from 250 to 700, Tories 200 to 1,300, preferring the lower figure in each case.

Allaire: "Saturday, 19th. Lay at Winn's plantation…{Allaire here speaks about Camden]…We received orders to pursue Sumter, he having the only remains of what the Rebels can call a corps in these parts at present. At six o'clock in the evening our wagons were ordered forward that we might pursue Sumter with vigor. At seven we got in motion. That very moment an express arrived from Col. Innes', who was on his way from Ninety-Six to join us, informing us that he had been attacked by a body of Rebels at Musgrove's Mills on Enoree river; that himself, and Major [Thomas] Fraser of his regiment, were wounded, as were Capt. Peter Campbell [N.J. Volunteers], Lieuts. Chew and Camp, of Col. [Isaac] Allen's regiment. He wished for support as many of the militia had left him. This, to our great mortification, altered the course of our march. At eleven at night, we got in motion; marched all night; forded Broad river at sun-rising."

Chesney: "....we received an express that the rebels had defeated Col. Ennis [Alexander Innes] at Enoree [Musgrove's Mill]; this occasioned a rapid march that way. The main body having crossed the Enoree, I was left behind in command of the rearguard and being attacked in that situation [August 20] we maintained our ground until the main body recrossed to our support; the Americans retreated [August 21] after suffering some loss."

18 Aug. [raid-battle] FISHING CREEK, also Sumter’s Defeat (Chester County, S.C.) On the night of 17th Sumter was encamped at Rocky Mount, and learned of Tarleton's approach. Marching at daybreak on the 18th, he retreated along the west bank of the Wateree, then halted about noon on the north side of Fishing Creek. Believing himself safe for the moment, Sumter, with about 100 Maryland Continentals and 700 North Carolina and South Carolina militia, made camp at Fishing Creek, where he and his men indulged a needed rest from the hot sun and length march. Under normal circumstances, this might not have been so rash. But on this occasion, Tarleton was after him, and managed to completely surprise his camp. A picket had fired his gun in alarm when Tarleton approached, but the shot was ignored, and thought to be only one of the idle militia shooting cattle. In consequence Tarleton with 100 Legion dragoons and 60 mounted Legion infantry rush on the camp, killing, wounding, and taking prisoner many. At the time, Sumter had been asleep under a wagon, and only just barely escaped being captured himself. Of his force was lost around 150 officers and men killed or wounded. In addition, (possibly) Lieut. Col. Thomas Woolford, 9 officers, and 100 Continentals were taken prisoner, as were about 200 militia. A remainder managed to flee. At the cost of one officer slain and 15 killed or wounded, Tarleton managed to release the prisoners and wagons Sumter had captured, while taking the two brass three-pounders Gates had loaned him. Tarleton states the Americans lost 150 killed and wounded (including continentals), 110 Continentals and over 200 militia were captured, plus 2 brass three-pounders (which Tarleton later had with him at Cowpens), 2 ammo wagons, 1000 stand of arms, 44 carriages loaded with rum, and other stores. His own casualties were 16 men killed and wounded, and, in addition, 20 horses killed and wounded. Officers Myddleton, Lacey, Taylor, and Henry Hampton, were among those taken prisoner, but got away, as did a number of other of Sumter’s men, on Tarleton’s return march to Camden. A week later Sumter had regrouped and re-organized his force.

Tarleton: “When Tarleton arrived at Fishing creek at twelve o'clock, he found the greatest part of his command overpowered by fatigue; the corps could no longer be moved forwards in a compact and servicable state: He therefore determined to separate the cavalry and infantry most able to bear farther hardship, to follow the enemy, whilst the remainder, with the three pounder, took post on an advantageous piece of ground, in order to refresh themselves, and cover the retreat in case of accident.

The number selected to continue the pursuit did not exceed one hundred legion dragoons and sixty foot soldiers: The light infantry furnished a great proportion of the latter. This detachment moved forwards with great circumspection: No intelligence, except the recent tracks upon the road, occurred for five miles. Two of the enemy's vedettes, who were concealed behind some bushes, fired upon the advanced guard as it entered a valley and killed a dragoon of the legion: A circumstance which irritated the foremost of his comrades to such a degree, that they dispatched the two Americans with their sabres before Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton could interpose, or any information be obtained respecting Colonel Sumpter. A serjeant and four men of the British legion soon afterwards approached the summit of the neighbouring eminence, where instantly halting, they crouched upon their horses, and made a signal to their commanding officer. Tarleton rode forward to the advanced guard, and plainly discovered over the crest of the hill the front of the American camp, perfectly quiet and not the least alarmed by the fire of the vedettes. The decision, and the preparation for the attack, were momentary. The cavalry and infantry were formed into one line, and, giving a general shout, advanced to the charge. The arms and artillery of the continentals were secured before the men could be assembled: Universal consternation immediately ensued throughout the camp; some opposition was, however, made from behind the waggons, in front of the militia. The numbers, and extensive encampment of the enemy, occasioned several conflicts before the action was decided. At length, the release of the regulars and the loyal militia, who were confined in the rear of the Americans, enabled Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton to stop the slaughter, and place guards over the prisoners.

The pursuit could not with propriety be pushed very far, the quantity of prisoners upon the spot demanding the immediate attention of great part of the light troops. Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton lost no time in sending for the detachment left at Fishing creek, thinking this additional force necessary to repulse any attempt the enemy might make to rescue their friends. All the men he could assemble were likewise wanted to give assistance to the wounded, and to take charge of the prisoners; the troops who had gained this action having a just claim to some relaxation, in order to refresh themselves after their late vigorous exertions.

Captain Charles Campbell, who commanded the light infantry, was unfortunately killed near the end of the affair. His death cannot be mentioned without regret. He was a young officer, whose conduct and abilities afforded the most flattering prospect that he would be an honour to his country. The loss, otherwise, on the side of the British was inconsiderable; fifteen non-commissioned officers and men, and twenty horses, were killed and wounded.”

Davie: “Major Davie about an hour after Genl Gates passed him despatched a confidential officer to give him information of the misfortunes of the morning, the officers reached his Camp the same evening and Colo Sumpter with his Detachment consisting of 100 regr infantry a compy of Artillery 2 brass pieces & 700 militia began to retreat along the West bank of the river to gain the Upper Country and avoid the fate of the main Army; on the night of the 17th May encamped at Rocky Mount, at this place Colo Sumpter received advice that the British Legion had reached the opposite bank of the Wateree river then called the Catawba and already occupied the banks and fords. He marched again at day break — and about 12 'Oclock the detachment halted having passed Fishing Creek and gained an open ridge on the No side of the creek, the Detachment halted in the line of march, the rear guard consisting of militia were posted at the Creek, the prisoners and part of the baggage were with the advance guard, the troops were permitted to stack their arms and indulge themselves in rest or refreshment, several strolled to a neighboring plantation, some went to the river to bathe, and numbers sought in sleep some refuge from their fatigue, in this unguarded and critical moment, Colo Tarleton approached the American Camp.

The disposition for the attack was simple and made in a moment, the Cavalry consisting of 100, and the light infantry about 60 were formed in a single line and giving a general shout advanced to the charge The arms and artillery of the continentals were immediately in the possession of the enemy, as the men started from their slumbers they were cut down, a general panic ensued no regular opposition was made; and all that could escape, sought their safety in immediate flight, the main guard joined the fugitives and the prisoners were instantly released.

This Victory cost the British very little, Capt Cambel [Charles Campbell] killed, and 15 privates killed and wounded. The Americans lost 150 officers and privates killed and wounded, 10 Continental offs 100 soldrs, a large no. of mila officers & 200 privates were made prisoners, The Artillery, 1000 stand of arms, 46 waggons loaded with valuable stores fell also in to the British possession.

In this action Colo Tarlton had the merit of audacity and good fortune but the glory of the enterprise was stained by the unfeeling barbarity of the legion who continued to hack and maim the militia long after they had surrendered, scarce a man was wounded until he considered himself a prisoner, and had deprived himself of the means of defence. Numbers of these were old grey headed-men, who had turned out to encourage & animate the younger citizens, but their hoary honors were not respected by the British sabre.

Colo Tarlton with only 160 men, presented himself before the American camp, without either information, or a moments reflection proceeded to charge them, had the Commanding officer taken any of the ordinary precautions to resist an attack, Tarlton must have suffered severly for this boyish Temerity; the conflict was nothing, the fighting was entirely on one side, and the slaughter among the defenceless.

Colo Sumpter recd information that the British Legion crossed near Rocky-Mount that morning, and that they were hanging on his rear, and yet marched only 8 miles before he halted & strangely neglected the necessary precautions to prevent a surprise and every means to resist an attack —- The Detachment was halted in the line of march upon an open ridge, no advantage was taken of waggons, the rear guard was posted so near that it was not distinguished by the enemy from the main body; the whole security of the army rested upon two videttes whose fire was disregarded or not heard by a slumbering camp; if a halt was absolutely necessary after a march of only 8 miles, a position should have been taken most unfavorable to the action of Cavalry, the army should have been posted or formed in order of battle, and the waggons so disposed as to have covered the troops from the charge of British Cavalry, these precautions dictated by common practice and common prudence would have enabled him to have repelled five times the Enemys force.

If a proper patrole had been sent down the road towards the Enemy, and the rear guard had been sufficiently strong & posted at the usual distance, and the men had been ordered to remain in Camp near their arms, Colo Sumpter might have been beaten, but he would not have been surprised; or have yielded eight hundred men and two pieces of artillery as easy prey to 160 light troops: The listless and slumbering security in which this Detachment were caught at Mid-day under the eye of an enterprising enemy admits of neither apology nor explanation — Colo Sumpter who was asleep under a waggon when the action commenced, fortunately made his escape amidst the general confusion and reached Major Davie's camp at Charlotte two days afterwards without a single follower.”

18-20 August. Smallwood, with his aides and a few other soldiers mounted, arrived at Charlotte the 18th, where remnants of Continentals from Camden were gathering. About 770 Maryland, 175 Delaware troops and 50 Virginians were collected. Smallwood then directed their march towards Salisbury, which they reached on the 21st. The army was accompanied by refugees, including the whole tribe of Catawba Indians who numbered about 350, among which were 60 indifferently armed warriors. Armand's Legion by this time had already retreated to Hillsborough where Gates was trying to put things in order. Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens posted himself at Hillsborough to regroup the Virginia militia.

20 August. Clark, Shelby and Williams united with Col. Charles McDowell's force which was then itself retreating, and considerably diminished in numbers. It was decided to call out additional men from South Carolina, North Carolina and over the mountains to unite against Ferguson. However, the time of service for Col. Shelby's and Maj. Robertson's riflemen of Holston and Watauga having expired, that force returned home. The prisoners taken at Musgrove's Mill were escorted by Clark. After an unspecified distance, Clark then turned them over to Col. James Williams and Captain Samuel Hammond, who then took them to Hillsborough. Clark and his men subsequently went into hiding in Georgia. When Williams arrived at Hillsborough with news of Musgrove’s Mill, he was given a commission as Brigadier General in the South Carolina militia by Gov. John Rutledge, who was in Hillsborough at the time. Meanwhile Col Charles McDowell and Col. Andrew Hampton, leaving Smith's Ford on the Broad River, remained in the Gilbertown area with no more than 200 men, the rest having gone home at that time, as was the wont of militia. It was understood that Ferguson would attempt to go after the numerous cattle there, which was one reason for their continued presence.

21 August (also given as 20 August). [ambush] Great Savannah, also Nelson’s ferry, (Clarendon County, S.C.) On the 20th, Col. Francis Marion, Major Hugh Horry (Col. Peter Horry was not present) and 150 men at Santee Swamp, moved towards Sumter's Plantation on the north side of Nelson’s Ferry on the Santee River. Past midnight, they ambushed a convoy of prisoners taken at Camden, which had stopped for the night at a house along the road, liberating 147 Maryland and Delaware Continentals. The Loyalists had been mostly asleep with their arms stacked in front yard. Marion killed or captured 22 of the 38 man British force, which consisted of soldiers the 63rd and Prince of Wales Regiments, the latter under Capt. John Roberts, some loyalist militia and two Tory guides. Marion lost one killed, and one wounded. Of those released, 85 of the American prisoners refused to accept their liberation, and instead continued to Charleston as prisoners, either disgusted with their leadership at Camden or else simply weary of fighting. Marion then took the rest of those released, and the prisoners he had taken, towards Kingstree. On the 26th, he crossed Lynches River at Witherspoon's ferry. The Continentals who had come with him subsequently moved up towards Wilmington, and most were ultimately reunited with their units. Col. Otho Williams wrote Gov. John Rutledge on October 6th: "Of the 150 men retaken by Marion only about 60 rejoined their corps -- some were sick but most of them just departed."

Cornwallis in a letter to Clinton (cited by Bass) wrote: "I therefore [fearing smallpox would break out among the American prisoners] sent them off as early as possible, by Divisions of 150 each, under the Escort of 38 men, about two thirds of which were composed of the 63rd and Prince of Wales Regiment, the rest Militia. In order to cover their March, altho' I did not apprehend much danger, I posted Major Wemyss with a part of the 63rd at the High Hills of Santee, and I sent Lieut. Tarleton with a detachment of the Legion & Lieut. Col. Hamilton's Corps & some Militia to Radcliffes Bridge on Linches Creek, which I thought would effectively awe the lower Country."

Marion, from Lynches Creek, on 27 August wrote to Col. Peter Horry: “I am sorry to acquaint you that Gen. Gates is defeated with great loss; he was obliged to retreat to Charlotte, which obliges me also to retreat. You will without delay retreat with what men you can get, to Briton's [Britton’s] neck, where I have encamped. It is necessary to obtain ammunition, arms and accoutrements, and as many horses as you can get; also stores from Georgetown, which you will send if possible up the river to Briton's neck. On the 20th inst. I attacked a guard of the 63d and Prince of Wales' regiment, with a number of tories, at the Great Savannah, near Nelson's ferry. Killed and took twenty-two regulars, and two tories prisoners, and retook one hundred and fifty continentals of the Maryland line; one waggon and a drum; one captain and a subaltern were also captured. Our loss is one killed, and Capt. [Lemuel] Benson is slightly wounded on the head.”

21 August. Smallwood and remains of Gates' army reached Salisbury. On receiving word the British had retired from Camden, Small wood retained about 150 effective men with him, and sent the rest of his men some 50 or 60, along with the Waxhaws and Catawba refugees to Hillsborough. About this same time the militia of Mecklenburg and Waxhaws, on their own initiative started assembling at Charlotte under Major Anderson of the Maryland line. Smallwood subsequently received orders from Gates to bring his men with him to Hillsborough, which Smallwood did going by way of Guilford where there were plenty of provisions and where he halted his men for refreshment. Smallwood arrived at Hillsborough in early September.

Kirkwood: [Portion of Kirkwood's Journal entry after the battle of Camden]: "I can give no account of our Marches on the Retreat untill (sic) we came to Salisbury (sic) which we arrived at on the 21st."

24 August. Smallwood arrived in Hillsborough.

27 August. On this date, South Carolina legislators in captivity, namely, lieutenant governor Christopher Gadsden, speaker Thomas Farr, Thomas Ferguson, Anthony Toomer, Alexander Moultrie, Jacob Read, Richard Hutson, Edward Blake, Edward Rutledge [one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence] , Isaac Holmes, Richard Lushington, Peter Timothy, John Edwards, Hugh Rutledge, John Floyd, William Price, Thomas Savage, Thomas Heyward [another signer of the Declaration of Independence], William-Hazel Gibbs, Edward McCrady, David Ramsay [the post-war historian], John Todd, George Flagg, Peter Fayssoux, Josiah Smith, John Parker, John Sansam, John-Ernet Poyas, John Budd, John Loveday, Thomas Singleton, Edward North, Joseph Atkinson and others suspected by Cornwallis of inciting or assisting rebellion in Charleston were arrested, and not long afterward sent in confinement to St. Augustine, Florida. Some American writers later protested that these men were made prisoner without trial.

27 August. [ambush] Kingstree (Williamsburg County, S.C.) Within days of the ambush at Nelson’s Ferry ambush, Marion moved to intercept Maj. James Wemyss on his way from the High Hills of the Santee to the Kingstree area. With Wemyss were his own 63rd Regt. totaling about 300 (one account says 500.) Upon hearing of the incident at Nelson’s Ferry, Cornwallis had ordered Wemyss from Camden to get rid of Marion. Many of the 63rd, however, were weak from malaria. In support of Wemyss, Cornwallis sent Maj. John Harrison’s Provincials) the South Carolina Rangers) and Bryan’s North Carolina Refugees. As well, Lieut. Col. John Hamilton and 100 men of the Royal North Carolina Regt. were dispatched to Radcliffe’s Bridge. While in the area, Wemyss had been confiscating burning houses and confiscating horses from the rebels. Marion sent Maj. John James to scout ahead. In a night attack, James subsequently waylaid Wemyss stragglers and captured 30 of the enemy, then beat a hasty retreat. According to McCrady’s numbers, Marion had 150, lost 30 killed and wounded; Wemyss had 300, 15 were killed and wounded, and 15 taken prisoner. James later rejoined Marion, who then fell back to Port’s Ferry. The next day (the 28th) he disbanded his men, and with a small group of officers and men temporarily went up to North Carolina. Bass interestingly makes no reference to such a large scale ambush, but does mention a soldier captured from Wemyss’ column by James’ men from whom Marion obtained important information. Also Bass gives the date for this occurrence as the night of 7 September, rather than 27 August. Like Bass, Ripley believes that either the ambush as described by William Dobein James (John James’ son) never took place, or else the reported capture was greatly exaggerated.

On 28 August, Cornwallis wrote to Wemyss “I should advise your sweeping the country entirely from Kingstree Bridge to Pedee, and returning by the Cheraws. I would have you disarm in the most rigid manner, all Persons who cannot be depended on and punish the concealement of Arms and ammunition with total demolition of the plantation.”

William Dobein James: “By the exertions of Gen. Marion and his officers, the spirits of the drooping militia began to revive. But about the 27th day of August, when, having the command of only one hundred and fifty men, he heard of the approach of Major Wemyss, above Kingstree, at the head of the 63d regiment, and a body of tories, under Maj. Harrison. Maj. James was instantly despatched, at the head of a company of volunteers, with orders to reconnoitre, and count them. Col. Peter Horry was called in, and the general crossed Lynch's creek, and advanced to give battle. The night after Maj. James received his orders, the moon shone brightly, and by hiding himself in a thicket, close to their line of march, he formed a good estimate of the force of the enemy. As their rear guard passed, he burst from his hiding place, and took some prisoners. On the same night, about an hour before day, Marion met the major half a mile from his plantation. The officers immediately dismounted, and retired to consult, and the men sat on their horses in a state of anxious suspense. The conference was long and animated. At the end of it, an order was given to direct the march back to Lynch's creek, and no sooner was it given than a hollow groan might have been heard along the whole line. A bitter cup had now been mingled for the people of Williamsburgh and Pedee; and they were doomed to drain it to the dregs: but in the end it proved a salutary medicine. Maj. James reported the British force to be double that of Marion's; and Ganey's party of tories in the rear, had always been estimated at five hundred men. In such a crisis, a retreat was deemed prudent.”

29 August. On this date, Cornwallis wrote to Clinton: "Ferguson is to move into Tryon County with some militia, whom, he says, he can depend on for doing their duty and fighting well; but I am sorry to say that his own experience, as well as that of every single other officer is totally against him."

29 August. Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens marched from Hillsborough with what was left of his militia and returned to Virginia.

Gates, at Hillsborough, wrote to Governor Jefferson on 30 August, 1780: “General Stevens informs me he has wrote frequently since our unfortunate Defeat to your Exclly -- he marched from hence yesterday, with what remained of your Militia (about 400) they are to be stationed for a Time at Guildford Court House. Four Hundred deserted in the last two Days they were here -- and the General is apprehensive, he shall very soon be left by many of those that went with him from hence…”

30 August. On this date, New York Volunteers, under Lieut. Col. George Turnbull, remnants of the Prince of Wales’ Regiment, and some loyalist militia from Camden under Col. John Phillips were sent to Rocky Mount to patrol the area. Not encountering any resistance, Turnbull then returned to Camden.

September. In the month of September 1780. The North Carolina Legislature passed the act for establishing a Board of War with full powers to call out the militia and appoint officers. Davie, sardonically observed: "No can be more ridiculous than the manner this board was filled. Alexander the Little [Alexander Martin] being a Warrior of great fame, was placed at the head of the board –- [John] Penn who was only fit to amuse children, and O[randates]. Davis who knew nothing but the game of Whist composed the rest of the Board."

September. [skirmish] Graham’s Fort (Cleveland County, N.C.) Col. William Graham, with only three men, successfully fought off a group of 23 marauding Tories, at his home "Graham's Fort."

September. [skirmish] Rouse’s Ferry (Dillon County, S.C.)

Early September. Starting in September and through into mid-November, Cruger worked to get Ninety-Six better fortified. At the time it had had two light guns, and he asked Cornwallis for more artillery, and an engineer. See 23 November 1780 regarding Cornwallis' reply.

Early September. While Caswell continued as nominal head of the NC militia, Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner, a North Carolina Continental officer and veteran, accepted command of the North Carolina militia in Hillsborough. Initially, there were some 900-1000 there at this time, most badly clothed and equipped. 60 or 70 too ill to march, he left at Chatham Court House. Due to the lack of a proper commissary and orderly collection system, about the a third of the men were kept regularly threshing wheat or foraging to keep the force in supply. Brig. Gen. William Lee Davidson, also a N.C. Continental officer was appointed to replace Brig. Gen. Griffith Rutherford (taken at Camden), and to command the Salisbury militia. Davidson joined Sumner in Rowan County with 20 privates fit for duty. Many of the militia, contrary to orders deserted their units, and went home to fight resurgent loyalists, whop had been encouraged by Cornwallis’ victory at Camden. Some left to join the force then assembling against Ferguson. At one point, Sumner sent a force of 300 men to stop some loyalists on their way to join up with the British.

Early September. Brig. Gen James Paterson having fallen ill, command of Charleston went to Lieut. Col. Nisbit Balfour. Brig. Gen Paterson then left Charleston in early September, while Balfour (probably in late August) was recalled from Ninety-Six. Shortly after taking command, Balfour sent Maj. James Montcrief, and a battalion of 7th Regt. and some recruits for the Provincials to fortify Georgetown. The 7th and the recruits were subsequently marched to Camden. Before moving the 7th to Georgetown, Balfour had issued a call to the Loyalist militia along the Pee Dee, and ordered the regiment of Col. John Coming Ball from St. James Parish and Col. Joseph Wigfall's regiment from St. Stephens to Georgetown. After being in Georgetown a while, Montcrief later suggested to Cornwallis the following deployment: 100 militia under Lieut. Col. James Cassels at Georgetown, 50 at Wragg's Ferry, 50 at Potato Ferry, and 300 regular troops at Kingstree. Whether this full plan was ever carried out is not clear. However, Montcrief did send Col. Ball and Col. Wigfall to the Williamsburg area: Ball with 46 men to Shepherd's Ferry on Black Mingo Creek, and Wigfall with 50 men to Black River Church, while Cassels remained in Georgetown with that area's militia.

Early September. The 7th Regt., some recruits for Cornwallis’ Provincial regiments, and some supplies arrived at Camden from Charleston.

1 September. Col. Elijah Clark and Lieut. Col. James McCall collected men in Wilkes and Richmond Counties, GA. for an attack on Augusta. Lossing: “About the first of September [1780.], Colonel Elijah Clark, a brave partisan of Wilkes County, Georgia, and Lieutenant-colonel M'Call, made efforts to raise a sufficient force to capture the fort at Augusta, and drive the British from the interior of the state to the sea-coast. These were the brave partisans who fought at the Cowpens a few months later. Clark recruited in his own County, and M'Call went to the district of Ninety-Six and applied to Colonel Pickens for aid. He wanted five hundred men, but procured only eighty. With these he marched to Soap Creek, forty miles northwest of Augusta, where he was joined by Clark, with three hundred and fifty men.”

1 September. By September 1st, Cornwallis had made his defensive arrangements for South Carolina, and ordered Col. Ferguson to rouse the loyalists in Tryon County, and otherwise keep in check and defeat the rebels on the frontier. Ferguson had only 110 regulars, in addition to a few hundred loyalist militia, but did have an ample supply of arms and other military stores. His movements were at first rapid, endeavoring to intercept the retreat of Col. Charles McDowell and the over-mountain men, who were harassing the upper settlement of loyalists in South Carolina. Failing in this, he afterwards moved slowly, and frequently halted to collect all the loyalists he could persuade to join him. By the end of September, he had passed Broad River and encamped at Gilbertown, having increased his force to upwards of 1000 men.

Allaire: "Friday, September 1st. Still remained at Culbertson's. Maj. Ferguson [who by himself and presumably with some staff had left Winnsborough and gone on a personal visit to Cornwallis at Camden in late August] joined us again from Camden with the disagreeable news that we were to be separated from the army, and act on the frontiers with the militia."

Draper: "It was the plan of Cornwallis to lead his army from Charlotte to Salisbury, there to form a junction with Ferguson's corps; and preliminary to the further invasion of North Carolina and Virginia to incite the Southern Indians not only to invade the Holston and Watagua settlements, but proceed, if possible, as high up in South-West Virginia as Chiswell's Mines, and destroy the works and stores at that place, where large quantities of lead were produced for the supply of the American armies. And as the destruction of the Mines and their product was a capital object with the British, the Tories high up New river, and in the region of the Elad Mines, had also been encouraged to make an attempt in that direction. Col. [William] Campbell had been diligently engaged, for several weeks [in September 1780] with a part of his regiment, in suppressing the Tory insurrection, and had just returned from that service when Col. Shelby's letter [asking him to join in the effort against Ferguson] arrived."

4 September (also given as 12 or 15 August). [skirmish] Blue Savannah, also Port’s Ferry (Marion County, S.C.) Marion, and Maj. John James, with (according to Marion) 52 mounted men dispersed Maj. Micajah Ganey and Capt. Jesse Barfield who had 200 to 250 loyalists in their camp on the Little Pee Dee River. Ganey and Barfield themselves had intended to attack Marion the next day. Along with Ganey was a small detachment of the 63rd Regiment. Ganey’s own force had 45, 30 of these were killed or wounded, while Ganey and the rest of his force were dispersed. The same day, Capt. Jesse Barfield with 200 loyalists (and possibly included in this number a small detachment of the 63rd Regiment) attempted to attack Marion, but was himself ambushed in the attempt near Blue Savannah on Britton’s Neck where Marion had retreated after his attack on Ganey. Barfield’s men fled into Little Pee Dee Swamp. Marion lost four men wounded, two horses killed. The next day, the 5th, about 60 volunteers joined Marion, bringing his force strength up to about 110. On the 7th, he then proceeded to fortify Port's Ferry, on the eastern bank of the Pee Dee, having with him for that purpose two small field pieces. At the time, Wemyss was still in the neighborhood of Kingstree with roughly 270 men, and awaiting reinforcements from Camden.

William Dobein James: “On the second or third day after his arrival, General Marion ordered his men to mount white cockades, to distinguish themselves from the tories, and crossed the Pedee, at Port's ferry, to disperse a large body of tories, under Major Ganey, stationed on Britton's neck, between great and little Pedee. He surprised them at dawn in the morning, killed one of their captains and several privates, and had two men wounded. Major James was detached at the head of a volunteer troop of horse, to attack

their horse; he came up with them, charged, and drove them before him. In this affair, Major James singled out Major Ganey, (as he supposed) as the object of his single attack. At his approach Ganey fled, and he pursued him closely, and nearly within the reach of his sword, for half a mile; when behind a thicket, he came upon a party of tories, who had rallied. Not at all intimidated, but with great presence of mind, Major James called out, "’Come on my boys! -- Here they are! -- Here they are!’ And the whole body of tories broke again, and rushed into little Pedee swamp.

Another party of tories lay higher up the river, under the command of Capt. Barefield; who had been a soldier in one of the South Carolina regiments. These stood to their ranks, so well, and appeared to be so resolute, that Gen. Marion did not wish to expose his men, by an attack on equal terms; he therefore feigned a retreat, and led them into an ambuscade, near the Blue Savannah, where they were defeated. This was the first manoeuvre of the kind, for which he afterwards became so conspicuous.”

5 September. Having confiscated some horses from Whig planters of High Hills of Santee, Wemyss mounted his 63rd Regiment and Harrison’s Provincials. On Sept. 5 he set off on his expedition to get Marion. Many disgruntled farmers then joined Marion after losing horses. He subsequently arrived at Kingstree, and was later reinforced there with a detachment of Hamilton's North Carolina troops, 50 New York volunteers under Capt. Fredrick DePeyster, and another 50 militia. Though afterwards he sent the detachment of N. Y. Volunteers back to the High Hills to cover the post there. By then he possessed a force of over 400 (minus DePeyster). In addition, Wemyss had Col. John Coming Ball's and Col. John Wigfall's loyalist militia at Georgetown which would bring his numbers in the wider area to 800. Further, Ganey in a short while was again mobilizing his militia. In his efforts to suppress rebel sympathy, Wemyss proceeded to destroy fifty houses and plantations stretching from Kingstree to Cheraw. Afterward Wemyss and Harrison took position at Cheraw.

7 September. On the 7th, Ferguson set up his base of operations at Gilbertown (in present day Rutherford County, N.C.), but withdrew on the 10th in an effort to help contain and catch Colonel Clark who was leading a force against Augusta, Georgia. Before he had left on the 10th, he had paroled rebel Samuel Phillips with a message for the nearby Blue Ridge mountain communities telling them to "desist from their opposition to the British arms, and take protection under his standard" or "he would march his army over the mountains, hang their leaders, and lay their country waste with fire and sword."

Allaire: “Thursday, 7th. Got in motion at seven o'clock in the morning; crossed Buck creek, and the division line of South and North Carolina; marched six miles farther, and halted. Maj. Ferguson, with about fifty of the American Volunteers, and three hundred militia, got in motion at six o'clock in the evening, and marched to Gilbertown in order to surprise a party of Rebels that we heard were there. Capt. [Abraham] DePeyster and I remained on the ground we took in the morning, with the remainder of the American Volunteers and militia.

Friday, 8th. Got in motion at eight in the morning, and marched six miles to Broad river, and took a height where we halted, and waited orders from Maj. Ferguson.

Saturday, 9th. Remained on the ground; received intelligence from Maj. Ferguson to keep our post. He was returning to keep a good lookout, as the Georgians were coming towards us.”

Cheseny: "Col. Ferguson having resumed the command and finding himself pretty strong he marched us to the North Carolina line and encamped. A dissatisfaction prevailed at this moment amongst the Militia founded on General Clinton's hand-bill which required every man having but three children, and every single man to do six months duty out of their province when required, this appeared like compulsion, instead of acting voluntarily as they conceived they were doing, and they were in consequence ready to give up the cause; but owing to the exertions of their officers a great part of which I attribute to myself, the tumult was happily appeased, and same night we marched with all the horse and some foot past Gilbert's town towards Col Grimes, who was raising a body of rebels to oppose us; whom we succeeded in dispersing, taking many prisoners, and then joined the foot at Gilbert's town and encamped there for some time; sending away the old men to their houses, and several officers to raise men to supply their places and strengthen us."

7-8 September. Leaving 50 men to guard Port's Ferry, Marion marched with 100 men to Indiantown. But after then learning of the forces under Wemyss, Ball, Wigfall, and Ganey now reportedly moving directly against him, Marion retreated back to Port's Ferry, dismantled the fort, and withdrew the field pieces there. In the days which followed, he crossed the Little Pee Dee River, spiked his two cannon and then abandoned them in the swamp. He then proceeded to Amis Mill on the south side of Drowning Creek where he halted. After sending out Maj. John James on a scouting mission, Marion then took his force to the Great White Marsh, on the south branch of the Waccamaw River, (located in present day Columbus County, N.C.) and went into hiding. While there he kept in contact with Brig. Gen. Harrington at Cross Creek. Not a few of his men at this time were suffering from malaria and ague, including Col. Peter Horry.

Marion, from White Marsh in Bladen County, N.C., wrote Gates on15 September 1780: “On the 7th I crossed PD & Lynches Creek with one hundred men, & left 50 to secure my camp & the river; to attack a party of regulars and militia s[ai]d to be 150, which was in Williamsburg township, a burning all the houses of those men who joined me, when I had got to Indian Town Capt. James [Major John ames' son] who I sent to reconoitre the Enemy met me, he had taken a prisoner belonging to Ferguson's rifle regt. by whom I learned they was 200 British and a number of Torys and that Majr. Whimes with 200 more was to join them that night; they was seen after dark on their march, & by an orderly book taken with an officer's baggage with the above prisoner, I found their Intentions was to remove me and proceed to the Cheraws; I also had Intelligence that 200 men just regulars arrived from Georgetown from Santee, which oblige me to return to my camp which I did that Day. On the 8th I had Intelligence that Maj. Whimes had crossed Black River & Uhaney [Euhaney] to fall on my rear, the Torys which I lately Dispert [[i.e. Barfield’s and or Ganey’s] was collecting on my right, which would Compleatly surround me & cut off my retreat, which Oblige me to retreat to this place [White Marsh Swamp] with 60 men, the rest left me to see after their family which had their houses burnt..."

8 September. Armand's Legion was sent from Hillsborough to forage and make cantonments in Warren County, North Carolina, "from whence,” states Williams, “Armand went to Philadelphia and never returned."

8 September (or 7 September). Cornwallis, with his main army, consisting of the “7th, 23d, 33d, and 71st regiments of infantry, the volunteers of Ireland, Hamilton's corps (Royal North Carolina Regt.), Bryan's refugees (North Carolina Volunteers), four pieces of cannon, about fifty waggons, and a detachment of cavalry,” launched his first invasion of North Carolina, marching from Camden to Waxhaws, where he yet wanted to make further preparatory arrangements before entering North Carolina proper. At the same time, he left the New York Volunteers, under Turnbull, at Camden, and the 63rd Regiment under Maj. James Wemyss, and Harrison's Corps at Cheraws. On the march with Cornwallis, Tarleton became very ill, and for at least two weeks he lay at White’s Mill very sick with yellow fever.

8 September. Gov. Abner Nash authorized Col. James Williams to raise 100 horsemen in North Carolina after Williams brought news of Musgroves. Shortly after Rutledge made Williams a Brigadier General.

12 September. [skirmish] Cane Creek (McDowell County, N.C.) Ferguson led a group his men in an attempt to attack Col. Charles McDowell's force of about 160 to 200 men. McDowell, however, at Bedford Hill and Cane's Creek, a few miles southwest of Quaker Meadows, set an ambush. Recovering from the back-country men's first fire, Ferguson launched a counterattack under Maj. Dunlop which drove them back. According to Draper, the latter, though outnumbered at least more than two to one, nonetheless regrouped and continued firing at Ferguson's column when it finally continued on its way to Gilbertown. Having followed him at distance in this manner, McDowell's force, mounted, retreated over the mountains toward the Watauga settlement. McDowell who had not been at Musgrove's retreated with his 200 men to Gilbertown, the rest (about a 100 or more) had dispersed back over the mountains. Alternatively, he had only 160, with approximately 40 having dispersed. McDowell lost 1 killed, 1 wounded, plus 17 prisoners and 17 to 20 lbs of powder. Ferguson lost 2 wounded, including Dunlop who after being sent to a nearby home to recuperate, ultimately made his way back as an invalid to Ninety-Six. By March 1781, he had recovered and returned to the field only to be later murdered by some vengeful. A short while after the action, McDowell later proposed they return to Gilbertown and submit to British protection, as a means, though only temporary, of protecting the local cattle from falling into British hands. Some of his officers agreed and took protection in order to save the cattle, though their motives for doing so were later impugned. Others made efforts to have the cattle driven into or over the mountains for concealment.

Allaire: "Tuesday, 12th. Maj. Ferguson, with forty American Volunteers and one hundred militia, got in motion at two o'clock in the morning, and marched fourteen miles through the mountains to the head of Cane creek, in Burke County, in order to surprise a party of Rebels we heard lay there. Unfortunately for us, they had by some means got intelligence of our coming, in consequence of which, Mr. McDowell, with three hundred infamous villains like himself, thought it highly necessary to remove their quarters. However, we were lucky enough to take a different route from what they expected, and met them on their way, and to appearance one would have thought they meant sincerely to fight us, as they drew up on an eminence for action. On our approach they fired and gave way. We totally routed them, killed one private, wounded a Capt. White, took seventeen prisoners, twelve horses, all their ammunition, which was only twenty pounds of powder, after which we marched to their encampment, and found it abandoned by those Congress heroes. Our loss was two wounded and one killed. Among the wounded was Capt. Dunlop, who received two slight wounds. After the skirmish we returned to one Allen's to refresh ourselves. We got in motion about four o'clock in the afternoon, and countermarched about six miles to a Rebel Mr. Jones', where we halted all night."

Chesney: "Colonel Ferguson soon after got intelligence that Col McDole [Charles McDowell] was encamped on Cain and Silver Creeks; on which we marched towards the enemy, crossed the winding Creek 23 times, found the rebel party strongly posted towards the head of it near the mountains. We attacked them instantly and after a determined resistance defeated them and made many prisoners. The rest fled towards Turkey Cove in order to cross the mountains and get to Holstein. On this occasion I commanded a division, [September, 1780] and took the person prisoner who was keeper of the records of the County, which I sent to my father's as a place of safety. We then fortified Colonel Walker's house as a protection to the wounded, and proceeded in pursuit of the rebels to the Mountains at the head of Catawba River, sending out detachments to scour the country and search the caves. A fight happened in the neighborhood between a detachment of ours and the Americans who were posted on a broken hill not accessible to Cavalry, which obliged us to dismount and leave our horses behind. Whilst employed in dislodging the Americans another party of them got round in the rear and took the horses, mine amongst the rest; but it was returned by the person who was my prisoner in the last affair; about a week before he had been released, as was usual at this time with prisoners. At this period the North Carolina men joined us fast."

12-18 September. [siege] First Siege of Augusta, also McKay’s Trading Post, Relief of Augusta (Richmond County, GA.) Sometime in early September, Col. Elijah Clark and Lieut. Col. James McCall assembled a corps of Backwoodsman, some 400 to 700 depending on the account, in upper Georgia. With these they he marched to attack the British post at Augusta on 12 September. Lieut. Col. Thomas Brown, the commander there, called in some Indians allies to aid in defense. 200 Cherokees subsequently joined his 150 of his King’s Carolina Rangers and some militia. Augusta (i.e. Fort Cornwallis) was not adequately fortified at that time, and Brown attempted to moved his position to McKay’s [Indian] Trading Post (also referred to as the White House”), at Garden Hill a plantation on the Savannah road. However, Garden Hill was already possessed by the whigs. Brown attacked them, and though he lost a three pounder, he took Garden Hill. In the fighting, "great part of the Indians behaved with order and bravery." While away at Garden Hill, sick and invalids of the 3rd Battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers, under Major Robert Drummond (or Drumond), situated at unfinished Fort Cornwallis, were taken prisoner or killed and wounded in an attack by some of Clark’s men. Clark then on the 14th, with the captured three-pounder, proceeded to lay siege to Brown fortified at McKay’s Trading Post.

Cruger at Ninety-Six, having received word of Brown’s situation marched from Ninety-Six with the 1st Battalion, DeLancey's Regiment; the 3rd Battalion, New Jersey Volunteers; and some loyalist militia to Brown’s relief. Upon Cruger’s arrival on the 18th (possibly the 19th), Clark was forced to retreat. Cruger pursued Clark, took some 29 prisoners and retook the cannon. British losses were inconsiderable and fell mostly on the Indians. Tarleton states that Clark lost of killed and wounded as "near a sixth their number." Clark's men promptly disbanded to their homes. Shortly after, however, he gathered 300 men and 400 or so women and children he was expected to lead to comparative safety of N.C. He moved west to the mountains, then headed north along the road net that skirted the foothills. This enabled him to stay as far as possible from Cruger at Ninety-Six and Ferguson's operating area without being forced into the mountains which were virtually impenetrable. Cruger for a time tried to follow Clark, but finding himself too far from his base, gave up the chase. He then got the idea of sending Ferguson after Clark. Ferguson tried himself to make a move after Clark, but Clark was united with the forces of Sumter, and the women and children were sent over the mountains to safety. Within a few days after Cruger chased Clark off from Augusta, while Brown and Cruger executed a number of Whigs. Capt. Ashby and twelve others (who were captured) were hanged by Brown, another 13 (or 16) were, as related by Draper, given over to the Indians who reportedly tortured and killed them. In addition, Brown sent raiding parties through the area that had not submitted, and burned 100 plantations or settlements of those who attacked Augusta. After the close call at Augusta, says Coleman, a bill was passed by Gov. James Wright that “allowed the drafting of slaves to work on the defenses and the arming of Negroes in time of extreme danger. The entire militia system was tightened. Wright immediately ordered out some 400 Negroes to work on the defenses of Savannah.”

Letter from Lieut. William Stevenson, with Ferguson at Gilbertown, to Lieut. Col. Barton, Staten Island, New York, dated 25 September 1780 : ”… The rebels rose in Georgia, and the 12th instant attacked Colonel Brown in Augusta. He being very weak was obliged to leave the town, and take shelter in a fort where he had his stores for the Indians; but on the approach of Colonel Cruger from Ninety-Six, and a body of Indians accidently coming down, the rebels fled, and Colonel Brown sallying out, they killed and took several hundred of them. Major Ferguson has just received a letter from Col. Cruger, who informs him that he has fallen in with the rebels and taken most of their plunder, killed a great number of them, hanged Several of the inhabitants, and has a great many more to hang; he likewise retook several brass field pieces…”

Allaire: "Sunday, 24th…Received intelligence from Col. Cruger, that he had marched from Ninety-Six to Augusta, to the assistance of Col. Brown, who was besieged by six hundred Rebels, under the command of Col. Clark. Fortunately for Col. Brown, the Cherokee Indians, for whom he is agent, were coming to Augusta for their yearly presents. They met the Rebels just as they were going into the town, which obliged them to fight. The Rebels being too numerous, and the Indians unacquainted with field fighting, were obliged to make the best of their way to a fort on one flank of the town, where Col. Brown had retired to. He made a very gallant defence for five days, two of which he was without bread or water. On Col. Cruger's approach, the Rebels moved off with their plunder, of which they had a tolerable share. Col. Cruger arrived time enough to retake the cannon which they had taken from Brown, and about thirty prisoners."

Lossing: “With this inadequate force [according to Lossing 430 men] they [Clark and McCall] marched toward Augusta. So secret and rapid were their movements, that they reached the outposts before the garrison was apprised of their approach [Sept. 14, 1780.]. The right was commanded by M'Call, the left by Major Samuel Taylor, and the center by Clarke. The divisions approached the town separately. Near Hawk's Creek, on the west, Taylor fell in with an Indian camp, and a skirmish ensued. The Indians retreated toward the town, and Taylor pressed forward to get possession of a strong trading station called the White House, a mile and a half west of the town. The Indians reached it first, and were joined by a company of King's Rangers, under Captain Johnson. Ignorant of the approach of other parties, Browne and Grierson went to the aid of Johnson and the Indians. While absent, the few men left in garrison were surprised by Clarke and M'Call, and Forts Cornwallis and Grierson fell into their hands. A guard was left to take charge of the prisoners and effects in the fort, and Clark, with the remainder, hastened to the assistance of Taylor. Browne and Grierson, perceiving their peril, took shelter in the White House. The Americans tried in vain to dislodge them. A desultory fire was kept up from eleven o'clock in the morning until dark, when hostilities ceased. During the night the besieged cast up a slight breast-work around the house, made loop-holes in the building for musketry, and thus materially strengthened their position. Early in the morning [Sept. 15.], Clarke ordered two field-pieces to be brought from Grierson's redoubt, to be placed in a position to cannonade the White House. They were of little service, for Captain Martin, of South Carolina, the only artillerist among the besiegers, was killed soon after the pieces were brought to bear upon the building.

No impression was made upon the enemy during the fifteenth. On that morning, before daylight, the Americans drove a body of Indians from the river bank, and thus cut off the supply of water for those in the house. Colonel Browne and others had been severely wounded, and now suffered great agony from thirst. On the night of the fifteenth, fifty Cherokee Indians, well armed, crossed the river to re-enforce Browne, but were soon repulsed. Little was done on the sixteenth, and on the seventeenth Clark summoned Browne to surrender. He promptly refused; for, having sent a messenger to Colonel Cruger at Ninety-Six, on the morning when the Americans appeared before Augusta, Browne confidently expected relief from that quarter. Nor was he disappointed. On the night of the seventeenth, Clarke's scouts informed him of the approach of Colonel Cruger with five hundred British regulars and Loyalists, and on the morning of the eighteenth this force appeared upon the opposite side of the river. Clarke's little army was greatly diminished by the loss of men who had been killed and wounded, and the desertion of many with plunder found in the forts. At ten o'clock he raised the siege, and departed toward the mountains. The American loss on this occasion was about sixty killed and wounded; that of the British is not known. Twenty of the Indians were killed. Captain Ashby and twenty-eight others were made prisoners. Upon these Brown and his Indian allies glutted their thirst for revenge. Captain Ashby and twelve of the wounded were hanged upon the stair-way of the White House, so that the commandant might have the satisfaction of seeing their sufferings. Others were given up to the Indians to torture, scalp, and slay.””

Memorial of Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger: “In June 1780 Lord Cornwallis Commanding in the Southern District ordered your Memorialist with his Battn. and three other Regts. to take post so as to Cover the frontiers of Georgia and South Carolina which he did with such good effect, as to establish the tranquility of the Country this continued untill Sepr. following when a Body of Rebells consisting of between 1000 and 1200 Men composed Chiefly of fugitives from South Carolina and Georgia made a descent from the Mountains and attacked Augusta 130 miles above Savannah and 55 from your Memorialists post in South Carolina. The Critical Situation of that time not only of Augusta but of the whole province of Georgia, the rapid movements for its relief the raising the Siege of Augusta as well as driving the Enemy totally out of the province of Georgia by a pursiut of 60 Miles in consequence of which good order and Government were once more established in the province as a Circumstance which can be fully explained by his Excellency Sir James Wright and Lieut. Govr. Graham and for your Memorialists Conduct at that time he begs leave to refer to two Letters from Earl Cornwallis herewith delivered. That in order to derive proper advantages form this successful replusion of the Rebels your Memorialist used freuqent endeavours to conciliate the minds of the Inhabitants by personally going through the Country and so far reconciled the disaffected that with the greatest approbation of all Description of people Commissions of the peace were issued out to principal persons throughout the Country, who continued to Act under them untill the approach of Genl. Green with a numerous Army in April 1781.”

14 September. Allaire: "14 September. Thursday, 14th. Lay still at Col. Walker's. The poor, deluded people of this Province begin to be sensible of their error, and come in very fast. Maj. Ferguson, with thirty American Volunteers, and three hundred militia, got in motion at six o'clock, and marched to the head of Cane creek, and halted at one Wilson's. "

Mid September. Cornwallis was encamped at the Waxhaws settlement. Bryan's refugees, 4 pieces of cannon, 50 wagons and a detachment of cavalry marched by Hanging Rock toward the Catawba settlement, while the British Legion with a three pounder crossed the Wateree, and moved up the east side of the river. Scarcity of forage in Waxhaws was cause of this dividing of forces.

Around this same time, Colonel Hector MacNeil was embodying some loyalist in the Drowning Creek area of North Carolina, while Ganey’s loyalists had collected at Catfish Creek along Little Pee Dee, and Barfield’s between Drowning Creek and the Little Pee Dee.

16 September. Col. Abraham Buford, returning from Virginia, with remnants of his Virginia Continentals, reinforced by 200 raw recruits, in ragged condition, reached Gates in Hillsborough. By the 18th, 50 remaining Virginia State Troops, under Capt. Thomas Drew (previously under Porterfield), also joined Gates. The Virginia troops with Gates then totaled some 300 all together. By mid September, what was left of the Maryland Brigades at Camden were formed into one combined Maryland regiment under Col. Otho Williams and Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard, and organized into two battalions. The two battalions were commanded by Major Archibald Anderson and Major John Hardman. Prior to Camden, the two Maryland Brigades stood thus:: Three Colonels, four lieutenant colonels, five majors, thirty-eight captains, fifty subalterns, twenty-four staff officers, eighty-five non commissioned officers, sixty-two musicians, and seven hundred and eighty-one rank and file. "The number,” writes Williams, “which were killed, captured, and missing [at Camden], since the last muster could not with any accuracy, be ascertained. The aggregate was, three lieutenant colonels, two majors, fifteen captains, thirteen subalterns, two staff officers, fifty-two non-commissioned officers, thirty-four musicians, and seven hundred and eleven rank and file. These, at least a great majority of these, and all of them for aught I know, fell in the field, or into the hands of the enemy, on the fatal 16th of August. It is extremely probable, that the number of killed much exceeded the number taken prisoner. The Delaware regiment being mustered, the return stood thus: Four captains, seven subalterns, three staff officers, nineteen non-commissioned officers, eleven musicians, and one hundred and forty five rank and file, in actual service, &c. &c. &c. Eleven commissioned officers, and thirty-six privates of the Delaware regiment fell into the hands of the enemy." Added to Gates’ force were some men belonging to Harrison's corps of artillery, now commanded by Capt. Anthony Singleton, Harrison having returned to Virginia. Two brass cannon which Gates at left behind for want of horses on his march to Camden were retrieved and brought to the army collecting at Hillsboro, while a few iron pieces were gathered from other locations to form a small park at Hillsborough. About this same time a shipment of clothes was delivered to Gates' troops supplied by the state of North Carolina, but tents they had none and blankets few.

Lee: "Having collected the shattered remains of his [Gates’] army at Hillsboro, in pursuance of a regulation established by the commander in chief, the broken lines of the Maryland and Delaware regiments were compressed into one regiment, and placed under Colonel Williams of Maryland. The officers of cavalry had not been very successful in their efforts, for but four complete troops could be formed from the relics of Bland's, Moylan's and Baylor's regiments, when united with the new recruits. These were embodied and placed under...Lieutenant Colonel William Washington...The supernumerary officers of Maryland and Delaware, and of the cavalry, were dispatched to their respective States, for the purpose of recruiting. Brigadier Gist, who had so nobly seconded De Kalb...was charged with the direction of this service, there being no command for him with the army, in consequence of its reduced state. General Smallwood was retained as second to Gates...About the same time, the recruits of the Virginia line reached Hillsborough; and the remaining companies of Harrison's artillery also joined our army. The union of theses several corps gave to General Gates about one thousand four hundred Continentals...”

16 September. Cornwallis issues proclamation for sequestration of Rebel estates, and appointed John Cruden as the commissioner to oversee their administration.

18 September: Balfour wrote to Charleston loyalist, Col. Ballingall: “You are hereby required to take under your Command & join to your Regiment of Militia, the Inhabitants of the Parishes of St. Georges, St. James's, Goose Creek, and St. Andrews including James's Island and you are to take charge of the Militia of said Parishes and discipline them according to the Instructions I have already given you.”

18 September. Following the skirmish at Cane Creek, Col. Charles McDowell's and Col. Andrew Hampton’s force of 160 men, mostly North Carolina militia, arrived at the Watauga settlement.

20 September. Allaire: "Thursday, 20th. Got in motion at five o'clock in the evening, and marched six miles to Fair Forest Ford, where we halted and lay all night. "

Chesney: I was present also at a small affair at Fair Forest, the particulars of which, as well as numerous other skirmishes having escaped my memory, scarcely a day passed without some fighting.

20-21 September. [raid-skirmish] Wahab's Plantation (Lancaster County, S.C.) When about September 8th Cornwallis moved with his army to Waxhaws, it was on the same ground occupied by Davie in June and July 1780, located on the S.C.-N.C. border. It was a rich country but one much devastated by warfare and neglect, and many plantations completely deserted, and many of the inhabitants killed, captured or made refugees. Davie had recently been appointed Col. Commandant of all cavalry of North Carolina. He had 70 dragoons and two companies of riflemen commanded by Maj. George Davidson, he was posted twenty-five miles above the British camp at Providence, and fourteen miles south of Charlotte. The 71st Regt. was posted about a half mile in Cornwallis rear, Cornwallis on the north side of Waxhaws Creek. To the east of the 71st were some loyalist light troops and militia, who had been spreading "havoc and destruction." Davie finding out about this, "formed a design to attack them." Early morning of 20 September he circled Cornwallis position, coming from the east. Finding the loyalist had moved a few days before, he continued scouting and found them at Wahab's plantation, a location overlooked by the camp of the 71st. It is not clear who these loyalists were, but references which suggest that horsemen were present among their ranks make it probable that they included Harrison’s Provincials. On the morning of the 21st, Davie surprised and routed them, though he could not follow this up as being too risky. At one point in the fighting some of the loyalists were surrounded, Davie’s cavalry cut them down, being unable to take prisoners due to the proximity of the 71st. Davie did, however, capture some arms (120 stand) and 96 horses, and with the horses Maj. Davidson's men were mounted. The British lost 15 to 20 killed, and 40 wounded, while only one of the "Americans" was wounded. The late arriving British, in retaliation, burned the home of Capt. James Wahab, who himself had acted as a guide for Davie. That same afternoon Davie returned to his camp, having performed a march of sixty miles in twenty-four hours.

Davie: "Generals Sumner and Davidson had arrived that day [the 21st ]at camp with their brigades of militia[,] both of which However did not amount to one thousand men all on short enlistments, illy armed and diminishing every day. These with Davie's corps were the whole assembled force at that time opposed to the enemy."

22 September. Having been one of those who had received Ferguson’s ultimatum (see 7 September), Col. Isaac Shelby after conferring with Col., John Sevier, urged a proposal to Col Arthur Campbell, Shelby’s county superior, to organize a force to combat the Ferguson. Campbell agreed and on 22 September, messages were sent out to various leaders in South Carolina, western North Carolina, and Virginia. At the same time, 25 September was set as a date when the militia from the over-mountain settlements were to meet at Sycamore Shoals on the Watauga River. Half of the militia of Washington County, N.C. (Sevier’s) were called out for the expedition, while the remainder were to remain and guard the frontier from the Indians. Those from Sullivan County (i.e. Shelby’s) all accompanied the expedition.

23 September. Allaire: "Saturday, 23d. Got in motion at nine o'clock in the morning; marched three miles to Gilbertown; took up our ground on a height about half a mile from the town. This town contains one dwelling house, one barn, a blacksmith's shop, and some out-houses."

24 September. Allaire: "Sunday, 24th. Five hundred subjects came in [to either volunteer or show their support], also a number of ladies…”

24 September. Marion and his men came out from their concealed camp at White Marsh Swamp, and moved to Kingston, which they reached on the 25th.

24 September. Cornwallis leaves Waxhaws, which had become exhausted of provisions, and began his march toward Charlotte.

Tarleton: "Several convalescent men of the army having relapsed, the 71st under M'Arthur was left near Blair's mill (which was located halfway between Camden and Charlotte), to afford protection of the sick, to cover the mills in the neighborhood, and to hold communication with Camden, till the arrival of additional supplies."

25 September. Having received reports of Cornwallis' advance, Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner with his N.C. militia left his position at Providence and marched himself to Charlotte. He collected what stores and provisions he could and moved them to Salisbury, leaving Col. Davie to cover his withdrawal.

Lee: "Four days after the affair at Wahab's, the British general put his army in motion, taking the Steel Creek road to Charlotte. This being announced to General Sumner by his light parties, he decamped from Providence and retired on the nearest road to Salisbury, leaving Colonel Davie, with his corps, strengthened by a few volunteers under Major Graham, to observe the movements of the enemy. Hovering around the British army, Colonel Davie took several prisoners during the evening, and reached Charlotte about midnight."

25 September. Col. William Campbell, Col. Isaac Shelby, Lieut. Lieut. Col. John Sevier and their men each met at Sycamore Shoals. Col. Charles McDowell had already been there with his 160 men mostly from Burke and Rutherford counties. Col. Arthur Campbell brought another two hundred, but himself returned to Holston to oversee the defense of the settlement. Most were mounted and armed with Dickert rifles (commonly, though incorrectly, called “Deckard” rifles.) About this same time, Col. Benjamin Cleveland and his officers from Wilkes and Surry counties were collecting men in those areas. Congregating force at Quaker meadows then consisted of: 200 Virginia rifles under Campbell, 240 of Shelby's Regt., 240 of Sevier's Regt., approximately 150 to 160 with McDowell, 200 more VA militia were brought by Campbell's brother. Later Col. Benj. Cleveland would join them with 350 men. As well, Sumter's men under Hill and Lacey were camped within creeks of Salisbury, while Clark was fleeing north in their direction after the siege of Augusta.

26 September. Colonels William Campbell's, Charles McDowell, Shelby's and Sevier's men began their march from Sycamore Shoals. They had taken some cattle with them to feed the men, but on the 27th they spent much of the day slaughtering a number and feeding the men. Having in this way disencumbered their march, they proceed to through the gap between Yellow and Roan Mountains.

26 September. [skirmish] Charlotte (Mecklenburg County, N.C.) On the 24th Davie's patrol's had learned Cornwallis was in motion on the Steele Creek road to Charlotte. Sumner and Davidson meanwhile, left Charlotte, and retreated on Phifers road marching towards Salisbury. Davie with 150 dragoons and mounted infantry, with some volunteers under Maj. Joseph Graham, skirmished in Cornwallis' front, and on the night of the 25th captured some prisoners. By midnight he had taken post at Charlotte, 7 miles from where Cornwallis camped that night, being reinforced during night with 14 volunteers. The next morning, British light troops, with British Legion under Major George Hanger, and followed up by Cornwallis’ entire army, advanced. Hangers cavalry was ambushed by riflemen as they passed by some houses, and being then charged by Davie's cavalry, were driven back in disorder. British light infantry Legion light infantry, pressed forward, and Davie withdrew. Hanger’s cavalry regrouped charged in column again but were again received fire from the militia, which hurled them back in confusion. Even so, the British Legion infantry, which Cornwallis had reinforced with Webster’s 23rd Regt., began to turn Davie's flank, and he was forced to pull back. The British followed them with caution for some miles, and when the cavalry at last tried once more to charge the Davie’s rear guard, they were again repulsed. According to Davie he 5 killed, 6 wounded, including Maj. Graham. The British lost 44 killed and wounded, Hanger being among the wounded. British lost 14 wounded according to Tarleton, including Hanger. Rankin states the British lost 20 killed and wounded a number more.

Tarleton: “On the 22d, Earl Cornwallis directed the British legion and light infantry to cross the Catawba at Blair's ford, in order to form the advanced guard, for the immediate possession of Charlotte town. The junction of the light troops had been prevented for a few days, by a violent fever which had attacked Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, and which yet disabled him from holding his situation when his regiment moved forwards. Several convalescent men of the army having relapsed, the 71st, under M'Arthur, was left near Blair's mill, to afford protection to the sick, to cover the mills in the neighbourhood, and to hold communication with Camden, till the arrival of the additional supplies. Earl Cornwallis moved forwards as soon as the legion under Major Hanger joined him. A party of militia fired at the advanced dragoons and light infantry as they entered the town, and a more considerable body appeared drawn up near the court house. The conduct of the Americans created suspicion on the British: An ambuscade was apprehended by the light troops, who moved forwards for some time with great circumspection: A charge of cavalry, under Major Hanger, dissipated this ill-grounded jealousy, and totally dispersed the militia. The pursuit lasted some time, and about thirty of the enemy were killed and taken. The King's troops did not come out of this skirmish unhurt: Major Hanger and Captains Campbell and M'Donald were wounded, and twelve non-commissioned officers and men were killed and wounded.”

Pension statement of Henry Connelly, of Guilford County, N.C.: "At the time of approach of Cornwallis to Charlotte, under Colonel Davie the troops posted themselves to meet the enemy. On the enemy's approach the companies commanded by this applicant received the first onset from Tarleton's Cavalry, and the firing became general on the left wing. The troops were commanded by Colonel Davie in person, and for three times we succeeded in repulsing the enemy. At length we had to yield to superior numbers. In this battle we had many men killed, several from under this applicant."

Hanger: “I acknowledge that I was guilty of an error in judgment, in entering the town at all with the cavalry, before I had previously searched it well with infantry, after the precaution Earl Cornwallis had given me.

But when I risked so few lives in drawing the fire from the enemy, I trust that, in some measure, palliate the fault. None but the advanced guard were with me till most of the enemy had given their fire.

A part of the cavalry in reserve, whether from perceiving the enemy planted behind the houses, and imagining they were impervious to my view, (which they were, until I was considerably advanced into the town), or for other reasons best known to themselves, at this advantageous instant of time did not advance. My intent of charging through the town, after having drawn the enemy's fire, now became too late and too dangerous; and I was happy to draw the cavalry off as quick as I could, and with so trifling a loss.

The Stricturist [R. MacKenzie] says, ‘Lord Cornwallis being dissatisfied, ordered the light infantry to dislodge the enemy.’

This I positively deny -- the truth stands thus:

We had a part of the legion infantry mounted on inferior horses, to enable them to march with the cavalry, ready to dismount and support the dragoons. These infantry, of their own accord, very properly had dismounted, and formed before the cavalry were near out of the town. I ordered them to take possession of the houses to the right, which was executed before the light infantry, and the remainder of the legion infantry, came up, who were left behind with Earl Cornwallis to march at the head of his column.

I appeal for the truth of this assertion to Captain Campbell, who, as their senior Captain, commanded them, came running up to me, when our dismounted infantry had advanced, and in a most friendly manner intreated me not to impute any blame to him, for not running up with the remainder of the light and legion infantry instantly on the first hearing of the firing; for Earl Cornwallis had ordered him to keep them with his Lordship. At this moment Earl Cornwallis appeared in sight, having been but a very short distance behind with the army, and ordered the whole to halt. The enemy had by this time all quitted the town for the woods and swamps close behind it. The whole light troops now advanced. You will please to recollect, Captain Campbell, whose name I have just mentioned, was not wounded in the town, but above half an hour afterwards, and full one mile further one.

It was a trifling insignificant skirmish, which no person but the malevolent Stricturist (happy at all times to detract from public or private honour) would have attempted to have made of such magnitude, or even have ever mentioned.

It would have been but liberal and just in you to have related the conduct of the cavalry that whole day; in the afternoon, as well as the morning. These troops, whom you say, neither my intreaties, nor the exertions of their officers, could induce to face the American militia, were left unsupported in the evening, under my command, by Earl Cornwallis's express orders, when he took post at Charlotte Town, and left me to engage a corps of state horse and mounted crackers that had been very troublesome the whole day, perpetually skirmishing and harassing the front of our line of march. This service they performed with spirit, alacrity, and success. We had not moved on above one mile in search of the foe, when we fell in with them, attacked them instantly whilst they were attempting to form, dispersed them with some loss, and drove them for six miles, forcing them even through the very pickets of a numerous corps of militia, commanded by General Sumner; who, supposing a large part of the army to be near at hand, broke up his camp, and marched that evening sixteen miles. Lord Rawdon is well acquainted with the truth of my statement of this affair. Let the whole army judge, whether it was liberal, honourable, or just, thus to suppress one part of the conduct of the cavalry on that day, which certainly gained them some credit; and whether it does not manifest the extreme of rancour and malice, thus to dwell upon, and give an air of considerable consequence to a trifling skirmish in the morning, not worthy to be mentioned, or even thought of after it was over, by an officer acquainted with active service.”

27 September. Sumner and Davidson continued their retreat beyond the Yadkin. The day after the action at Charlotte, Davie retreated to Salisbury, where he was reinforced by Col. John Taylor's regiment from Granville, raising the strength of his corps to 300 mounted infantry and a few dragoons, he then returned to the outskirts of Charlotte. There his men acted in detachments in an effort to catch or confine within Charlotte enemy foraging parties, while taking pains to avoid a general engagement. They were assisted in this by their close and thorough knowledge of the countryside, and the frequent support of the inhabitants. In the weeks following "no party of the enemy ventured out without being attacked, and often retired with considerable loss." As well, communications were cut with Camden, and dispatch riders captured.

27 September. Ferguson left Gilbertown, and reached James Step's place in the Green River region, with the intention of catching Col. Elijah Clark's and his Georgians and South Carolinians who were retreating from their failed siege of Augusta.

28 September. The Frontier militia (of the then North Carolina and Virginia) under Campbell, C. McDowell, Sevier, and Shelby reached Cathey's or Cathoo's plantation at the mouth of Grassy Creek where they camp for the night.

28-29 September. [skirmish] Black Mingo Creek, also Shepherd's Ferry (Georgetown and Williamsburg County border, S.C.) Marion left Kingston and rode with his men to Port's Ferry. From there they moved to Witherspoon's Ferry on Lynches, and, after a 30 mile ride, were joined by Major John James, and 10 men, and some additional militia. According to some authorities had about 150 total with him. That evening just before midnight, having gone another 12 miles, he stealthily approached Col. John Coming Ball's camp at Black Mingo. Ball with over 150 loyalist militia were camped around Shepherd's ferry on the south side of Black Mingo creek. A sentinel’s gun alerted Ball, who was ready with a volley that wounded or killed a number of Marion's officers and men, who, just prior to the attack had dismounted. However, flanking detachments under Captain's John James and Waites took Ball's men by surprise, and routed them in an action that had lasted fifteen minutes. The two opposing force combined did not number much over 100 men. Marion had two men killed, one them a Captain George Logan, and six wounded. Captain Henry Mouzon and Lieutenant John Scott who were so badly hurt they had to retire from service. Ball lost three dead and thirteen wounded or prisoners, and the rest of his force was effectively dispersed. Marion captured a very useful supply of horses, gun, ammunition and other baggage, and five of the prisoners joined Marion's force. One of the horse’s taken was Ball’s own, a very fine mount, which Marion took for himself and named “Ball.” Col. Ball himself retired from serving with the British not long afterward. Many of Marion's force dispersed after the engagement to see to business at home. Marion then with Col. Giles, Major Hugh Horry, Major King, Captain Waites, Captain Milton, and about twelve more, made their way later that morning (the 29th), by way of Britton's Ferry, to Amis' Mill, where they remained camped for about two weeks. Some sources say Marion lost, Ball 20, others give Marion’s losses as 50, Ball’s as 60.

29 September. The Frontier and Virginia militia under Campbell, C. McDowell, Sevier, and Shelby moved through Gillespie's Gap in the Blue Ridge Mountains, then camped for the night in two separate divisions: Campbell's going to Gillespie’s and Wofford's "Fort" at Turkey Cove; the rest to North Cove, on the North Fork of the Catawba.

30 September. After reuniting, the frontier militia under Campbell, C. McDowell, Sevier, and Shelby marched to Quaker Meadows in Burke County, N.C., where they camped. Here the same day they were joined by 350 North Carolina militia, from Surry and Wilkes counties, under Col. Benjamin Cleveland and Maj. Joseph Winston. Prior to receiving word to join the expedition, Cleveland and Shelby's men had been suppressing loyalist movements in their districts.

30 September. Ferguson, camped at Step's place in the Green River Region, called in some of the loyalists he had furloughed, after being informed by two deserters from Sevier's regiment of the over-mountain men coming to attack him. The same day he wrote Cornwallis asking for reinforcements. However, because his messengers were delayed by whigs who intercepted them, the dispatch did not reach Cornwallis till 7 October, the day of King's Mountain.

Late September. Col. Daniel Morgan arrived to take command in Gates’ army at Hillsborough.

Late September. Brig. Gen. William Smallwood was appointed by the state of North Carolina to replace Caswell as head of the North Carolina militia. Col. Otho Williams then succeeded Smallwood as the commander of the Maryland Brigade. Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard was placed second in command to Williams. About or before this time the Maryland brigade was consolidated into two regiments, or more accurately battalions, since these were not formal regiments, though ever afterwards they were referred to as regiments. They were made up as follows:

1st Maryland Regt.: (Made up of men from the 1st, 3rd, 5th, 7th, MD Regiments), Maj. Archibald Anderson

2nd Maryland Regt. (Made up of men from the 2nd, 4th, 6th, MD. regts., plus the Delaware Regt.), Maj. Henry Hardman

Tarleton: “During the move into North Carolina, the officers who commanded upon the frontier, and within the province of South Carolina, had been attentive to the security of their respective commands. Lieutenant-colonel Turnbull, with the assistance of the inhabitants, and by the labour of the provincials and the negroes, had commenced, and almost completed, some redoubts at Camden, which would greatly remedy the badness of the position. Works were likewise constructed at Thompson's house, and at Nelson's ferry, to secure the communications with Charles town. Lieutenant-colonel Cruger had made use of the same precautions at Ninety-Six; the defences at that place were in great forwardness, and the post was in a tenable state. The troops at George town, since a late attempt of the Americans, had been employed in the same manner, and they were assisted by an armed naval force. Great alterations were made in the fortifications of Charles town; the old works were nearly thrown down, and Major Moncrieffe [James Montcrief] demonstrated his knowledge and judgement in the projected improvements.”

October: Sometime in October, the North Carolina Board of War removed Richard Caswell as commanding general of the North Carolina militia and gave the position to Brig. Gen. William Smallwood. Simultaneously, a small number of North Carolina Continentals were placed by Gates under Smallwood's command. Caswell as a result of the dismissal resigned his commission, although he later returned to command in early 1781. In addition, Sumner and other N.C. officers gave up their commands at what they felt was poor treatment of them by the Board of War. Smallwood was delayed in Hillsborough from assuming leadership of the North Carolina militia. Although he did take charge of them for a while, he later went north in late December, and the command was then passed on to Brig. Gen. William Lee Davidson.

255 loyal men were formed into a militia regiment

140 left to go north with Elijah Clark

This left about 169 in the area, from whom 21 hostages were carried to Savannah, 42 sent to Charleston, 57 of unknown character, 49 notorious rebels.

Early October. While in Charlotte, though a handful did come out to show support, Cornwallis’ troops regularly encountered resistance from locals, and inhabitants of outlying areas.

Tarleton: “Charlotte possessed a number of good mills, but was a hot bed of rebel activity, plantations in neighborhood were small and uncultivated, roads narrow, and area covered thickly with woods. Dispatch riders were often way laid to and from Camden Mecklenburg and Rowan were the most hostile counties in America.”

Hanger: “As to the disposition of the inhabitants, they totally deserted the town on our approach; not above three or four men remained in the whole town.”

1 October. Ferguson left Step's place, and after stopping to collect forage and destroy enemy crops at Baylis Earle's on North Pacelot, he marched to Denard's Ford on the Broad River, in Tryon [Lincoln] County. There he camped. Having by this time heard of the over-mountain men’s approach, he sent out an appeal for local loyalists to join him to defend against the mountaineers.

1 October. Frontier militia marched from Quaker Meadows and by the end of the day halted in a gap of South Mountain, not far from the site of the action at Cane Creek, and sixteen or eighteen miles from Gilbertown. It rained so heavily that afternoon, the mountaineers remained in camp all of the 2nd.

2 October. Col. William Campbell was voted by the commanders of the expedition against Ferguson to lead their combined forces, pending the arrival of a Continental officer appointed by General Gates. Col. Charles McDowell, on his own initiative, was sent to Gates to bring the request for a general officer. Major Joseph McDowell then assumed command of his older brother's men.

Hereafter in entries relating to King’s Mountain, “Campbell,” for convenience sake, will refer to the small army of the over-mountain men and backcountry militia, though Campbell’s leadership was more of a formality than a reality. It was normally the custom of the backcountry militia, as at Musgrove’s Mill, to follow only their immediate superiors who, in turn, tended to act democratically toward officers of their own rank: the attitude of Sumter’s officers towards Sumter being an unusual exception.

2 October. Col. James Williams united his forces with those of Colonels William Hill and Edward Lacey at the Forks of the main and south branches of the Catawba a few miles from Tuckasegee Ford. Williams had been authorized by Governor Abner Nash to raise men in North Carolina to serve under him, and by this means was able to get 70 men from Rowan County to serve with him. Hill and Lacey had with them 270 who had retreated from South Carolina into North Carolina with the original intention of linking up with General Davidson's North Carolina militia. Additional South Carolina militia joined them that day, including Captain Benjamin Roebuck's company, about 20 or 30, which joined Williams's group, and Col. William Graham's and Col. Frederick Hambright's party which consisted of 60 men from Lincoln (Tryon) County. Although Williams had been commissioned a Brigadier General by Governor Rutledge, the South Carolina men under Hill and Lacey would not serve under him, presumably because of instructions from Sumter. Consequently, Williams is often later been referred to as a Colonel, rather than a Brigadier General. The collected force was then, for command purposes, divided three ways; Hill and Lacey's force, Graham and Hambright's Force, and that under Williams. Between the three of them they had about 420 to 430 men.

On this same date, Williams, in Burke County, wrote to Gates: “I am at present about seventy miles from Salisbury, in the fork of the Catawba, with about four hundred and fifty horsemen, in pursuit of Colonel Ferguson. On my crossing the Catawba river, I dispatched to different quarters for intelligence, and this evening I was favoured with this news, which you may depend on: That Colonel Clark, of the state of Georgia, with one hundred riflemen, forced his way through South Carolina to Georgia. On his route thither, being joined by seven hundred men, he proceeded to the town of Augusta, and has taken it with a large quantity of goods; but not finding it prudent to continue there, he has retreated to the upper parts of South Carolina, in Ninety-six district, and made a stand with eight hundred brave men. This moment another of my expresses is arrived from Colonels M'Dowell and Shelby: They were on their march, near Burk court house, with one thousand five hundred brave mountain men, and Colonel Cleveland was within ten miles of them with eight hundred men, and was to form a junction with them this day. I expect to join them to-morrow, in pursuit of Colonel Ferguson, and, under the direction of Heaven, I hope to be able to render your honour a good account of him in a few days.”

2 October. Ferguson retreated from Denard's Ford four miles towards Cowpens. Earlier he had furloughed some of his militia, but now called them back in view of the threat from Campbell, Shelby and the over-mountain men. He hoped they would hurry back in time to join him, and also expected reinforcements from Cruger and Cornwallis. But by the time he realized his reinforcements were not going to appear, it was too late.

3 October (also given as 4 October). McIntyre’s Farm, also “The Battle of the Bees,” Bradley’s Farm (Mecklenburg County, N.C.) A considerable foraging force (one source gives it as 450 infantry, 60 cavalry, and 40 wagons) under Major John Doyle was sent out from Charlotte in search of provisions in the direction of Hopewell, N.C. A detachment of this force, about 100 and 10 wagons, was sent to the McIntyre (or else Bradley) farm on Long Creek, where they gathered corn, oats, livestock, and, as happened to be there, honey from some beehives kept on the farm. A small group of local militia (ranging in size from 6 to 14 men) under the command of Capt. Francis Bradley, were kept watch on the British proceedings from some adjacent woods. Bradley himself either owned the farm or had family ties to those who did. At one point, one of the beehives was accidentally (or possibly deliberately) knocked over by someone, which incited an uproar, either in the way of making the soldiers laugh, and or causing them to fly in fear from the bees. At this point, Bradley and his men opened fire on the disorganized enemy, killing 8 and wounding 12, before the British were able to collect themselves. Bradley then retreated and the British went after them in a hot, extended pursuit, but were unable finally to catch up with him. Over a month later, however, on 14 November, Bradley was ambushed in his own home and killed by four Tories.

3 October. Ferguson arrived Tate's Plantation where he camped for two days.

Allaire: "Tuesday, 3d. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning; marched six miles to Camp's Ford of Second Broad river, forded it and continued on six miles to one Armstrong's plantation, on the banks of Sandy Run. Halted to refresh; at four o'clock got in motion; forded Sandy Run; marched seven miles to Buffalo creek; forded it; marched a mile farther and halted near one Tate's plantation. John West came in camp, who is a hundred and one years of age; is amazingly strong in every sense. "

3 October. Hill, Lacey, and William’s men marched by way of Ramsour's Mill to Flint Hill (or else simply the Flint Hills) in eastern Rutherford County, N.C, where they bivouacked. They had no specific intention at the time, however, of joining Campbell.

3 (and 8) October. [raids] Richmond, also Old Surry Court House (Forsyth County, N.C.) At the same time as Campbell, Shelby and Cleveland’s forces were occupied with Ferguson, i.e. in the last week of September and first week of October, the brothers Colonel Gideon Wright and Col. (possibly Capt.) Hezekiah Wright raised a force of mounted loyalists in Surry County, N.C., numbering 310, and which, within a few days, grew to as many as 900. On October 3rd and 8th, they attacked whig inhabitants in and around Richmond, N.C., including killing the county sheriff. As no mention is made of military resistance, presumably these raids were marauding excursions. With respect to the raid on the 8th, however, a company of whig militia, under Capt. Henry Smith, is reported as having been present and taken some losses.

4 October. Sumter and his colonels (minus Hill and Lacey) arrived at Hillsborough on 4 October where he conferred with Gov. John Rutledge for the purpose of obtaining a Brigadier’s commission, secure material support and discuss strategy. This then was why Sumter was not at Kings Mountain, though troops of his under Lacey and Hill were. Apparently, Sumter had been nettled by the fact that Col. James Williams had already been given a Brigadier’s commission.

4 October. Marion, at Amis’ Mill on Drowning Creek, S.C., wrote to Gates: "The British marched from Georgetown to Camden the 29 Sept; it is s[aid]d 220 men, part of them Marines -- Major Whimes [Wemyss] is at the Cheraw with about 90 men of the 63rd Regt. Burning and plundering Negroes & everything in their way; the Torys are so affrighted with my Little Excursion that Manys moving off to Georgia with their Effects, Others are rund into Swamps. If I could raise one hundred men, I shou'd certainly pay a visit to Georgetown, my whole party has not been more than sixty men of all ranks. I expect Gen. Harrington will be by this near Cheraw, where I mean to join him with Col. [Thomas] Brown (abt. 100) who is eight miles of me, & remove Major Whimes [Wemyss] from his Post." Following the departure of the 220 (mentioned above by Marion) from Georgetown, the town was garrisoned with 60 invalids, and later reinforced with some 20 regulars. It also, however, had a number of swivels and cohorn guns to defend itself, while containing considerable supplies of value, such as ammunition, clothing and salt.

4 October. Resuming their march from their camp at the gap of South Mountain, Campbell's force reached the mouth of Cane Creek, close to Gilbertown. Here they were subsequently joined by 30 of Col. Elijah Clark's men, under Maj. William Candler and Captain Johnston; plus 20 men from the South Fork of the Catawba under Major William Chronicle. Clark himself was not with them because he was helping to transport refugee families from Georgia over the mountains to the safe haven of the Nolachucky settlement.

5 October. Campbell's force, crossed the Broad River, and reached the ford of the Green River. Because of the slowness of their movement, due in part to the cattle they had brought, around 690 of the best men and horses were selected to continue hunting down Ferguson. The slower part of Campbell's force that remained was left in charge of Major Joseph Herndon, from Cleveland's regiment, and Captain William Neal, one of Campbell's own officers. Sources somewhat differ as to the accumulated strength of Campbell’s force prior to King’s Mountain, and before the 900-940 man detachment actually sent out to attack Ferguson was selected. Draper believes the number to have been 1,800, apparently including the men under Hill, Lacey, Williams, Cleveland and Candler. James Iredell, a later Associate Justice of the United States Supreme, in a letter of 8 October 1780, wrote: “A body of 1,500 men under officers of the name of Selby [Shelby] and McDowell, another 800 under Cleveland, and a third under Col. Williams, were very near each other, and expected to join the day after the accounts came away, in pursuit of him [Ferguson].” Still yet other sources list the total as high as 3,000.

5-7 October. At this same time in which the mountaineers were in pursuit of Ferguson, some 400 to 600 tories were gathering four miles west of Cowpens at Zecharias Gibbs’ residence on the Pacelot.

6 October. Campbell, after receiving word from Lacey (who on the 5th had gone alone with some aides to visit Campbell’s camp), of the presence South Carolina and North Carolina force under himself, Hill, Williams, et. al., went to form a junction with them at Cowpens, which they all reach the same day: the South Carolinians arriving just a little ahead of Campbell's force. Together the two groups numbered about 1100, most armed with rifles. Of these a reported force of 910 men was selected for the main assault.

6 October. Sumter, in Hillsborough, was promoted to Brigadier General of the South Carolina militia by Governor John Rutledge.

6 October: Marching from Tate’s Plantation, Ferguson occupied Kings Mountain on the evening of the 6th. This same day some loyalists, reportedly around 600 men, were collecting in several groups at [Zecharias] Gibbs' about four miles east of Cowpens, with the intention of joining Ferguson, but apparently dispersed after King's Mountain. Awaiting the arrival of these loyalists was probably one of the reasons Ferguson remained on King's Mountain on the 7th. On King's Mountain, he made preparations for a defense, while sending a last urgent appeal to Cornwallis for assistance. By this time an unknown number of his furloughed men and some additional loyalist had joined him. Ferguson could easily have escaped to Charlotte in time, but instead lingered 2 days at Tate's and 1 day at King’s Mountain hoping for the arrival of these various militia, and perhaps also because he didn't want to seem be in such haste to "run away." Ferguson may then have fought the over-mountain men and whig militia, when he could have escaped, because he saw them as a challenge to his honor and bravery as a military officer.

Allaire: “Friday, 6th. Got in motion at four o'clock in the morning, and marched sixteen miles to Little King's Mountain, where we took up our ground.”

7 October. [battle] KING’S MOUNTAIN. (York County, S.C.) Campbell's force, crossed Broad River at Tate’s Ferry (adjacent to Tate’s Plantation) and Cherokee Ford, about sunrise then, marched a distance then halted about three miles from King's Mountain, where they ate and collected some forage for their horses. It was raining in the early part of the day, and an effort was made to keep their powder dry. From there they moved to the east side of Kings Creek, above Quarry Road, where, around 3 pm, they dismounted, left some men in charge of the horses, and proceeded on foot to encircle Ferguson's encampment. Surrounded on all sides, the elevation (not quite a mountain, but rather a large rocky and wooded prominence) little availed Ferguson as it only caused his men to overshoot the mountaineers who were also protected by the many trees which covered the hillside. An occasional bayonet charge by Ferguson’s provincials drove the whigs back a few times, but in vain for as the battle progressed the deadly rifle fire took its toll on the loyalists. Ferguson himself was killed attempting to lead another charge, and it wasn’t long before the battle, which had lasted about an hour, was over. Among its effects King's Mountain caused many Americans to violate their oaths of protection and paroles, both in the eastern and western districts of South Carolina. At the same time enthusiasm among the western loyalists of western South Carolina and North Carolina was drastically diminished, and obtaining recruits in those regions became much more difficult. The battle was also decisive in bringing about the termination of Cornwallis’ initial invasion of North Carolina, and by the end of the month he had retreated to Winnsborough.

The full and true story of King’s Mountain has probably yet to be told. Draper’s is, in this writer’s opinion, the best work on the subject, and an excellent, in many ways, book it is. Yet his pronounced biases are frequent and often too obvious. In the events leading up to, the battle itself, and what followed after, rancor in some ran deep, and passions often displayed were unusually violent on both sides. This no doubt helps explain why the record should be so colored, and why accounts of what happened should often be so obviously conflicting. This has left the historians with many and various questions which have yet to be satisfactorily resolved. Why, for example, wasn’t Ferguson better supported, either by Cruger, Cornwallis or Tarleton? Why exactly was Ferguson in such an ill concealed rage against the frontiersmen? Given the brutality of much of the fighting all over, it seems somewhat peculiar that the maiming of two loyalists by some Cleveland’s men should have inspired him with a sense of a crusade. What exactly were the numbers of both sides engaged? How did certain individuals, such as James Williams, actually meet their death in the battle? What took place when the battle ended? Did certain rivalries among the Patriot leaders affect subsequent history? And there are others. One thing is not in question, and that is that the frontiersmen certainly showed themselves to be exceedingly bold and determined fighters. Though Allaire ridicules them, one can’t help but sense in his account of what happened a certain respect and admiration for their pluck and audacity, combined with an amusement at their uncultured simplicity. What he presents in the way of shaming them, to some extent, comes across as more comical than moral in its tone.

Bass: “On October 9 (Cornwallis) begged Tarleton to lead his dragoons to locate Ferguson, but Tarleton refused, pleading weakness from the attack of yellow fever. Next day Cornwallis ordered him to ‘reinforce Ferguson wherever he could find him,’ Tarleton said in his Campaigns. “Accordingly Tarleton marched to Smith’s Ford, below forks of the Catawba, where he received certain information of the melancholy fate of Major Ferguson.”

AMERICAN FORCES AT KING’S MOUNTAIN

Col. William Campbell

Col. Isaac Shelby, second in command

Virginia frontier militia: 200, Col. William Campbell

North Carolina frontier militia: 120, Col. Isaac Shelby

North Carolina frontier militia: 120, Lieut. Col. John Sevier

North Carolina militia: 110, Col. Benjamin Cleveland

North Carolina militia: 90, Major Joseph McDowell

North Carolina militia: 60, Maj. Joseph Winston

North Carolina militia: 50, Lieut. Col. Frederick Hambright, Maj. William Chronicle

South Carolina militia: 100, Col. Edward Lacey, Lieut. Col. James Hawthorn

South Carolina and Georgia militia: 60, Brig. Gen. James Williams, Maj. William Candler

TOTAL (not including officers): 910 to 940

Campbell’s, Cleveland’s and Shelby’s official report gives 900. Shelby later gave the number as 910, and Hill as 933. Draper prefers the 910 figure. Lumpkin makes the total out to be 940, counting an extra thirty under Candler as separate from Williams’ group.

BRITISH FORCES AT KING’S MOUNTAIN

Maj. Patrick Ferguson

Capt. Abraham DePeyster, second in command

Ferguson’s Corps: 100, (Ferguson)

North Carolina loyalist militia: 430 to 450, Col. Ambrose Mills, Col. Vezey Husband

South Carolina loyalist militia: 320 to 356, Maj. Daniel Plummer

It is not clear who commanded the South Carolina loyalist militia, but Draper speaks of Plummer hence his mention here.

TOTAL: 850-902

Chesney gives 1,500.

The numbers above for Ferguson’s force are taken from Lumpkin. Campbell’s report gives Ferguson strength as 1,103. Allaire says the number was 800. Tarleton speaks of 100 Rangers (Ferguson’s Corps) and 1,000 loyal militia. Americans claiming to know from captured provision returns claimed Ferguson had 1,125. There is good reason to believe, however that 200 loyalist left Ferguson's camp that day on a patrol or foraging party, thereby making the total more near 800 to 900 as per Lumpkin’s figure.

Draper: "Where were the other Loyalist leaders of that region Colonels Cunningham, Kirkland, and Clary, Lieutenant-Colonels Phillips and Turner, and Majors Gibbs, Hill and Hamilton? Some were doubtless with the party whom the Whigs had passed at Major Gibbs' plantation, near the Cowpens, or possibly with Colonel Moore's detachment; others were scattered here and there on furlough." Capt. David Fanning and his me had been with Ferguson briefly on 2 October, but resumed their operations elsewhere.

CASULATIES AND CAPTURES

AMERICAN

Virginia militia man, Ensign John McCorkle, on November 7th, wrote home to his wife, Rebecca: "We got to Hillsborough the fourth [twenty-fourth?] day of October about 10 o'clock and that day we marched 6 miles on our way to Guilford. I did not then have time to write you. At Guilford I had the opportunity of seeing Col. Wm. Campbell who informs me that he defeated Ferguson at King's Mt. and out of 1125 he killed and captured 1105 English and Tories. The loss on our side was not great, only 28 killed and 8 wounded. Nathaniel Dryden was killed and 3 of the Edmundsons.”

American losses according to Campbell’s, Shelby’s and Cleveland’s report were 28 killed, 62 wounded. Shelby in letter of 12 October stated six officers and 23 privates were killed, though he believed the number would finally come to 35, plus 50 to 60 wounded.

BRITISH

Loyalist losses according to Campbell’s, Shelby’s, and Cleveland’s report were 206 killed, 128 wounded, and 48 officers and 600 privates made prisoner. Shelby reported loyalist losses as 127 killed, 125 wounded, and 649 prisoners including the wounded.

Casualties for Ferguson’s corps alone, the report lists 19 killed, and 35 wounded. Of officers and privates, 68 were taken prisoner including those wounded. Shelby, in his 12 October letter, gives: 38 killed, 28 wounded, 57 prisoners.

Campbell's official report states 1,500 stand of arms were taken, Shelby’s letter of 12 October speaks of 1200. 17 of Ferguson’s baggage wagons, these were not taken as being too cumbersome to move during the retreat.

See also Allaire’s Letter below for his own account of losses on both sides.

Pension statement of Edward Dorton (or Darten) of Washington County, VA.: “Col. Campbell got word from Col. Cleveland that the Tories had fled from the Haw River and many from PeeDee and they had joined Ferguson (Major or Col.). We started from Abingdon all on horses and our Capt. was by the name of Looney. He thinks Col. Campbell's brother was a Capt. also. We crossed the Catawba high up in Burk's County, N.C. and came up with the British at a place called King's Mountain. Campbell was joined by Col. Cleveland and Major Shelby and Col. Sevier. There was a Frenchman there also by the name of Malmaday (this applicant thinks he was a Major) and Gen. McDowell were all on horses. When we got within one mile of the mountain we all hitched our horses and left them in care of some militia companies. The whole of us was divided; part of Campbell's men fell under Cleveland and one Sevier and Wilson. This applicant was one of them and marched up. They were on the side of the mountain. The firing commenced on the right wing (commanded by Campbell) and Shelby on the left, Cleveland in the center. The British with bayonets charged upon Cleveland's men and forced us to give back, but we all took turns. The battle lasted for some time and we made them all prisoners. The troops, or part, went over to Charlotte and we took some of the prisoners along. Gates' army was at Charlotte. From there we went to Hillsboro, N.C. and remained there but a few days and again went back to Charlotte where we all ------. Gen. Greene took command, this was in December 1780 or 1781.”

Campbell, Shelby, and Cleveland post-battle report to Gates, 25 September 1780: “Campbell, Shelby, and Cleveland post-battle report to Gates: “…We began our march on the 26th, and on the 30th, we were joined by Col. Cleveland, on the Catawba River, with three hundred and fifty men from the counties of Wilkes and Surry. No one officer having properly a right to the command-in-chief, on the 1st of October, we despatched an express to Major General Gates, informing him of our situation, and requested him to send a general officer to take command of the whole. In the meantime, Col. Campbell was chosen to act as commandant till such general officer should arrive. We reached the Cowpens, on the Broad River, in South Carolina, where we were joined by Col. James Williams, on the evening of the 6th October, who informed us that the enemy lay encamped somewhere near the Cherokee Ford of Broad River, about thirty miles distant form us.

By a council of the principal officers, it was then thought advisable to pursue the enemy that night with nine hundred of the best horsemen, and leave the weak horses and footmen to follow as fast as possible. We began our march with nine hundred of the best men about eight o'clock the same evening, marched all night, and came up with the enemy about three o'clock P.M. of the 7th, who lay encamped on the top of King's Mountain, twelve miles north of the Cherokee Ford, in the confidence they could not be forced from so advantageous a post. Previous to the attack, in our march the following disposition was made: Col. Shelby's regiment formed a column in the centre on the left; Col. Campbell's another on the right; part of Col. Cleveland's regiment, headed by Major Winston and Col. Sevier's, formed a large column on the right wing; the other part of Col. Cleveland's regiment composed the left wing. In this order we advanced, and got within a quarter of a mile of the enemy before we were discovered.

Col. Shelby's and Col. Campbell's regiments began the attack, and kept up a fire on the enemy while the right and left wings were advancing forward to surround them. The engagement lasted an hour and five minutes, the greatest part of which time a heavy and incessant fire was kept up on both sides. Our men in some parts where the regulars fought, were obliged to give way a small distance two or three times, but rallied and returned with additional ardour to the attack, and kept up a fire on the enemy while the right and left wings were advancing forward to surround them. The engagement lasted an hour and five minutes, the greatest part of which time a heavy and incessant fire was kept up on both sides. Our men in some parts where the regulars fought, were obliged to give way a small distance two or three times, but rallied and returned with additional ardour to the attack. The troops upon the right having gained the summit of the eminence, obliged the enemy to retreat along the top of the ridge where Col. Cleveland commanded, and were there stopped by his brave men. A flag was immediately hoisted by Captain DePeyster, the commanding officer, (Major Ferguson having been killed a little before,) for a surrender. Our fire immediately ceased, and the enemy laid down their arms--the greater part of them loaded--and surrendered themselves to us prisoners at discretion.

It appears from their own provision returns for that day, found in their camp, that their whole force consisted of eleven hundred and twenty-five men, out of which they sustained the following loss:--Of the regulars, one Major, one captain, two lieutenants and fifteen privates killed, thirty-five privates wounded. Left on the ground, not able to march, two captains, four lieutenants, three ensigns, one surgeon, five sergeants; three corporals, one drummer and fifty-nine privates taken prisoners. Loss of the Tories, two Colonels, three Captains, and two hundred and one privates killed; one Major and one hundred and twenty-seven privates wounded and left on the ground not able to march; one Colonel, twelve Captains, eleven Lieutenants, two Ensigns, one Quarter-Master, one Adjutant, two Commisssaries, eighteen Sergeants and six hundred privates taken prisoners. Total loss of the enemy, eleven hundred and five men at King's Mountain.”

Allaire: “Saturday, 7th. About two o'clock in the afternoon twenty-five hundred Rebels...attacked us...their numbers enabled them to surround us. The North Carolina regiment seeing this and being out of ammunition gave way. Capt. DePeyster, on whom the command devolved, saw it impossible to form six men together; thought it necessary to surrender to save the lives of the brave men who were left. We lost in this action Maj. Ferguson...had eighteen men killed on the spot...Of the militia, one hundred were killed including officers; wounded, ninety; taken prisoners, about six hundred. Rebels lost Brig.-Gen Williams, one hundred and thirty-five, including officers, killed; wounded, equal to ours.”

Allaire’s Letter Published in the (New York) Royal Gazette, 24 February 1781: "I think the last letter I wrote you was from Fort Moultrie, which I left a few days after. We marched to a place called Ninety-Six, which is about two hundred miles from Charleston; we lay there about a fortnight in good quarters, after which we proceeded to the frontiers of South Carolina, and frequently passed the line into North Carolina, and can say with propriety, that there is not a regiment or detachment of his Majesty's service, that ever went through the fatigues, or suffered so much, as our detachment. That you may have some faint idea of our suffering, I shall mention a few particulars. In the first place we were separated from all the army, acting with the militia; we never lay two nights in one place, frequently making forced marches of twenty and thirty miles in one night; skirmishing very often; the greatest part of our time without rum or wheat flour-rum is a very essential article, for in marching ten miles we would often be obliged to ford two or three rivers, which wet the men up to their waists. In this disagreeable situation, we remained till the seventh of October, when we were attacked by two thousand five hundred Rebels, under the command of Gen. [James] Williams. Col. Ferguson had under his command eight hundred militia, and our detachment, which at that time was reduced to an hundred men. The action commenced about two o'clock in the afternoon, and was very severe for upwards of an hour, during which the Rebels were charged and drove back several times, with considerable slaughter. When our detachment charged, for the first time, it fell to my lot to put a Rebel Captain to death, which I did most effectually, with one blow of my sword; the fellow was at least six feet high, but I had rather the advantage, as I was mounted on an elegant horse, and he on foot. But their numbers enabled them to surround us and the North Carolina regiment, which consisted of about three hundred men. Seeing this, and numbers being out of ammunition which naturally threw the rest of the militia into confusion, our gallant little detachment, which consisted of only seventy men, exclusive of twenty who acted as dragoons, and ten who drove wagons, etc., when we marched to the field of action, were all killed and wounded but twenty, and those brave fellows were soon crowded into an heap by the militia. Capt. DePeyster, on whom the command devolved, seeing it impossible to form six men together, thought it necessary to surrender, to save the lives of the brave men who were left.

We lost in this action, Maj. Ferguson, of the Seventy-first regiment, a man strongly attached to his King and country, well informed in the art of war, brave, humane, and an agreeable companion-in short, he was universally esteemed in the army, and I have every reason to regret his unhappy fate. We lost eighteen men killed on the spot-Capt. [Samuel] Ryerson and thirty-two Sergeants and privates wounded, of Maj. Ferguson’s detachment. Lieutenant M'Ginnis of [Isaac] Allen’s regiment, Skinner's brigade [the New Jersey Volunteers], killed; taken prisoners, two Captains, four Lieutenants, three Ensigns, one Surgeon, and fifty-four Sergeants and privates, including the wounded, wagoners, etc. The militia killed, one hundred, including officers; wounded, ninety; taken prisoners about six hundred; our baggage all taken, of course. The Rebels lost Brig.-Gen. [James] Williams, and one hundred and thirty-five, including officers, killed; wounded nearly equal to ours. The morning after the action we were marched sixteen miles, previous to which orders were given by the Rebel Col. [William]Campbell (whom the command devolved on) that should they be attacked on their march, they were to fire on, and destroy their prisoners. The party was kept marching two days without any kind of provisions. The officers' baggage, on the third day's march, was all divided among the Rebel officers…”

Chesney: "Our spies from Holston, as well as some left at the Gap of the Mountains, brought us word that the Rebel force amounted to 3,000 men; on which we retreated along the north side of Broad River and sent the wagons along the south side as far as Cherokee Ford, where they joined us. We marched to King's Mountain and there encamped with a view of approaching Lord Cornwallis's Army and receiving support; by Col. Ferguson's orders I sent expresses to the Militia Officers to join us there; but we were attacked before any support arrived by 1500 picked men from Gilbert's Town under the command of Colonels Cleveland, Selby [Shelby] and Campbell, all of whom were armed with Rifles, well mounted and of course could move with the utmost celerity. So rapid was their attack that I was in the act of dismounting to report that all was quiet and the pickets on the alert when we heard their firing about half a mile off. I immediately paraded the men and posted the officers, during this short interval I received a wound which however did not prevent my doing duty; and on going towards my horse I found he had been killed by the first discharge [Kings Mountain from its height would have enabled us to oppose a superior force with advantage, had it not been covered with wood which sheltered the Americans and enabled them to fight in their favorite manner; in fact after driving in our pickets they were able to advance in three divisions under separate leaders to the crest of the hill in perfect safety until they took post and opened an irregular but destructive fire from behind trees and other cover. Col Cleveland's was first perceived and repulsed by a charge made by Col. Ferguson; Col Selby's [Shelby’s] regiment was next and met a similar fate being driven down the hill; last, the detachment under Col. Campbell and by desire of Col. Ferguson, I presented a new front which opposed it with success; by this time the Americans who had been repulsed had regained their former stations and sheltered behind trees poured in an irregular destructive fire; in this manner the engagement was maintained near an hour, the mountaineers flying whenever there was danger of being charged by the Bayonet, and returning again so soon as the British detachment had faced about to repel another of their parties. Col Ferguson was at last recognized by his gallantry, although wearing a hunting shirt, and fell pierced by seven balls at the moment he had killed the American Col. Williams with his left hand; (the right being useless). I had just rallied the troops a second time by Ferguson's orders when Capt. DePeyster succeeded to the command, but soon after gave up and sent out a flag of truce. But, as the Americans resumed their fire afterwards, ours was also renewed under the supposition that they would give no quarter; and a dreadful havoc took place until the flag was sent out a second time, then the work of destruction ceased; the Americans surrounded us with double lines, and we grounded arms with the loss of one third our numbers."

7 October. Cornwallis ordered Maj. James Wemyss with the 63rd from Camden to combine with Harrison's Corps to march to Kingstree. The order was countermanded after Cornwallis received news of King's Mountain. Earlier, in a letter of 30 September to Cornwallis, Wemyss had spoken disparagingly of Harrison's corps as an unreliable group seeking plunder, and "worse than militia."

7-8 October. Gates formed a light corps for Morgan to command consisting of 70 cavalry under Washington, 60 Virginia riflemen under Major Alexander Rose, plus 4 companies of light infantry drafted from the Maryland and Delaware Regiments. By the next day(the 8th), Morgan’s corps began its march and reached Salisbury on the 15th. Gates with the main army remained in Hillsborough. The North Carolina militia under Smallwood, meanwhile, subsequently posted themselves at Providence, about fourteen miles south of Charlotte.

Kirkwood's Journal: "Octb. 7. This Day three Companies of Light Infantry were Chosen, one under the Command of Capt. Bruen of Virginia, Second by Capt. Kirkwood, & the third by Capt. Brooks the whole under the Command of Col. Morgan.

Oct. 8. Began our march from Hilsborough (sic) under Command of Col. Morgan, and arrived at Salsbury (sic) the 15th Inst."

8 October. Campbell's King’s Mountain force, having mounted their wounded, and taken as much from Ferguson’s 17 baggage wagons as they could carry, retreated to the Broad River. In addition to the wounded and captured arms and stores, they were further hampered in their movement with the 600 prisoners which they had captured. At one of the Broad River fords, probably Cherokee Ford, they met up with the group that had been left behind under Col. Herndon. The re-united force finally camped that night on the eastern side of Broad River just north of Buffalo Ford creek, where they buried a number of their men including Col. Williams.

9 October. [skirmish] Polk’s Mill (Mecklenburg County, N.C.) As part of his effort to keep his army supplied, Cornwallis occupied a number of local mills and farms around Charlotte, including Polk’s Mill. On 9 October Maj. Joseph Dickson, a veteran of King’s Mountain, and 120 mounted militia with rifles surprised the British there. Dickson captured a British sentinel and 8 loyalist militia men, while Lieut Stephen Guyon and about 20-30 soldiers of the 23rd Regt. barricaded themselves in a loop-holed stockade. There, out numbered four or six to one, they successfully fought off Dickson. Dickson lost1 killed and 1 wounded. Later in the evening, 50 whig militiamen came to Polk’s plantation and made off with 50 horses.

Tarleton: “The foraging parties were every day harassed by the inhabitants, who did not remain at home, to receive payment for the produce of their plantations, but generally fired from covert places, to annoy the British detachments. Ineffectual attempts were made upon convoys coming from Camden, and the intermediate post at Blair's mill; but individuals with expresses were frequently murdered. An attack was directed against the picket at Polk's mill, two miles from the town: The Americans were gallantly received by Lieutenant Guyon, of the 23d regiment; and the fire of his party from a loop-holed building adjoining the mill, repulsed the assailants. Notwithstanding the different checks and losses sustained by the militia of the district, they continued their hostilities with unwearied perseverance; and the British troops were so effectually blockaded in their present position, that very few, out of a great number of messengers, could reach Charlotte town in the beginning of October, to give intelligence of Ferguson's situation.”

MacKenzie: "Many of the above remarks [of Tarleton's] are inadmissible. No disastrous event, inferior to that which befell Ferguson, could possibly have given effect to the exertions of the inhabitants inimical to the British government around Charlottetown; their whole [rebel] force, though directed against a detachment consisting of thirty men, under the command of Lieutenant Guyon of the 23d regiment, was repulsed with disgrace..."

Hanger: [after quoting the above from MacKenzie, and making some comments on the roads around Charlotte] "Though Lieutenant Guyon, of the 23d regiment, much to his credit, repulsed a very superior force, with only thirty men, this was a particular instance; for, in fact, the foraging parties were attacked by the enemy so frequently, that it became necessary never to send a small detachment on that service. Colonel Tarleton, just then recovered from a violent attack of the yellow fever, judged it necessary to go in person, and with his whole corps, or above two-thirds, when he had not detachments from the rest of the army. I will aver, that when collecting forage, I myself have seen situations near that town, where the woods were so intricate, and so thick with underwood, (which is not common in the southern parts of America) that it was totally impossible to see our videtts, or our centries from the main boy. In one instance particularly, whether Lieutenant Oldfield, of the Quartermaster General's department, was wounded; the enemy, under cover of impervious thickets, impenetrable to any troops except those well acquainted with the private paths, approached so near to the whole line of the British infantry, as to give them their fire before ever they were perceived. Charlotte Town itself, one side most particularly, where the light and legion infantry camp lay, was enveloped with woods..."

9 October. Campbell's force marched two and a half miles up the Broad River on its northern bank. Much of the day having been spent burying their dead, tending to the wounded, and generally resting.

9 October. Militia from Rockbridge, Fauquier, Augusta, and adjoining southern counties in Virginia began their march to join Gates. It was these troops under Maj. Francis Triplett and Capt. James Tate that would serve with Morgan at Cowpens. They arrived at Gates headquarters below Charlotte on 7 November.

From the pension application of William Miller, of Rockbridge County, VA.: “This applicant states that he was drafted as a militia man in the sd County of Rockbridge, and marched on the 9th of October 1780 under Cpt James Gilmore, then of sd County, now dead, Lieutenant John Caruthers, then of sd County, now dead, and Ensign John McCorkle, also of sd County... The company rendesvoused in the Town of Lexington, in sd County of Rockbridge--marched to New London in Bedford Cty, Virginia, thence to Hillsborough in North Carolina, where they joined Headquarters under Gen.Gates, where the company was reviewed & drew muskets & there received orders to join Gen Smallwood, stationed about 16 or 18 miles below Charlotte, toward Cambden and marched on to that Station, haping [hopping] through Guilford and Salisbury. At this station this applicant was taken from his company and ordered to the Catawba to guard Garrison's Ferry, in which service he was engaged about 4 weeks. When this applicant was returning to Smallwood's camp, he heard that Gen. Morgan had gone to Charlotte...”

10 October. Campbell's force continued its march in a north-westerly direction along the Broad River towards Gilbertown, covering this day about twenty miles.

10-11 October. Cornwallis ordered Tarleton on the 10th, with the light infantry, the British Legion and a three-pounder to reinforce Ferguson. Tarleton proceeded then to march to Smith’s Ford below the forks of the Catawba only to learn of Ferguson’s defeat. While in Charlotte, Cornwallis had contemplated sending Lieut. Col. James Webster with a detachment to attack a force under Brig. Gen. Sumner at Alexander’s Mill, however, the move was called off after word arrived of King’s Mountain. Cornwallis also had made not-to-be-realized plans of moving his army to Cross Creek at this time. In a letter to Ferguson, quoted in MacKenzie’s Strictures, and which Ferguson never received, Cornwallis wrote: "As soon as I have consumed the provisions in this settlement, I shall march with as much expedition as possible to Cross-Creek."

11 October. Campbell marched about twelve miles and camped at Col. John Walker's plantation, some five miles northeast of Gilbertown on the east side of Cane Creek, remaining there through to the 12th.

10 October. Whig leader Col. Thomas Brown, from Camp Bear Swamp, on this date wrote to Brig. Gen. William Harrington: "The Tories about Little Pee Dee are summoned to meet on Thurs. by one Jesse Barefield; I shall if possible, disperse them; Barefield [Capt. Jesse Barfield] did surprise [a Capt. Moore] & Took several of his horses. "

11 October. In a letter to Marion, Gates stated that he had ordered Brig. Gen. Harrington, commanding the North Carolina militia at Cross Creek to move down to a position on the Pee Dee opposite Cheraw, the latter having been abandoned by Cornwallis.

12 October. Gates, at Hillsborough, wrote Gov. Thomas Jefferson this date: "The moment the supplies for troops arrive from Taylor's ferry, I shall proceed with the whole to the Yadkin. General Smallwood and Colonel Morgan are on their way to that post; the latter with the light infantry, was yesterday advanced eighteen miles beyond Guildford court house; the former with the cavalry, lay last night thirteen miles on this side of that place."

12 October. Brig, Gen. Davidson joined Davie on the outskirts of Charlotte with 40 men, for the purpose of collecting, "if possible," the militia on the east side of the Yadkin River.

13 October. Col. Daniel Morgan is promoted to Brig. General by Congress. He received the commission on 25 October.

13 October. Campbell's King’s Mountain force marched to Biggerstaff's (or Bickerstaff’s) located on Robertson's Creek in Rutherford County, N.C. The country being thinly settled they had difficulty obtaining food.

Allaire: “Friday, 13th. Moved six miles to Bickerstaff's plantation. In the evening their liberality extended so far as to send five old shirts to nine of us, as a change of linen-other things in like proportion. “

14 October (also given as 15 October). [battle] SHALLOW FORD (Yadkin County, N.C.) In response to the threat created by Colonels Gideon Wright and Hezekiah Wright (see 3 and 8 October), Brig. Gen. William Lee Davidson, at Charlotte, dispatched a force of 52 Mecklenburg men, under Capt. Andrew Carson, to Surry County. Simultaneously, Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner, near Salisbury, sent 60 Yadkin men under Capt. Jacob Nichols and a Capt. Miller to Deep Creek in the Forks of the Yadkin, where Surry militia men were themselves collecting to combat the loyalist uprising. This particular group of Surry militia ultimately numbered some 80 men. The different parties then united in an unrecorded location, but it probably was somewhere 2 to 3 miles northwest of Shallow Ford and west of the Yadkin. The whigs were further reinforced by some 160 Montgomery County, VA. militia led by Maj. Joseph Cloyd. Moving through western North Carolina, Cloyd was on his way to assist Campbell, but had come too late to participate at King’s Mountain. Having been informed of what was taking place in Surry County, he marched his force there instead. On October 14th, the Wrights, with some 310 to 900 men, having passed the Yadkin at Shallow Ford moving west on the Mulberry Fields road were confronted by the whig force sometime about 9:30 am. In a heated encounter of loosely formed units, which is believed to have lasted 45 minutes, the whigs managed to slay 14 loyalists, while probably wounding many more. The mounted loyalists fled and were effectively dispersed. The whigs, for their part, reportedly lost at least 1 killed, Capt. Henry Francis, and 4 others wounded. Draper seems to suggest that Col. Joseph Williams was prominent in the fight, but Williams only joined the fighting near its close, having heard the shooting going on from his home nearby. An additional 300 militia, under Col. John Peasly, of Guilford County, and sent by Sumner, also arrived just before the battle was over. A modern estimate of the forces actually involved in the fighting gives the loyalists 500 and the whigs 300. Writes Revolutionary War specialist Ann Brownlee (from whom most of the above information was taken) “Within several days, most of them [the whigs] left for home. On October 19th, the Field Officers of the Patriots held a Council on nearby land owned by Abraham Creson. The Council directed that all those who had supported the Tory cause be offered a pardon, upon meeting specified conditions. Many availed themselves of this offer.” While clearly overshadowed by King’s Mountain, Shallow Ford played a not insignificant part in undermining the loyalist support Cornwallis could have expected when he invaded North Carolina, and there is no little irony in the fact that he and his army left Charlotte on the same date (in the evening) this battle took place.

14 October. On the night of the 14th Cornwallis began his retreat from Charlotte, during which time it rained and he was astray of the main road by a deceiving guide. To add to his troubles, an attack on party of his column by a small party of Whig resulted in his losing 20 baggage wagons belonging to the 71st Regt. and the Legion infantry. He intended to cross the Catawba at Old Nation Ford, but due to the swell of the river, was forced to halt. He then spent two days without supplies, while Davie and the local militia continued to cut off his foraging parties and skirmished with his rear guard. Desiring a suitable site suitable for supplying his army, Cornwallis sent out detachments in advance, under Tarleton, to find one. Winnsborough was decided upon and he arrived there at the end of the month. During this time Cornwallis himself came down with fever, and Rawdon was placed in command. Continued rains inhibited the army’s march.

Hanger: “When the army quitted Charlotte, I myself, with four or five other officers, sick of the yellow fever, were conveyed away in waggons. I was the only one that survived a week's march. From the inclemency of the season, and being frequently wetted by crossing rivers, I lost the use of my limbs for some months.”

Lee: "Soon after his Lordship left Charlotte...(Cornwallis took ill, and resigned command to Rawdon)...The swell of water-courses (due to heavy rains) presented new obstacles, not only to his progress, but to the procurement of forage and provisions for daily subsistence, which were before very difficult to obtain. The royal militia became now peculiarly useful. Inured to the climate, they escaped the prevailing sickness; and being mounted, were employed unceasingly in hunting, collecting, and driving cattle from the woods to the army. This meager supply was the only meat procurable; and young corn, gathered from the field, and boiled, or grated into meal, was the substitute for bread... (footnote in Lee): "Mr. Stedman, a British officer, and in the commissariat under Lord Cornwallis, tells us that the army would have been often destitute of provisions, but for the capacity and activity of the inhabitants who repaired to the royal standard."... (additional footnote) "During this retreat the British rasped the young corn into a coarse meal, which was considered a better mode of preparing the corn than roasting or parching, common with us. Biscuit made of flour, from which only the bran has been taken, is the best and cheapest for winter quarters, when the soldier may conveniently take his bread."

Mid October. When Sumter returned from Hillsborough, he found his brigade camped on Bullock’s Creek, in modern day York County. It flows from the east, just below King’s Mountain, into the Broad River. Tarleton had hoped to catch him, but the retreat from Charlotte prevented it, during which time Sumter disbanded his troops. He called them out again to Hill’s Iron Works on the New Acquisition after Cornwallis camped at Winnsborough.

14 October. On the night of 14 October nine loyalists, Col. Ambrose Mills, Captain James Chitwood, Captain Wilson, Captain Walter Gilkey, Captain Grimes, Lieutenant Lafferty, John Bibby and Augustine Hobbs, were tried and executed on grounds of alleged burglary, arson and murder, at the prompting of some of the leaders with Campbell, Col. Benjamin Cleveland among the most prominent.

Allaire:” Saturday, 14th. Twelve field officers were chosen to try the militia prisoners-particularly those who had the most influence in the country. They condemned thirty-in the evening they began to execute Lieut.-Col. Mills, Capt. Wilson, Capt. Chitwood, and six others, who unfortunately fell a sacrifice to their infamous mock jury. Mills, Wilson, and Chitwood died like Romans- the others were reprieved.”

Allaire’s Letter: “…Shortly after we were marched to Bickerstaff's settlement, where we arrived on the thirteenth. On the fourteenth, a court martial, composed of twelve field officers, was held for the trial of the militia prisoners; when, after a short hearing, they condemned thirty of the most principal and respectable characters, whom they considered to be most inimical to them, to be executed; and, at six o'clock in the evening of the same day, executed Col. Mills, Capt. Chitwood, Capt. Wilson, and six privates; obliging every one of their officers to attend at the death of those brave, but unfortunate Loyalists, who all, with their last breath and blood, held the Rebels and their cause as infamous and base, and as they were turning off, extolled their King and the British Government….” Published in the (New York) Royal Gazette, 24 February 1781.

15 October. As part of a move to support Cornwallis’ prospective operations in North Carolina (by cutting off and destroying supplies in Virginia), and with a view to establishing a naval station in the Chesapeake, Clinton sent Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie with 2,800 rank and file to Virginia. Leslie left New York on October 15th, pausing at Sandy hook on the 17th.

15 October. Morgan with his light troops arrived at Salisbury.

15 October. Campbell’s men crossed the Catawba River at Island Ford just in time to reach Quaker Meadows before heavy rains made had made the Catawba impassible.

Allaire: “Sunday, 15th. Moved at five o'clock in the morning. Marched all day through the rain-a very disagreeable road. We got to Catawba and forded it at Island Ford, about ten o'clock at night. Our march was thirty-two miles. All the men were worn out with fatigue and fasting- the prisoners having no bread or or meat for two days before. We officers were allowed to go to Col. McDowell's, where we lodged comfortably. About one hundred prisoners made their escape on this march.”

Allaire’s letter: “Shortly after the 14th it began to rain heavily In order to avoid being trapped by the flooded river, and eager to get themselves out of the possible reach of Tarleton who they believed might be on their trail, Campbell crossed the Catawba reaching Quaker Meadows where they camped, on the west bank of the Catawba. The militia and prisoners alike suffering continued privation for lack of food, but were able to partly appease their hunger there. By the next day, to their relief the river rose. On the morning of the fifteenth, Col. Campbell had intelligence that Col. Tarleton was approaching him, when he gave orders to his men, that should Col. Tarleton come up with them, they were immediately to fire on Capt.[Abraham] DePeyster and his officers, who were in the front, and then a second volley on the men. During this day's march the men were obliged to give thirty-five Continental dollars for a single ear of Indian corn, and forty for a drink of water, they not being allowed to drink when fording a river; in short, the whole of the Rebels' conduct from the surrender of the party into their hands is incredible to relate. Several of the militia that were worn out with fatigue, and not being able to keep up, were cut down, and trodden to death in the mire. After the party arrived at Moravian Town, in North Carolina, we officers were ordered in different houses. Dr. Johnson (who lived with me) and myself were turned out of our bed at an unseasonable hour of the night, and threatened with immediate death if we did not make room for some of Campbell's officers; Dr. Johnson was, after this, knocked down, and treated in the basest manner, for endeavoring to dress a man whom they had cut on the march. The Rebel officers would often go in amongst the prisoners, draw their swords, cut down and wound those whom their wicked and savage minds prompted. This is a specimen of Rebel lenity-you may report it without the least equivocation, for upon the word and honor of a gentleman, this description is not equal to their barbarity. This kind of treatment made our time pass away very disagreeably.”

16 October. From Quaker Meadows, the South Carolina men under Hill and Lacey, and most of Shelby’s and Sevier’s men, and the Virginians on foot began their respective journeys homeward. The mounted men under Campbell, those Cleveland and Winston, and possibly McDowell's also, continued with the prisoners, having a force of 500-600 to escort over 600 prisoners. During night, which was rainy, a number of prisoners (Allaire in his diary says 100) reportedly escape. Hill and Lacey subsequently camped at Bullock’s Creek.

17 October. Campbell with what remained of his army, and escorting the prisoners, resumed his march, and passing the valley of the Yadkin, forded the North branch of the Catawba and camped at a nearby plantation.

18 October. Campbell marched 18 miles and reached the bank of Moravian Creek not far from Wilkes Court House. The next day (the 19th) he arrived Brier's Creek and apparently discharged some of his Virginia troop, and by the 24th came to Bethabara.

19 October. Cornwallis’ army, under Rawdon’s command, crossed the Catawba at Land's Ford in his exit of North Carolina. After sending out scouts to find a suitable location to base the army at, he moved to Winnsborough, S.C. where he settled his forces before the end of the month.

Tarleton: “The plan for the winter's campaign being abandoned, the next object was to look out for a proper position to cover South Carolina: Immediate attention was given to procure intelligence of the state of the country between the Catawba and Broad rivers, and of the situations that would allow safe and direct communication with Ninety-Six and Camden. Several movements were made before a regular camp was established: It was impossible to rely upon the information of inhabitants; for, in all descriptions of country, they are influenced by secret considerations, which direct them to consult their own interest and convenience. Besides, it was not to be expected that individuals, unacquainted with war, could point out the most eligible post to be occupied by an army acting upon the defensive. The King's troops moved through a plentiful country in the neighbourhood of Fishing creek, whilst measures were employed to find out the most convenient position on the frontier.”

21 October. The flotilla carrying them having cast anchor off Hampton Roads in the Chesapeake on the 20th, Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie’s force was landed and took possession of Portsmouth. A detachment debarked the 22nd at Portsmouth, and a detachment was sent to Hampton Roads on the 23rd. The main body of troops were in Portsmouth on the 26th and 27th. Leslie fortified Portsmouth, secured the posts of Great Bridge and Northwest Landing, and stationed a body of troops near Suffolk. From Hampton Roads on the 24th, Leslie wrote to Cornwallis. He described the troops that he brought south as including the "Guards, Bose, Fannings (the King's American Regiment), a corps of provincial light infantry commanded by Col. Watson (left behind sick), part of the 82nd and 84th and 100 jaegers." A footnote in Clinton's memoirs gives his force as: "Guards, Regiment of Bose, Eighty-second, Thirty-fourth, Fannings [and] Watson's light infantry, Jagers, detachment of Seventeenth Dragoons, artillerymen (100), refugees, guides, pioneers, etcs. -- in all, 2800 rank and file." The mention of the "Thirty-fourth" is somewhat peculiar as no other mention of the regiment is made elsewhere in the southern campaign. However, it is likely the 34th Regiment returned to New York before Leslie moved, (as he did later) to Charleston, because by that time the total rank and file strength of his expedition was approximately 2,300 rank and file.

Clinton: "(A)s Lord Conwallis had in his late disptaches explicitly told me that unless he immediately attacked North Carolina he must give up both South Carolina and Georgia and retire within the walls of Charleston, I resolved without delay to send an expedition into the Chesapeake, with a view of making a powerful diversion in His Lordship's favor by striking at the magazines then collecting by the enemy at the head of James River for supplying the army they were assembling to oppose him."

22 October. Kirkwood (with Morgan’s force): “Octbr 22nd. Marched to Six mile run and there joined the No. Carolina Militia under the Command of Genl. Davidson.

25th Moved our encampment in Front of the Militia this Neighborhood is called New Providence and within 14 miles of Charlotte."

24 October. Maj. Francis Triplett’s and Capt. James Tate’s Virginia militia, about 100 to 200 in strength, arrived in Hillsborough to join Gates.

25 October. Morgan received his commission as Brigadier General.

25 October. [skirmish] Tearcoat Swamp, also Tarcoat Swamp (Clarendon County. S.C.) When Marion, at Britton's Neck, learned of Tynes encampment he was able to call together 150 men (or up to 400 according to one source. ) Lieut. Col Samuel Tynes, operating in the vicinity of the High Hills area between Salem and Nelson's ferry, had been able to call up about 200 men whom he armed with stores coming from Camden. Marion crossed the Pee Dee at Port's Ferry, then crossed Lynches River (also called Lynches Creek) at Witherspoon's Ferry and thus made his way to Kingstree. From there he tracked Tynes to Tearcoat swamp “in the fork of Black river,” where he surprised the loyalists. Tynes and his men were scattered, and a few days later Tynes and a few of his officers were captured by a detachment of Marion’s commanded by Capt. William Clay Snipes. Tynes lost 6 killed 6, 14 wounded, and 23 taken prisoner. As well he lost 80 horses and saddles and as many muskets." Tynes himself and a few of his officers were captured in the couple days following the action, though they subsequently escaped. Marion’s own losses were anywhere from 3 to 26 killed and wounded. Many of Tynes men actually came in and enlisted with Marion, who sent his prisoners to Brig. Gen. Harrington at Cheraw, and proceeded to set up his camp at Snow Island for the first time. Following Tynes’ defeat, Cornwallis had 50 men sent from Charleston to Monck's Corner, while maintaining patrols covering his line of communication along the Santee River. Typical size forces British convoys had to guard against would be about a dozen men. McCrady gives Marion strength as 400, and says Tynes, with an unknown number, lost 26 killed and wounded.

William Dobein James: "Tynes lay encamped at Tarcote, in the fork of Black river, much off his guard, and Gen. Marion crossing the lower ford of the northern branch of that river, at Nelson's plantation, marched up and surprised him in the night. The rout was universal, and attended, as Tarcote swamp was near, with more dismay than slaughter. Gen. Marion lost not a man; some tories were killed, and among the rest Capt. Amos Gaskens; a man noted before the war for petty larceny, and after it commenced, for plundering under Major Wemyss. The most of Tynes' men, soon after joined Gen. Marion, and fought bravely."

Lee: “With a force fluctuating from fifty to two hundred and fifty men, Marion held himself in his recesses on the Pee Dee and Black rivers, whence he darted upon the enemy whenever an opportunity presented itself. He not only kept in check all the small parties of the enemy, whom the want of forage and provisions, or the desire of plunder, occasionally urged into the region east and south of Camden, but he often passed the Santee, interrupting the communications with Charleston, and sometimes alarming the small posts in the vicinity.”

26 October. Col. William Campbell left his force of remaining King's Mountain men, some 450-550, along with the prisoners, at Bethabara under the command of Col. Benjamin Cleveland, while he personally went to Hillsborough to make his report to Gates.

26 October. Lieut. Col. Stuart and Guards, from Leslie’s force, were landed at Glebe, with a view to taking Great Bridge, VA., which was occupied by some militia. By noon of the 27th the militia had fled, abandoning a four-pounder, and the British took possession.

In response to the invasion, Governor Thomas Jefferson called out 10,000 (later reduced to 6,000) militia. It had been intended that Col. Robert Lawson with 500 mounted volunteers would assist Gates in North Carolina. However, in view of the new threat, these were retained, and Jefferson requested Congress for assistance. The result ended up being the sending of Lieut. Col. Henry Lee and his Legion who arrived in North Carolina by January. The militia ultimately formed against Leslie was organized in two main bodies, one under Brig. Gen. Thomas Nelson on the lower James peninsula, and the other under Brigadier Generals Peter Muhlenburg and George Weedon at Pagan Creek near Smithfield. Although some loyalist came out to support Leslie, they were much less in number than he had hoped. In addition he had a very difficult time obtaining both local pilots for his ships and information of enemy forces. Despite instructions to advance on Petersburg, he never advanced further than Suffolk, about which time (in early November) he received instructions from Cornwallis to move his expedition southward (via the sea) to the Carolinas.

27 October. 25 to 30 soldiers and two officers from the Prince of Wales Regt. left Charleston on their way to Georgetown.

29 October. Cornwallis, having recovered from fever by this time, arrived at Winnsborough, making it his headquarters on 2 November. The total British army in the South Carolina and Georgia, including Loyalists and German troops, amounted to 5000.

500 recruits and convalescents belonging to different regiments recently came in from New York. At the same time, loyalist recruiting had proved successful. 150 loyalists were added to Tarleton's corps. As well as Ninety and Camden, the British had posts at Nelson’s Ferry, Thompson’s Plantation (at Belleville), Dorchester, Georgetown, and Orangeburg.

Tarleton: “Before the end of October, Earl Cornwallis fortunately recovered from his indisposition, and about the same period a proper encampment was discovered. After minute inquiry and examination, Wynnesborough presented the most numerous advantages: Its spacious plantations yielded a tolerable post; its centrical situation between the Broad river and the Wateree afforded protection to Ninety-Six and Camden; and its vicinity to the Dutch forks, and a rich country in the rear, promised abundant supplies of flour, forage, and cattle. As soon as the army arrived on this ground, the sick were conveyed to the hospital at Camden; rum and other stores were required from that place, and communication was opened with Ninety-Six.”

30 October. At the recommendation of Washington, the Continental Congress in Philadelphia placed Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene in command of the Southern Army.

Men from Burke and Rutherford, under Charles McDowell 160

From Wilkes and Surry counties, under Col. Cleveland and Major Winston: 350

From Washington County, NC: Sevier 240

From Sullivan County, NC Shelby 240

From Washington County, Va. Campbell: 400

total 1390”

November. Balfour sent the 64th Regt., under Maj. Robert McLeroth, from Charleston to pass the Santee and protect communications with Camden from Marion. Rawdon, for his part, moved detached some mounted infantry of the N.Y. Volunteers, under Capt. John Coffin, to assist McLeroth. Many skirmishes took place between McLeroth, Coffin and the rebels in the area, without considerable loss to either side, though supply convoys to Camden were somewhat delayed.

November. The 1st Bttn. of the 71st Regt. continued to occupy Brierly's (or Brierley’s) ferry on the Broad River, in order to protect forage in that area of meal, flour, and cattle for Cornwallis at Winnsborough. These provisions were either supplied willingly by inhabitants, or else came from confiscated estates.

November. [skirmish] Sandy River (Chester, County, S.C.)

November. During the month, skirmishing resumed between Whigs and Loyalists in the Drowning Creek area of South Carolina and North Carolina.

Pension statement of William White of Anson County, North Carolina: "Again, some time in November, 1780, he was drafted or called to serve a tour against the Tories under Captain Dudley Mask (rendezvoused) at the Grassy Islands, marched down to Drauning [Drowning] Creek. The Tories fled and we were verbally discharged ... served at this time two weeks."

Early to mid November. [four skirmishes] Bear Swamp, Brown’s Counterattack, Miller’s Plantation, and Barfield’s Retreat (Marion and Dillon counties, S.C.) After Marion left Amis Mill, Capt. Jesse Barfield assembled some of his militia on the Little Pee Dee. As part of an effort to collect horses for the N. Y. Volunteers, on October 30th he attacked some of Col. Brown’s men under a Capt. Moore at Bear Swamp and defeated them. Barfield himself was then was shortly after counter-attacked by Col. Thomas Brown who commanded a “regiment” of whig militia on the upper Pee Dee. Brown managed to disperse, at least temporarily, Barfield’s force. Wrote Brown on the 4th of November to Brig. General Harrington: " Barefield did surprise [Capt. Moore] & took several of his horses …I have killed Miles Barefield, and wounded two others of the Barefields; and it is said Jesse Barefield is shot through the hand, but the certainty I cannot tell. I have got four more of the Barefield's well ironed & under guard, whom I am very choice of...I have got 259 cattle and have just got to collecting again, as Barefield hath prevented me a fortnight (ago)." Brown then wrote again to Harrington on the 9th : " Yesterday, Barefield fell in with 5 of your men [near Jonathon Miller’s]. ..Vernon White, Theophilus Eavens, Hadley .....took all their horses & arms, paroled them and let them go. I would recommend that you send a formidable troop of horse..as Barfield can raise 70 or 80 horse himself and is determined to prevent any cattle being collected amongst them...Barfield attacked my regiment last Monday week, at night; but they did us no damage, only slightly wounded two men." Barfield then returned to the field with a reported 200 men, and, on the 8th, routed a group of Whigs led by Col. Maurice Murfee at a location in Marion (possibly Dillon) County. Although reportedly killed in the fighting, Murfee was actually only wounded, though it would appear the wound put him out of commission for some time.  Barfield, with what remained of his force, made his way to Georgetown sometime between 10 and 14 November.

South Carolina Gazette, 15 November,: "...About 200 inhabitants near Pee Dee River...(entirely routed) a gang of banditti;...leader of the rebels (was) a Col. Murphy[Murfee];...a few days since the victorious loyalists joined the King's forces posted at Georgetown."

Early November. After Cornwallis camped at Winnsborough, Sumter called out his men to Hill’s Iron Works. He then moved to Stalling’s Plantation on Fishing Creek. When he subsequently learned that Tarleton had moved toward the High Hills (after Marion), Sumter moved to Moore’s Mill only thirty miles from British army, after suppressing the loyalists around Mobley’s Meeting House.

2 November. Due to a scarcity of supplies in Hillsborough, Gates ordered what remained of the Maryland, Delaware, and Virginia troops (under Buford), numbering some 1,000, to Salisbury, along with two cannon under Capt. Anthony Singleton, which they reached on the 9th. Several days later, Gates himself left Hillsborough with a 130 man escort and arrived there on the 11th. Most of Gates' army was sick at the time with various illnesses and wounds. Despite promises of the North Carolina Board of War, there were few provisions to be had in Salisbury.

On 7 November, Ensign John McCorkle, with Capt. James Tate’s Company from Rockbridge County, VA., wrote to his wife Rebecca: “On the seventh day of Nov. we arrived at headquarters about ten miles below Charlotte where Major-Gen'l Smallwood's Regiment was in camp, but we are to join Col. Morgan's Light Infantry and we cannot tell how soon we must march from here. We expect to do most of the fighting. The enemy have left Charlotte. Part of them went to Camden and crossed the Catawba River. Some think that they are on the way to Charleston.”

3 November. After receiving formal instructions from Congress, Greene went south from Philadelphia with Maj. Gen. Friedrich von Steuben, and aides Col. Lewis Morris, Jr. and Maj. Ichabod Burnet, on his way to take command of the southern army. Not long before, Brigadier Generals Peter Muhlenberg and George Weedon had been to Virginia to organize the militia there.

4 November. Around the beginning of the month, Tarleton had been sent to Camden from Winnsborough because Cornwallis was apprehensive for its being possibly attacked by Morgan. When it was realized no danger was imminent, on the 4th, Tarleton with his Legion, Harrison's Provincials and two three-pounders, instead, was sent out from Camden to hunt down Marion.

Tarleton: “Earl Cornwallis was impressed with an idea that the Americans had a design upon Camden: The report of the advance of General Morgan towards the head of Lynche’s creek, with Colonel Washington's cavalry, and a body of continental infantry, together with the exaggerated accounts of Marion's force, gave plausibility to the supposition. The situation and importance of the magazine caused early jealousy and immediate attention. The light troops, however, on their arrival at Camden, found no reason to expect an attack from General Morgan, and Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton thought the opportunity favourable to commence an expedition against Marion.”

Thomas Anderson: " (October) 25th Moved our encampment in front of the Militia, this place [New Providence] is within fifteen miles of Charlotte, While we lay at this place, Colonel received his commission of Brigadier from Congress.

Nov. 4. This day General Morgan’s light infantry with Colonel Washington’s cavalry marched down towards Rudgeley’s, within thirteen miles of Camden to reconnoiter the enemy and returned to camp on the 9th instant….marched 100 [miles]

[no entries till the 22nd]

22. This day the Maryland Division arrived here [New Providence].”

5 November. Marion camped with about 400 to 500 men at Jack's Creek, some ten miles north of Nelson's Ferry, in the proximity of the British supply route to Camden.

7-8 November. Tarleton, with 400 men and two small artillery pieces, arrived at the plantation of General Richard Richardson as the staring point of his expedition against Marion. Marion, apprised by a member of the Richardson family that Tarleton lay in ambush for him, retreated to Richbourg's Mill dam. Tarleton then, learning he had been given away, started in the early hours of the 8th and went in vigorous pursuit of him. Yet gave up after a goose chase of twenty-six miles in the swamp. It was at Ox Swamp, where he finally halted, that he reportedly referred aloud to Marion as that "damned old fox." Marion had set an ambush at Benbow's Ferry on the Black River, but Tarleton never approached, returning instead to Richardson's Plantation, and then burned some homes and destroyed much corn between Nelson's Ferry and Camden. On November 9 and 10 he burned thirty houses, and on the 10th camped at Singleton’s Mill.

Tarleton: “Earl Cornwallis approving the design [against Marion], the light troops marched down the east bank of the Wateree. According to the reports of the country, General Marion's numbers were hourly increasing, which induced Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton to move his corps, for a short time, in a very compact body, lest the Americans should gain any advantage over patroles or detachments: But as soon as he found the account of numbers exaggerated, and that the enemy declined an engagement, he divided his corps into several small parties, publishing intelligence that each was a patrole, and that the main body of the King's troops had countermarched to Camden. Notwithstanding the divisions scattered throughout the country, to impose upon the enemy, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton took care that no detachment should be out of the reach of assistance; and that the whole formed, after dusk every evening, a solid and vigilant corps during the night. This stratagem had not been employed more than three days before General Marion was on the point of falling a sacrifice to it. He advanced on the 10th, before day, with five hundred militia, to attack Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, (who had notice of his approach) and arrived within two miles of his post; when a person of the name of Richardson discovered to him his misconception of the British force. Tarleton, unable to account for the slow advance of the Americans, dispatched an officer with a few men to find out the cause, who soon obtained information how the project was betrayed, which had already caused Marion to retreat with confusion and rapidity. A pursuit was immediately commenced, and continued for seven hours through swamps and defiles: Some prisoners fell into the possession of the legion dragoons, who gained ground very fast, and must soon have brought the enemy to action, when an express from Earl Cornwallis, who had followed the tracks of the march, recalled Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton.”

William Dobein James: ”As soon as Tarleton received intelligence of Gen. Marion's position [after Marion had evaded his ambush at Richardson’s], and had got a guide, he thought to make sure of his prey, and commenced his march: he was led in silence to the spot which he contemplated as another scene of slaughter; but his intended victim had flown. He pursued to the Woodyard, but could not pass that night. The next morning Marion, knowing the vigilance of his foe, decamped betimes; and pursuing his route down Black river, for thirty-five miles, through woods, and swamps and bogs, where there was no road, encamped the following night on advantageous ground, at Benbow's ferry, now Lowry's bridge, about ten miles above Kingstree, on the east side of Black river. In a partisan warfare this position was the best that could have been taken. He could now defend himself, first at Black river itself; and after that at three difficult passes, of swamps, in his rear; all within ten miles, on that side of the river, before he reached Kingstree; but on the direct road to that place, on the west, there was but the one defile at the river; besides the possibility of being overtaken before he reached it. Here then Marion determined to make a stand, and felled trees across the road to impede the enemy. On the morning after the retreat, Tarleton found Marion's trail across the Woodyard, but went round it, and pursued, as he says, ‘for seven hours, through swamps and defiles.’ In fact he pursued about twenty-five miles, when arriving at Ox swamp, which was wide and miry, and without a road to pass it, he desisted, saying to his men, "Come my boys! let us go back, and we will soon find the game cock, (meaning Sumter) but as for this d----d ~old fox~, the devil himself could not catch him.’”

9 November. Gates’ army camped at Salisbury. Gates himself arrived there on the 11th. Accompanying Gates were 130 horsemen including Lieut. Col. William Washington’s 3rd Regiment of Continental Light Dragoons, Lieut. Col. Anthony White’s 1st Regt. of Continental Light Dragoons, and remnants of Armand’s Legion cavalry under Major Richard Call. These units, says Williams in his Narrative, had come to Gates camp at Hillsborough "with a very few effectives, of the first and third regiments of dragoons." White subsequently received leave to go to Philadelphia, and Washington remained to command the combined cavalry corps which then numbered about 60 or 70 effectives. Washington was then attached to Morgan’s light corps. In a letter to Col. Alexander Scammell of 13 November, Williams had written that Brig. Gen. John Butler had already been in Salisbury for some time with 200 to 300 militia whose terms of enlistment were to expire in two to three weeks.

9 November. [skirmish] Fish Dam Ford (Chester County, S.C.) Major James Wemyss of the 63rd, whose corps had recently joined the army at Winnsborough from Camden, was dispatched on the 8th by Cornwallis to disperse Sumter’s militia, who were congregating for the purpose of collecting volunteers at Fish Dam Ford. Wemyss’ men were mounted on horses they had brought along with them to Winnsborough. With 100 to 200 of the 63rd Regiment and 40 dragoons of the British Legion. Wemyss led the advance guard, followed by Lieut. Moore Hovenden with the main body of dragoons, and Lieut. John Stark with the mounted infantry of the 63rd. Col. William Hill, as given in Bass, described the dispositions of Sumter’s troops as follows: “The General [Sumter] takes post immediately at the ford [east side of the Broad River]…Colonel Winn to his left, directly on the bank of the river; Colonel Taylor on a square to the left of Colonel Winn; and Lacey[who was furthest east], Bratton and Hill in front about three or four hundred yards.”

Wemyss approached the camp by night. About 1 am, he charged the picket, and in routing them woke the American camp. Some of Wemyss dragoons nearly missed catching Sumter. Sumter, in a letter to Smallwood of the 10th, said Wemyss’ force was made up of a party of dragoons and mounted infantry, about 200 in number with a large party of loyalists, and that the attack came at 3 am. On Wemyss’ second approach, Sumter with a reported 550 was prepared, and this time the British were beaten back, Wemyss being wounded, taken prisoner and subsequently paroled. The command of the British force devolved on a Lieutenant Stark, who was not capable of leading troops the later in the morning due to lack of knowledge or understanding of the original plan, and consequently they retreated. Even so, Wemyss had succeeded in dispersing most of Sumter’s force. Only about 100 of Sumter's men returned next day, "hoping at least to recover their horses, and joined by those who were collecting under the orders of the General, took a more secure position by crossing Broad-river.” (Davie) Edward Lacey’s biographer, M.A. Moore, says that many of Sumter’s men had been intoxicated at the time of the fighting. Tarleton gives British losses as near 20 killed and wounded. Sumter reported 25 prisoners, including Wemyss wounded, one surgeon, and a Sgt. Major and 7 were killed. As well, a “parcel” of horses were captured. He gave his own casualties as 4 killed and 10 wounded. The action was interpreted as an American success by both sides. Within a few days Sumter’s force rose to upwards of 1,000. Wemyss' wounds kept him from further participating actively in the south, and he returned to Charleston.

On November 9th, Cornwallis, in Winnsborough, wrote to Tarleton: “Major Wemyss attacked Sumpter at Fish Dam at one o'clock this morning, contrary to his plan, which was to wait until day light; the consequence is, that Wemyss is wounded and left, and about twenty men: Lieutenant [Moore] Hovenden is wounded, but I believe the legion has not lost much -- Must beg of you to return immediately, leaving some horses for mounting men at Camden. I am under the greatest anxiety for Ninety-Six, and trust you will lose no time in returning to me.”

The next day, he wrote Tarleton again: “You will have received my letter of yesterday, since which we have intelligence that Sumpter has passed the Broad River, and joined Clark, Brannen [Brandon], &c. They talk of expecting some of the mountaineers; as they have excellent horses we cannot hurt them; and unless they receive some check they will be very troublesome. The 63d are well mounted for infantry, and may occasionally ride in your train, they behaved vastly well, out of five shots which were fired from the picket, one broke Wemyss' arm, and another his knee, the command then devolved to a young lieutenant, who knew nothing of the plan, or the ground, or the force of the enemy, and all was confusion. After what I have said, I am sure I may depend on your acting for the best, on the general plan of the welfare of the army.”

Sumter wrote to Smallwood on November 10th: “They [Wemyss’ men] first charged on horseback and were repulsed. The infantry immediately dismounted, formed and charged with the bayonet. The cavalry at the same time charged on the right of Major Wemyss division. The horse was again beat back in disorder. The infantry succeeded better, and made the division under Col. Taylor give way, but not until the whole division had fired, and several of the men been bayoneted upon the spot, and for want of the means defending themselves, gave way. At the same instant, so war a fire was poured down the enemy from Colonel Lacey’s and Hawthorn’s divisions, that they broke and moved off some distance, where they mounted and sent off some of their wounded, who were soon after followed by the whole.”

Davie: "the 12th (sic) of November was the 1st effort made by Sumpter and the officers in the neighborhood of the new acquisition to assemble the militia in that part of the Country -- so large a number of the leading characters had fallen at the time Sumpter was surprised, and the people were so dreadfully terrified by their past misfortunes, that it was extremely difficult to collect the remaining Whigs, However at this time Smallwood with a body of NC militia and Genl Morgan's detachment lay at Providence, and Col Davie with 300 mounted infantry occupied an advanced post near Lands Ford on the Catawba river in So Carolina, the defeat of Ferguson the retreat of Cornwallis and the advance of these troops began again to inspire the Country with some degree of confidence, and on the 11th of November the remnant of the Whigs in the upper part of So Carolina had notice to rendezvous at Fish-dam Ford on Broad-river from Sumpter…The orders for assembly were so public, that the Enemy had immediate notice of it."

11-15 November. In furtherance of Cornwallis’ directive to leave Virginia and move further south, Leslie began loading troops on the 11th, and embarked on 15 November. Heavy winds kept him in the Chesapeake till the 22nd. Originally Leslie was to land near the Cape Fear River, with a view toward him positioning himself at Cross Creek, where he would be joined by Cornwallis. The latter, however, changed his plans and Leslie debarked at Charleston instead on 14 December.

12 November. Tarleton reached Singleton’s Mill, where the loyalists came out and showed their support.

13 November. Having crossed the Broad River at Fish Dam Ford, Sumter moved to Hawkins’ Mill on the Tyger and united his men with some Georgians under Colonels John Twiggs, Elijah Clark, and Benjamin Few. On 13 November they encamped at Nixon’s plantation on the Enoree River.

13 November. Turnbull, ill with malaria, requested leave to go home, which was granted. Rawdon was then placed in command at command of Camden, while Lieut. Col. Welbore Ellis Doyle replaced Turnbull as head of the New York Volunteers. Meanwhile, in Camden, in preparation for second invasion, horses were collected and the magazines significantly increased. “[Cornwallis],” writes Tarleton, “directed the recruits and convalescents to join their regiments: He ordered all deficiencies of arms, appointments, and necessaries, to be replaced: He prepared proper supplies to attend the march; and he adopted judicious precautions for the security of the frontier. In a short time, numbers strengthened each corps and regiment of the army: Above one hundred and fifty joined the light troops [presumably the British Legion]: Deficiencies of arms and necessaries were completed.” Also the fortifications at both Camden and Georgetown by this time and subsequently had received considerable improvement, with more cannon were added.

14 November. After learning of Fish Dam Ford, Tarleton left Singleton's Mill (the 14th) and returned to Camden. Marion then, with a reported 400 militia, avoiding Kingstree, moved out of Williamsburg toward Gapway Swamp, and resumed operations. A few days later, Marion was in the vicinity of Georgetown with 500 men.

15 November. On this date, Balfour reported to Cornwallis sending 275 Rank and File of the 64th Regt., plus some Hessians, Provincials, loyalist militia and two three-pounders to Nelson's Ferry from Charleston, all under the command of under Maj. Robert McLeroth of the 64th Regt.

15 November. [skirmishes] White’s Bridge (also White’s Plantation) and Alston’s Plantation (Georgetown County, S.C.) Members of Marion's force under Col. Peter Horry fought loyalist militia from Capt. James Lewis' company, at White’s Plantation just outside Georgetown. The loyalists, who had been slaughtering cattle, were ultimately dispersed, however, only after a number of Col. Peter Horry's men were seriously wounded, and Capt. Lewis killed. On the same date, Marion sent a separate force under Captain John Melton to the Pens, or Alston's plantation, where they were ambushed and routed by Capt. Jesse Barfield's and his militia. Among the slain was Marion's nephew, Gabriel Marion. Marion later reported that Barfield was wounded. On the 17th, Marion wrote to Brig. Gen. Harrington from Black Mingo: "The day I got (to Georgetown) they received a reinforcement of 200 Tories under Captains Barefield and Lewis from Pee Dee. The next day the Tories came out and we scummaged (sic) with them. Part (of them) I cut off from the town, and drove the rest in, except the two men killed, and twelve taken prisoners, our loss was Lt. Gabriel Marion…Capt. Barefield was wounded in his head and body, but got off. Captain James Lewis, commonly called `otter skin Lewis' was one killed. I stayed two days within 3 miles of the town, in which time most of the Tories left their friends and went home.” In his report to Gates of the 20th Marion stated that in his recent encounter outside Georgetown he had lost Lt. Gabriel Marion, one private also killed, and three wounded, while killing three loyalists and taking 12 prisoners. He went on to say "Many of my people has left me & gone over to the Enemy, for they think we have no army coming in & have been Deceived, as we hear nothing from you in a great while, I hope to have a line from you in what manner to act & some assurance to the people of support." The combined loyalist force in the area at the time then numbered some 200, though prior to his attack Marion had understood there were only 50. While in the area, Marion learned that the garrison at Georgetown contained 80 regulars, "with swivels and cohorns on the parapets."

16 November. Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene and Maj. Gen. Baron Friedrich von Steuben arrived in Richmond, Virginia. Before, during and after this time, Greene was regularly writing and contacting various state Governors, officials, and members of Congress requesting supplies and recruits for the American effort against the British in the south. Before proceeding to Hillsborough, Greene left von Steuben in Richmond, the latter then taking charge of forming and organizing the Continental forces in Virginia.

In a letter written on Januray 9th 1781, Greene wrote to Adjutant General Joseph Reed: “I intended to have written you before, but I have been so employed since I left Philadelphia, that I have been obliged to deny myself the pleasure of writing to my friends, to attend to the more immediate duties of my department. On my journey I visited the Maryland and Virginia Assemblies, and laid before them the state of this army, and urged the necessity of an immediate support. They both promised to do everything in their power, but such was their poverty, even in their Capitals, that they could not furnish forage for my horses. I have also written to the States of Delaware and North Carolina, neither of which have taken any measures yet for giving effectual aid to this army. I left General Gist in Maryland, and Baron Steuben in Virginia, to forward the recruits and supplies. Measures are taking in Virginia which promise us some aid, though very trifling to what they ought to give, and what our state requires. All the way through the country, as I passed, I found the people engaged in matters of interest and in pursuit of pleasure, almost regardless of their danger. Public credit totally lost, and every man excusing himself from giving the least aid to Government, from an apprehension that they would get no return for any advances. This afforded but a dull prospect, nor has it mended since my arrival.”

18 November. [skirmish] Brierley's Ferry, also Brierly’s Ferry, Shirar's Ferry (Border of Fairfield and Newberry counties, S.C.) Tarleton, with his Legion Cavalry and mounted Legion infantry, and two three-pounders, was sent from the Wateree in pursuit of Sumter. On the 18th, he joined the 1st Bttn. of the 71st and a mounted detachment of the 63rd who were already present at Brierly’s Ferry on the Broad River. The opposite side of the ferry, however, was occupied by a 150 of Sumter’s riflemen who had been sent to scout the 71st’s camp. These militia Tarleton drove from their position with his cannon and infantry, at the same time taking care to conceal the green coats of his dragoons, thereby preventing Sumter of being apprised of the presence of himself and his legion. Later in the evening, he crossed with his dragoons and the mounted Legion and 63rd at a ford a few miles downriver. He then reunited with the 71st and the artillery three miles from the ferry, and by 10 pm had camped several miles into the Dutch Fork, having received information of Sumter’s being not too distant with upwards of 1,000 militia from South Carolina, North Carolina and Georgia.

19 November. Sumter had contemplated an attack on Ninety-Six, but considering it too formidable and dropped the idea. He decided instead to assault a group of loyalists at “Fort” Williams (some 15 miles from Ninety-Six) occupied by some loyalists under Col. Moses Kirkland. He then proceeded in that direction. Sometime before he had sent out a small detachment under Col. Thomas Taylor to seize provisions at a British held mill, and another under Capt. Samuel Hammond to frighten the loyalists around Faust’s in the lower Dutch Fork. Learning of Sumter’s movement, Tarleton stealthily him, then camped in the evening of the 19th near the mouth of Indian Creek on the Enoree River. A deserter, however, from the 63rd apprised Sumter of Tarleton’s advance. Sumter then, with some 800 to 1,000 men (most if not all mounted), withdrew in the night to Blackstocks (near Blackstocks ford and plantation on the Tyger River), where he posted his men in nearby cabins and wooded high ground.

18-20 November. McLeroth, after passing the Santee at Nelson's ferry bivouacked at Kingstree. Bass states he camped on the 18th, however, Marion reported him retreating to Murry’s Ferry on the 20th. According to Marion, in a letter to Gates of 22 November, McLeroth expected to be reinforced by Barfield, but that Barfield's men had gone home. Marion himself withdrew, and went back into concealment. On 22 November, Marion wrote to Gates: “I wrought you two days agoe since which Majr McLeroth who took post at Kingstree Saturday [the 18th], retreated to Murry’s ferry a Monday morning before day…I suppose the party under Capt. Barefield was to have joined him but that party being dispersed, he found himself too week to stay.”

20 November. [battle] BLACKSTOCKS (Union County, S.C.) At dawn Tarleton pursued his march, moving in advanced of the 71st and the artillery, with 190 of his dragoons and mounted infantry of his Legion, and 80 of the mounted 63rd. He came upon a force of Sumter’s at Enoree Ford (Newberry County. S.C.) which he dispersed with “great slaughter.” Bass states, however, that the group were some loyalists prisoners which had previously been under the charge of some riflemen of Sumter’s under Capt. Patrick Carr. Carr made his escape on Tarleton’s approach, and in the confusion Tarleton took the liberated loyalists to be rebels. Tarleton then advanced on Sumter’s position at Blackstock’s Plantation with a mind to keep Sumter in place while he awaited the 71st and the artillery to support him. Just before Tarleton arrived, Taylor’s detachment lumbered into the camp with wagons loaded up with flour taken on the raid on Summer’s Mills. Initially, Tarleton charged and threw back a group of Sumter’s men placed forward of the main body. However, Tarleton later stated that he had no intention at that time of engaging Sumter directly, but that the battle came about as a result of some of Sumter’s men (the Georgians) skirmishing his own. Sometime after 5 pm, Tarleton and his men were in a precarious position and suffered severely from the whigs’ fire. In this moment of peril, Lieut. John Money led a gallant bayonet charge which drove Sumter’s men back in confusion: Money himself being mortally wounded in the attack by Col. Henry Hampton’s riflemen. Tarleton then fell back two miles to join up with his relief column. In the British retreat from Blackstock’s, Maj. James Jackson and his Georgians captured 30 rider-less horses, apparently those of the 63rd.

By the time Tarleton had joined forces with the 71s it had grown dark and begun to rain. Maj. James Jackson in later years reported that the fighting had lasted three hours. Col. John Twiggs, who took immediate command from Sumter who had been badly wounded, left Col. Winn to keep some camp fires burning, while the remaining whigs made their’ retreat over the Tyger River. Sumter himself had to be drawn off the field on a litter. For the next three days Tarleton endeavored to pursue Sumter. Though he managed to take a handful of prisoners, most of Sumter’s men managed to escape in separate groups. What remained of Sumter’s brigade was placed in charge of Lieut. Col. William Henderson,who, taken at Charleston, had recently been exchanged. Cornwallis reported to Clinton on December 3rd: “(A)s soon as he [Tarleton] had taken care of his wounded, pursued and dispersed the remaining part of Sumpter's corps; and then, having assembled some militia under Mr. Cunningham, whom I appointed brigadier general of the militia of that district, and who has by far the greatest influence in that country, he returned to Broad river, where he at present remains; as well as Major M'Arthur, in the neighbourhood of Brierley's ferry.”

Though Tarleton had succeeded in dispersing Sumter’s force, thus claiming a victory, the recklessness of his advance and relatively heavy losses did not go unnoticed or un-criticized, while, at the same time, Sumter, by February, had sufficiently recovered from his wound, and was back again in the field with his men -- though not at that later time with all his old comrades. As Bass states: “Many of [Sumter’s militiamen] did not return to the field again during the Revolution.”

AMERICAN FORCES AT BLACKSTOCKS

Brig. Gen. Thomas Sumter

Col. John Twiggs, second in command

South Carolina Militia: 800-900, Col. William Bratton, Col. Henry Hampton, Col. William Hill, Col. Edward Lacey, Col. Charles Myddleton, Col. Thomas Taylor, Col. Richard Winn, Lieut. Col. James McCall

Georgia Militia: 100, (Twiggs), Col. Elijah Clark, Maj. William Candler, Maj. James Jackson

TOTAL: 900 to 1,000

McCrady gives Sumter’s force as 420.

BRITISH FORCES AT BLACKSTOCKS

Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton

British Legion, cavalry and infantry (mounted): 190, (Tarleton)

Detachment of the 63rd Regt. (mounted): 80, Lt. John Money

TOTAL: 270

Johnson: "There can be little doubt that Tarleton had with him a much greater number of the 63d than he admits. The Annual Register asserts that he had the whole; and if he took with him all his men who were mounted, this is probably the correct number; for in a letter of Cornwallis to him, of the 10th November, we find these words: 'The 63d are well mounted for infantry, and may occasionally ride in your train.' These were the men who accompanied him in pursuit of Sumpter; he admits their number to have been but eighty; but it would be supposing in their commander madness, and in his followers more resolution than falls to the ordinary lot of man, to have charged with so small a number as eighty, the American force advantageously posted on a commanding eminence. The Americans assert their number approached nearer 200. Tarleton admits his cavalry to have been 170 (Cornwallis says 190) and this brings the number near to the American 400 on the British side. Three hundred more are said to have remained in the rear with the artillery. Not less variance exists as to the number of the Americans. Tarleton makes it 1,000; but the Americans reduce their number to 420 or at the utmost 500."

CASULATIES

AMERICAN

Tarleton later reported Sumter as losing 100 killed and wounded (including three colonels killed), 50 made prisoner, and the rest of his corps of militiamen being dispersed.

Cornwallis in his letter to Clinton of 3 December 1780, speaks of three of Sumter’s colonels being killed, and 20 men killed wounded or taken, with Sumter being wounded also.

Col. Charles Myddleton gave Sumter’s losses as 3 killed, and 4 wounded, including Sumter.

Col. Elijah Clark was also among the wounded.

BRITISH

Tarleton gave his own casualties as 50 killed and wounded. Lieutenants Gibson and Cope of the 63rd were among those killed. Lieut. John Money, who had been an aide and favorite of Cornwallis, was wounded, but at the time it was thought the wound was not serious. He died from it, however, a few days later.

Wemyss later said the casualties of the 63rd alone amounted to half of that units detachment, or 40 men.

Col. Charles Myddleton reported Tarleton’s losses as 92 dead and 100 wounded.

Pension statement of Levin Watson (of Anson County, N.C. (who served with the Georgians): “[Watson’s unit] turn[ed] for the head of the Tiger River a Col. Candler as he believes his name joined Col. Clark with sixty men mounted and at a Place called Blackstocks had a Battle with the British Dragoons and defeated them Col. Clark was shot through the arm with ball and did not brake the bone[.] [H]e was with Genl. Sumpter short time left him and went to the State of Georgia and some time after was Discharged by his officers served seven months and twenty too days his service as five Years but Short Terms except as above stated he at that time received a Discharge from Col. Clark.”

Lossing: “Sumter's left flank, where the hill was less precipitous. Here he was met by a little band of one hundred and fifty Georgia militia, under Twiggs and Jackson, who, like veterans of many wars, stood firm, and made a noble resistance for a long time, until hoof, and saber, and pistol, bore too hard upon them, and they gave way. At that moment, the rifles of a reserve, under Colonel Winn, and a sharp fire from the log-barn, decided the day. Tarleton fled, leaving nearly two hundred upon the field. Of these, more than ninety were killed, and nearly one hundred wounded. The Americans lost only three killed and five wounded. Among the latter was General Sumter, who received a ball in his breast early in the action, and was taken to the rear, when Colonel Twiggs assumed the command.”

Col. Charles Myddleton, from his after battle report: “The conflict was warm, and the enemy were repulsed; they rallied, made a second charge, and were repulsed again; they made a third, and the people in front were obliged to yield to the impression, but the fire from the eminence gave them such an effectual check, that they quitted the field in great disorder, and retired with the utmost precipitation. We pursued, but the approach of night prevented our taking advantage of their plight.”

Tarleton, in a letter to Cornwallis of 22 November, wrote: “It was difficult for me to maneuver for want of intelligence and I had to pass the Enoree three miles before I could strike at Sumter – You will see my Lord by my letter of yesterday that I could only bring up 80 of 63rd and 190 cavalry – I did not mean to attack Sumter, only to harass and lie close to him till I could bring up the rest of the Corps, as he could never pass the Tyger if I attacked. The 63rd were attacked by the Enemy which brought on the affair.”

Tarleton: “The whole position was visible, owing to the elevation of the ground, and this formidable appearance made Tarleton halt upon the opposite height, where he intended to remain quiet till his infantry and three pounder arrived: To encourage the enemy to do the same, he dismounted the 63d to take post, and part of the cavalry to ease their horses. Sumpter observing this operation, ordered a body of four hundred Americans to advance, and attack the 63d in front, whilst another party approached the dragoons in flank. A heavy fire and sharp conflict ensued: The 63d charged with fixed bayonets, and drove the enemy back; and a troop of cavalry, under Lieutenant Skinner, bravely repulsed the detachment which threatened the flank. The ardour of the 63d carried them too far, and exposed them to a considerable fire from the buildings and the mountain. Though the undertaking appeared hazardous, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton determined to charge the enemy's center with a column of dragoons, in order to cover the 63d, whose situation was now become dangerous. The attack was conducted with great celerity, and was attended with immediate success. The cavalry soon reached the houses, and broke the Americans, who from that instant began to disperse: The 63d immediately rallied, and darkness put an end to the engagement. A pursuit across a river, with a few troops of cavalry, and a small body of infantry, was not advisable in the night; a position was therefore taken adjoining to the field of battle, to wait the arrival of the light and legion infantry.

An express was sent to acquaint Earl Cornwallis with the success of his troops, and patroles were dispatched over the river at dawn, to discover if any part of the enemy remained in a body: Intelligence was soon brought across the Tyger, that the corps was entirely dispersed, except a party of one hundred, who remained in a compact state, in order to escort General Sumpter, who was wounded in the action. This news, and some rumours of approaching reinforcements, impelled Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton to follow the late advantage, by pursuing the fugitives; which would prevent their rallying to assist their friends, if the report was true concerning their advance. Accordingly, leaving a guard to protect the wounded, he again commenced his march: The men who had remained with their general since his misfortune, upon hearing of the approach of the British, placed him in a litter between two horses, and dispersed through the woods. After a toilsome pursuit of three days, in which a few stragglers were secured, intelligence was obtained that General Sumpter had been conducted across the country by five faithful adherents, till he was removed out of danger. Tarleton upon receiving this news, and having no farther information of an advancing enemy, retired slowly to Blackstock's.”

MacKenzie: “Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton, without waiting for the rest of his detachment, made a precipitate attack with one hundred and seventy dragoons, and eighty men of the 63d regiment, upon the enemy, under the command of General Sumpter, strongly posted on Blackstock Hill, and amounting to about five hundred. That part of the hill, to which the attack was directed, was nearly perpendicular, with a small rivulet, brush wood, and a railed fence in front. Their rear, and part of their right flank were secured by the river Tyger, and their left was covered by a large log barn, into which a considerable division of their force had been thrown, and from which, as the apertures between the logs served them for loop holes, they fired with security. British valour was conspicuous in this action; but no valour could surmount the obstacles and disadvantages that here stood in its way. The 63d was roughly handled; the commanding officer, two others, with one-third of their privates, fell. Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton, observing their situation, charged with his cavalry; unable to dislodge the enemy, either from the log barn or the height upon his left, he was obliged to fall back. Lieutenant Skinner, attached to the cavalry, with a presence of mind ever useful in such emergencies, covered the retreat of the 63d. In this manner did the whole party continue to retire, till they formed a junction with their infantry, who were advancing to sustain them, leaving Sumpter in quiet possession of the field. This officer occupied the hill for several hours, but having received a bad wound, and knowing that the British would be reinforced before next morning, he thought it hazardous to wait. He accordingly retired, and taking his wounded men with him, crossed the rapid river Tyger, while the victorious Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton retreated some distance, Parthian like, conquering as he flew. The wounded of the British detachment were left to the mercy of the enemy, and it is but doing bare justice to General Sumpter, to declare, that the strictest humanity took place upon the present occasion; they were supplied with every comfort in his power.

You have been previously apprized, that the American historian [Ramsay], laudably, takes every opportunity to celebrate the actions, and record the death of those of his countrymen who fell in battle. He has, indeed, mentioned the wounds of General Sumpter, but is silent on the fall of the three Colonels described by our author [Tarleton.] The real truth is, that the Americans being well sheltered, sustained very inconsiderable loss in the attack; and as for the three Colonels, they must certainly have been imaginary beings, ‘Men in buckram,’ created merely to grace the triumph of a victory, which the British army in Carolina were led to celebrate, amidst the contempt and derision of the inhabitants, who had much better information.”

22 November. Cornwallis, at Winnsborough, wrote to Tarleton: “I have ordered [Maj. Archibald] M'Arthur [with the 71st Regt.] to proceed [from Brierly’s Ferry] to Calley's ford on the Ennoree, and to wait orders with his battalion, sending on the baggage with a captain and fifty men: If you should want him it will make but little delay; if not, it will save him a long march.”

23 November. Cornwallis wrote to Rawdon (at Camden) saying he was going to send Lt. Henry Haldane, an experienced engineer who at the time was drawing plans for Camden, to help with the fortifications at Ninety-Six. Haldane arrived at Ninety-Six, apparently, about 6 December. He found the existing works in satisfactory condition, and in a much better state than he had expected. But to further strengthen the post Haldane implemented some additional improvements, including the addition of an abbatis and the Star fort, which were only completed in May 1781.

MacKenzie: “[The houses of Ninety-Six] intirely of wood, were comprised within a stockade. The commandant immediately set the whole garrison, both officers and men, to work, to throw up a bank, parapet high, around this stockade, and to strengthen it with an abbatis. Upon the left of the village was a ravine, through which ran a rivulet,that supplied the place with water. The county prison was fortified, and commanded the ravine upon one side, and a stockade on the left covered it on the other; but the only part of these works which deserved the name of regular, was upon the right. This was planned some time before, by Lieutenant Haldane of the engineers, Aid de Camp to Earl Cornwallis; it consisted of sixteen salient and re-entering angles, with a dry ditch, fraise and abbatis, and was called the STAR.”

23 November. Cornwallis promoted Col. Robert Cunningham to Brigadier General of the loyalist militia.

23 November. About this time in November, Capt. John Coffin, of the N.Y. Volunteers, with 30 mounted infantrymen, plus 20 laborers threw up a redoubt with 2 cannon at Upton Hill in the High Hills of the Santee. Lieut. Col. Samuel Tynes and some of his officers, though taken prisoner by Marion earlier, had managed to escape. Tynes was then able to collect a few men, and he posted himself in the redoubt Coffin built. However, all but 20 of Tynes’ men abandoned when frightened by false reports of an approach by Brig. Gen. Harrington. Not believing the 20 men left were sufficient to accomplish anything, Tynes let go his remaining men. He handed in his resignation to Rawdon, who, on the evening of December 8th, accepted it. The redoubt was left abandoned. Coffin’s own force, by early December, was increased to 140, possibly to compensate for Tynes’ withdrawal.

27 November. Having found that that Salisbury was also lacking in provisions, Gates moved his army to Charlotte, which was not much better able to supply him, though Davie, making foraging excursions to outlying areas n Gates’ behalf, was able to compensate for much of the deficiency. After arriving in Charlotte, the Maryland and Delaware regiments received a few recruits from their respective states. While thee The troops were regularly drilled. A small laboratory established for mending arms, and the residue of the Continental clothing was distributed. "Each man in the brigade was supplied with one new shirt, a short coat, a pair of woolen overalls, a pair of shoes, and a hat or a cap. The dividend of blankets was very inadequate to the occasion"(Williams.)

Kirkwood: “Nov. 27. This Day the troops under Command of Genl. Gates, marched to Charlotte, where they built Hutts."

28 November. Kirkwood (with Morgan’s light detachment): “This Day had orders to hold our selves in readiness in a moments warning to March. Accordingly left our tents standing with all our sick behind and marched to twelve mile Creek, which at this place Divides No. and So. Carolina; and from thence to the Hanging Rock, the Infantry remained at this place until Col. Washington went down to Col. Ridgely’s [Rugeley’s], and with the Deception of a pine knot took the garrisons Consisting of one Col. one Majr. and 107 privates: -- from thence returned to Camp, December the second.” See 2 December.

Late November. [skirmish] Enoree River (probably Laurens County, S.C.) What is known of this engagement comes from Alexander Chesney, and is as follows: "As I did not know where to find any British troops I continued about home some time [November, 1780] and as the Americans were in possession of the country, I was obliged to conceal myself in a cave dug in the branch of a creek under a hollow poplar with my cousins Hugh Cooke and Charles Brandon; in which we were forced for want of room, to lie flat. Cooke's wife brought us food and news every night; I sometimes stayed at my father-in-law's, until I heard that Col. Tarleton had defeated Sumter at Blackstocks Fort on Tyger River; on which news I raised a company with great difficulty and joined a strong party at Col Williams's house on Little River, where there was a strong party under General [Robert] Cunningham. Major Plumber [Daniel Plummer] having been wounded at King' Mountain, the command of our Regiment devolved on Jonathan Frost as Major, who directed me to assemble my company of Militia and join him at an appointed place on the Enoree. When I came to that place on the day and time appointed I found the Americans under Capt., then Major, [Benjamin] Roebuck, in possession of it who immediately disarmed us and marched us off. It was a great blunder by Major Frost to alter the place of meeting: however he did his best to remedy it. He pursued and overtook us about 12 miles higher up and having attacked Roebuck's party, where they were advantageously posted at a house, poor Frost was killed and the rest retreated. Roebuck, who was acquainted with me formerly, paroled me to Ninety-six where I was exchanged for Captain Clerk, a son to Col. Clerk, who had been taken after the attack on Augusta in Georgia. I was then sent to garrison the jail of Ninety-Six [December 1780], which I fortified and had the command of the Militia stationed there. Colonels [Isaac] Allen and Cruger commanded the fort near the jail; where I continued until Tarleton came into Ninety-Six District to go in quest of General Morgan."

Late November (or possibly within the first week of December). Some days before Greene's arrival in Charlotte, Col. William Davie was forced to abandon his post at Lands Ford on the Catawba River, because the term of service for his North Carolina mounted militia expired.

December. Sometime in the month, 2 iron-six pounders, which Cruger had requested, were sent by Cornwallis to Ninety-Six. Yet not being adequately escorted the guns were captured by some whig militia. A separate brass three-pounder was sent in their place in January, along with a wagonload of entrenching tools, but, his time, with a proper guard.

December. Col. John Twiggs and Col. Elijah Clark kept a small force together in the western part of Georgia near "the whig settlements," while Col. Andrew Pickens, Lieut. Col. James McCall, and Maj. John Cunningham, Maj. James Jackson, with 70 to 100 South Carolina and Georgia militia, took the field, sending off their families and slaves over the mountains for safety. They subsequently rode to join Morgan’s “Flying Army.” Pickens had just recently taken the field after disavowing his oath of British loyalty and protection. He claimed that the British had failed to protect him when his home was attacked by Tories, and therefore his oath was no longer binding.

Early December. In preparation for his second invasion of North Carolina, and beginning sometime in November, Cornwallis ordered all recruits and convalescents to join their regiments; and prepared proper supplies to attend future marches. "In a short time, numbers strengthened in each corps and regiment of army: Above one hundred and fifty joined the light troops " and "(m)any horses were collected and purchased for cavalry. "

Early December. The British at Charleston, from New York, received 50 dragoons of the 17th Regt., plus 200 recruits for 7th Regt. These latter were mostly intended for garrison duty at Ninety-Six. In a letter of 28 December to Samuel Huntington, President of Congress, Greene makes reference to a report of a small group of 400 to 500 British (and probably some Hessian) recruits and invalids which came to reinforce Charleston a short time before Leslie's arrival. Among these no doubt, were these replacements for the 7th Regt., and the detachment of 17th Light Dragoons, both of which reached Tarleton in time to serve at Cowpens. Babits says some of the 17th had remained in South Carolina when Clinton left for New York in June, which if true, would mean that those which arrived at this time would have numbered 10 to 20, rather than the full 50. While certainly not impossible, this is somewhat hard to believe since to speak of the detachment of the detachment as the “detachment of the 17th,”‘ is obviously very awkward and confusing. Further, to my knowledge, no specific reference to the 17th being in South Carolina comes up till the time of Cowpens.

Early December. Lee: "General Greene determined to draw in the detachment under Smallwood, which was advanced some distance in his front, and to risk the division of his force...Previous to this movement, Brigadier General Morgan, who commanded the van of Smallwood's detachment, attempted to strike a foraging party of the enemy, which had penetrated the country between the two armies. But the vigilant adversary eluded the blow, and returned safely to Camden."

1 December (or thereabouts). [skirmish] Rutledge’s Ford (Abbeville and Laurens county border, S.C.)

2 December (also given as 1 and 4 December). [surrender] Rugeley's Mill, also Rudgeley’s Mill (Kershaw County, S.C.) Rugeley's Mill, which had been somewhat fortified (probably a stockade), was taken by Col. William Washington cavalry and some mounted militia, by means of a "Quaker" cannon ruse. A pine log painted and otherwise made up to look like a cannon was used to summon the garrison under Col. Henry Rugeley to surrender, and he capitulated. Rugeley had 112 loyalists under his command in stockade house. Kirkwood gives the date of the surrender as 2 December, stating that the British lost "one Col. One Majr. and 107 privates." The men taken were apparently paroled, and the fort at Rugeley's was burned down. Washington and his men then returned to Hanging Rock where Continental the light infantry were, and from there to New Providence.

Thomas Anderson: “[November] 28 Received orders to hold ourselves in readiness to march at a moments warning; accordingly left our tents standing, with all our sick behind, and marched to Twelve Mile Creek – this creek is the line between North and South Carolina. From thence we marched to Hanging Rock, where the Infantry remained whilst Colonel Washington, with his Cavalry went down to Colonel Rudgely’s and with the deception of a pine log took the garrison, consisting of one Colonel, one Major, three Captains, Four Lieutenants, and one hundred rank and file. From thence returned to camp with the prisoners, and arrived on the 2nd of December. 100 [miles].” See also Kirkwood’s almost identical entry at 28 November.

2 December. Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene and his aides arrived at Southern Army in Charlotte.

3-4 December. Greene received command of the Southern Army from Gates in Charlotte. Somewhat oddly, the date stated for this event differs. Davie gives the 3rd as the date, Johnson the 4th, and Kirkwood in his journal the 6th.

Among his very first tasks, Greene sent Col. Thaddeus Kosciuszko to survey the area north of the Pee Dee above Cheraw for a new camp-site, the provisions around Charlotte having grown quite depleted a long time since the Continentals first arrived in August. When Kosciuszko returned, he reported the Pee Dee-Cheraw area healthy and abundant. Greene then moved his army there later in the month.

Yet in addition, at this same time, Greene ordered his new Quartermaster General Lieut. Col Edward Carrington to find out about the feasibility of water transport on the Roanoke, Dan and Yadkin Rivers. Carrington then sent Capt. John Smith of the Maryland Line to make a survey of crossing and boats on the Roanoke and Dan. Smith submitted his valuable report to Greene on 25 December. Greene had wanted to arrange the construction of canoes for crossings on those waterways, but wrote Carrington, who was in Virginia, that he would put off implementation of such a plan until Carrington arrived. Carrington, however, did not rejoin the army till 7 February, by which time such a construction scheme was too late. Nevertheless, the information Smith had obtained proved invaluable and made possible the saving of Greene’s army at the conclusion of the Race to the Dan. While it was Greene who was able to realize the benefits of making use of the Roanoke and Dan crossings, it was Gates (as Lee states) who first sent Carrington to “superintended the examination” of the crossings on the Roanoke, though it was Greene who extended this survey to the Dan.

The army Greene took command of, not counting the occasional North Carolina militia, stood as follows:

Maryland Brigade: 200 to 300, Col. Otho Williams

Light Infantry corps: 290, Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard

This was made up of companies form the Delaware Regt. and Maryland Regiments.

Virginia Continentals: 300, Col. Abraham Buford

Made up of the remnants of Bufords's and Porterfield’s corps, plus some 200 raw recruits, all mostly in very ragged condition.

Much of this group dissipated, due to attrition (there were problems with desertion) or as terms of service ended, or else were incorporated into Col. John Green’s or Col. Samuel Hawes’ Virginia regiments which joined Greene just before Guilford Court House.

Buford himself did not remain long with Greene due to illness.

Combined 1st and 3rd Continental Light Dragoons: 80-90 men, Lieut. Col. William Washington

Detachment of the 1st Continental Artillery (Virginia): [probably 80 to 100], Capt. Anthony Singleton

Two brass six-pounders at Hillsboro, along with a few iron pieces, composed the artillery’s armament.

Virginia Riflemen: 60, Major Alexander Rose

These troops apparently went home sometimes just before or in the spring, and then returned to the army shortly after, finally leaving in July 1781. Possibly they did not go home and stayed with Greene all that while, but, if so, there doesn’t seem to be a record of them doing so.

Virginia militia, two companies: 100 to 200

Maj. Francis Triplett

Capt. James Tate

Although their term of service was as militia, many of these soldiers were Continental Army veterans.

TOTAL operative force 2,037, roughly half of whom were militia. Total Continentals at Hick’s Creek (i.e. not counting Morgan’s detachment) did not exceed 1,100 in camp, and not 800 could be mustered armed and clothed fit for duty. Most then were badly clothed, which seriously affected morale. In the way of arms, there were 5,000 muskets. But many of these were useless because of being damaged, and the lack of gunsmiths to repair them. Some Virginia troops were sent home due to the lack of clothes and arms. Desertions were common until Greene, after giving advanced warning, had some men executed as examples, which proved effective in stemming the problem.

On 18 December 18th, Col. Otho Williams sent to Greene (both at Charlotte) a muster and inspection report of the Maryland and Delaware troops. Maryland troops were serving for limited periods (in months and weeks), which varied and depended upon the individual. The Delaware troops, on the other hand, were all (or at least the vast majority of) were to serve for the duration of the war. Williams (as paraphrased in the Calendar) : "(H)oped to be able to include the Virginia troops, but they are so deranged that nothing can be got from them.; Col. (Benjamin) Ford mustered them but cannot get their returns; he (Williams) is therefore sending a weekly return of Col. (Abraham) Buford's entire detachment, including the dates [for} expiration of enlistment; 'these Troops are destitute of Cloathing and consequently dirty and exceedingly deficient in Discipline.' Has no books or blanks and very little paper, so that 'since our misfortune in August [at Camden] the system of establishment has not been kept up; needs company and orderly books and copies of principal regulations and court martial treatises; has personally asked Col. (William Augustine) Washington for the cavalry returns, but has not yet received them; artillery in this department is a detachment of several corps from different states under Maj. [John] Mazaret of the Virginia State regiment; Mazaret is now at Hilllsboro and he [Williams] has written him there, asking him to send a return of the artillery to the General from there."

5 December. Cornwallis at Winnsborough wrote to Tarleton stating that the Legion baggage, escorted by the 7th Regt, has been ordered to Brierly's Ferry (where the Legion was at that time located.)

8 December. Greene and Gov. Rutledge visited Sumter at the home of John Price near Tuckasegee Ford on the Catawba River.

12 December (also given as the 4 and 11 December). [skirmish] Long Canes, also Long Cane (McCormick County, S.C.) After Col. Elijah Clark had brought many of the whig families of upper Georgia to the sanctuary of the Watauga settlements, he and his men (a number of whom were at King’s Mountain and Blackstocks) returned to Georgia. Sometime in December he was again in the field and with Colonel Benjamin Few, Few having seniority over Clark. With their combined force of 500 Georgia and South Carolina militia, (the South Carolinians under Lieut. Col. James McCall and Maj. Samuel Hammond, who were with Clark), they advanced on the Long Canes Creek settlement just southwest of Ninety-Six. Many, if not most, of their men were mounted. Upon their arrival at Long Canes they sought to enlist recruits from the settlement which had a strong whig leaning. Brig. Gen. Robert Cunningham, the loyalist commander in the area, sent to Cruger for support. Cruger dispatched Lieut. Col. Isaac Allen with 200 New Jersey Volunteers, 200 loyalist militia, and 50 dragoons. It is not clear how many Cunningham himself had prior to the reinforcement, so that his original numbers then may have been negligible. Initially, the loyalists were forced to retreat in the face of an attack by Clark and McCall with about 100 whigs. Clark, who was wounded, then called to Few to support him, but Few refused or was unable to do so, nor did he tell Clark he had decided to withdraw. As a result Clark and McCall were driven back by four times their number. Few and Clark were subsequently pursued by Allen. Clark’s casualties in both the skirmish and the pursuit were about 21 killed and wounded (14 of these in the actual engagement), while the Loyalists lost 3. Clark’s wound, which was at first thought mortal, kept him from further fighting till early March 1781 when he joined Pickens in North Carolina. During the period of his recuperation, his men were commanded by Maj. John Cunningham.

12-13 December. [skirmishes] Halfway Swamp, and Singleton’s Mill (Clarendon and Sumter County border area, S.C.) Resuming operations after a lull in activity, Marion, with several hundred men (McLeroth later reported 600. Ripley gives 300), including Major John James, Major John Van der Horst, Major Hugh Horry, left Snow’s Island and moved up the Santee Road, passing Nelson's Ferry. At Halfway Swamp (about a mile and a half south of present day Rimini, S.C.) on 12 December he attacked the rear column of Maj. Robert McLeroth, who had about 100 to 300 of the 64th Regt. and some 200 new recruits for the 7th Regiment. As well, McLeroth had a number of supply wagons he was escorting to Camden. His men took cover from Marion's mounted men behind a rail fence, which apparently forestalled Marion's advance. During this pause, McLeroth sent out a flag of truce challenging Marion to a gentlemanly shooting duel between 20 men of each side. After arrangements were made where the duel was to take place on open ground, McLeroth's own appointed duelists, after first marching out, turned about and retreated. The seeming act of cowardice, drew a cheer from Marion's select group under Maj. Van der Horst. Meanwhile, Coffin's detachment of mounted New York Volunteers rode up, supposedly to escort the stalled 7th Regt. recruits to safety, but Coffin instead retreated to Swift Creek. During the night, however, McLeroth managed to escape moving off towards Singleton's residence, where then Coffin joined him. In the process though, he was forced to abandon his heavier wagons. Seeking to catch and delay McLeroth, Marion sent Major John James (and or Maj. Hugh Horry) with a force mounted on the fastest horses to seize the buildings at Singleton's. Yet when they arrived they found the Singleton family down with smallpox, and immediately retreated back to Marion. McLeroth then was able to continue safely on his way to Camden. During the course of the two day action, the British reported Capt. George Kelly and two privates wounded, while the rebel militia lost some "ten or a dozen," according to Rawdon's report to Cornwallis of 16 December. Rawdon was not pleased with McLeroth's lack of aggressiveness, while at the same time McLeroth asked he be allowed to return to Charleston. Rawdon granted his request and, says Bass, gave command of the 64th to Major John Campbell. However, there is no Major John Campbell of the 64th named on the British Army lists so this may be an error.

13-14 December. Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie, carried by a convoy under Commodore Gayton, debarked in Charleston with 2300 rank and file, but did not march to reinforce Cornwallis till December. Leslie’s reinforcements was made up of the Foot Guards, Regt. von Bose, detachments of the 82nd and 84th Regiments, the King’s American Regt. (Fanning’s Corps), a company of Hesse Cassel Jägers, a detachment of Queen’s Rangers cavalry (about 65 to 80 in number under Capt. John Saunders), guides and pioneers, about 100 artillerymen, 2 six-pounders, and 2 three-pounders. After landing, Leslie troops designated for Cornwallis and Rawdon were camped at the Quarter House just outside Charleston.

Tarleton: “Major-general Leslie, on his landing (at Charles town), found an order to march to the frontier, with the brigade of guards, the regiment of Bose, one hundred and twenty yagers, and a detachment of light dragoons: The remainder of his corps being destined to strengthen Camden, and augment the garrison of Charles town.”

Clinton: "(T)he rebel affairs soon after this began to assume quite another face. The news of Major Ferguson's misfortune having again revived their hopes and suddenly raised them, like that of Trenton, from the despondency into which they had been thrown. However, as the force under Lord Cornwallis, when he should be joined by the recruits I was now sending him, would amount to 11,306 effectives, I flattered myself I had nothing to apprehend for the safety of South Carolina.”

14 December. [skirmish] Indian Creek (Newberry County, S.C.)

14 December. [raid] Nelson’s Ferry (Clarendon-Orangeburg County area) About mid December, due to plans for the second invasion of North Carolina, and additional British troops being thereby drawn outside the state, and, as well, Marion's success in the field, Balfour changed the Charleston-Camden supply route from the shorter route of Nelson's Ferry and the Santee Road, to the much longer one going from Monck's Corner to Friday's Ferry on the Congaree River. Balfour ordered that boats on the Santee stay below Murry’s Ferry, however, one ship which did not receive the directive in time was captured and burned at Nelson's Ferry by Marion's men on 14 December. Although the 64th Regiment was posted at Nelson's Ferry at the time of the raid, their numbers were not sufficient to pursue Marion's mounted men.

15 December. Admiral Charles Louis d’Arsac, Chevalier de Ternay, he died of natural causes while stationed in Rhode Island. He was succeeded by Destouches.

16 December. Charlotte having been exhausted of provisions for some time, Greene decided to move the army to Cheraw area on the north side of the Pee Dee. The move was prompted by strategic considerations, as well as logistical, since the Pee Dee River afforded him protection from attack, while the new camp would further separate Cornwallis from the loyalists in the Cross Creek region. Greene’s troops were put under marching orders the 16th. However, incessant rains prevented the move till the 20th. Morgan was to continue in command a light corps, this time made up of 320 Maryland Continentals (of which the Delaware company at the time were informally included), 2 companies of 200 Virginia militia, and Col. Washington's Virginia cavalry "amounting to from sixty to hundred men.” Wrote Greene to Morgan on this date “with these troops you will proceed to the West side of the Catawba River, where you will be joined by a body of volunteer militia under the command of General Davidson of this state, and by the militia under command of General Sumpter." Except for a few accompanying Pickens, Sumter's men never joined Morgan, and Davidson's were not collected in time to have participated at Cowpens. Morgan at this time lay a few miles south of Charlotte. Kirkwood in his entry for the 17th writes "March'd to Charlotte....13 [miles.]" Kirkwood’s next entry giving a location is on December 28th. See 20-21 December.

18 December. Cornwallis, at Winnsborough, writing to Tarleton stated: “I apprehend we must first dislodge Lacey [Sumter still convalescing from his wound], &c. from Turkey creek, and then march up the west side of Catawba to some of the fords about the Tuckaseege. I wish you would take pains to inform yourself as thoroughly as possible of the state of the roads, provisions, forage, mills, &c. I have good account of our recruits, in general, and hope to march from hence [Winnsborough] three thousand five hundred fighting men, leaving those I mentioned to you on the frontiers.”

19 December. Smallwood left the southern army for Maryland, where it was understood he would facilitate recruiting there. Greene's then appointed Brig. Gen. Davidson head of North Carolina militia, subject to approval by North Carolina's General Assembly. Huger, meanwhile became Greene’s second in command.

19 December. Leslie began his march from Charleston (more specifically the Quarter House) to join Cornwallis in Winnsborough. Want of horses and wagons delayed him from leaving earlier. He had with him on this march north 1530 rank and file, including the Brigade of Foot Guards, Regt. von Bose, and the Hesse Cassel Jägers. As well, he had with him, (but not included in this 1,530 count), were the Provincial light infantry (about 200 men) under Lieut. Col. John Watson, whom Leslie was to later detach on his way past Nelson’s Ferry (see 21 December.) By the 24th, Leslie was at Monck's corner on his way to Nelson's Ferry, arriving at the latter on the 28th.

Clinton: "(S) ix British, three German, and nine provincial battalions were left for the protection of Charleston and the frontier of South Carolina [i.e. all separate from Leslie’s matching reinforcement]…The reinforcement under Leslie which was thus added to the service of the Carolinas consisted of a brigade of Guards, Regiment of Bose, provincial King's American Regiment, a battalion of light infantry selected from all the provincial corps in New York, a detachment from the German Jagers, and detachments from the Seventeenth Light, and British and German artillery, amounting in the whole to about 2,233 of as good troops as any general officer need wish to take with him into the field. Besides these (Leslie's reinforcements) they were accompanied by the remains of the flank and two other companies of the 82nd (regt.), and the small debris of the 84th (forming together between them 300 or 400 men), with the former of which Major Craig afterward held the lower district of North Carolina... and afforded protection to all the loyalists of that province who fled to him after Lord Cornwallis' dereliction of the Carolinas."

20-21 December. The rains having abated, Greene's army at Charlotte started moving: The next day (the 21st), Morgan headed in the direction of the Catawba, then the Broad River. Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger with the main army marched to the Cheraw area north of the Pee Dee River (Cheraw itself was on the south bank), which he reached by the 26th, Greene himself following thereafter. Morgan had with him about 400 "chosen infantry," and Washington's dragoons. These Greene expected "will be joined by 300 Militia horse under the command of Genl Davidson and near 400 militia that were lately with General Sumter and Colonel Clark...The small force that I have remaining with me [i.e. after Morgan] are so naked & destitute of everything, that the greater part is rendered unfit for any kind of duty."

Lee: “(Morgan took with him) four hundred Continental infantry, under Lieutenant-colonel Howard of the Maryland line; two companies of Virginia militia, under Captains Triplett and Taite[Tate]; and the remnants of the first and third regiment of dragoons, one hundred in number."

Seymour: "On the 21st ult. The troops under general Morgan marched from Charlotte, being joined by two companies more of light infantry detached from the Maryland Line, directing our march towards Pacolet River. First day's march from Charlotte we came to Catabo [Catawba] River. Next day [22nd] we crossed the river at Bizer's [Bigger’s] ferry. Next day [23rd] we marched to Cane creek..."

Thomas Anderson: “[December] 21 Was joined with two companies from the Maryland Line, command by Captains Dobson and Anderson, and marched to Biggor’s Ferry on the Catawba River 15 miles

[December] 22 Crossed the River and marched 5 [miles].”

21 December. Cornwallis directed Leslie to detach Watson's corps of Provincial light infantry to assist Lord Rawdon in securing the South Carolina frontier. Later along Leslie’s march then, Watson was left at Wright’s Bluff five miles above Nelson’s ferry to establish the fort (subsequently named after him) in that locality.

22 December. Leslie halted at Monck’s Corner.

22 December. Marion’s emissary, Captain John Milton, having returned from a visit with Greene in Charlotte, Marion (at Benbow's Ferry on the Black River) then wrote Greene saying that some Continental troops sent to operate with him would bolster the morale and effectiveness of his militia. "[a] hundred would be sufficient for this purpose." Marion also reported that that the British detachment protecting the west side of Nelson's Ferry was made up of 80 Hessians, reinforced on the 18 December with 150 newly arrived troops from Charleston. On the north side of the ferry were the 64th Regiment, plus a detachment of mounted New York Volunteers under Coffin.

Not long before, Balfour in Charleston had sent the King's American Regiment (which arrived with Leslie) to Georgetown under Lieut. Col. George Campbell, along with some Queen's Rangers cavalry under Lieut. John Wilson and "fragments of several regiments caught up and brought south in the draft of reinforcements under Leslie." Balfour also called up Ganey's loyalists, and directed them move to Georgetown.

24 December. Marion departed Benbow's Ferry and moved to patrol the area between Murray's and Nelson's Ferry on the Santee River.

Johnson: "At the time when Greene moved down to the Cheraws, Marion had been engaged in some very active movements against a party under M’Arthur and Coffin, about Nelson’s Ferry, and between that and the High Hills of Santee; and with the hope to cut off his retreat by the Pee Dee a strong detachment had been pushed on from Charlestown to Georgetown intended to interrupt him by ascending the north bank of the Pee Dee River. But Marion soon received intelligence of its movement, and divining its object, retired across the country and took a strong position on the north bank of Lynch’s Creek, in the vicinity of his favourite retreat Snow’s Island, where he always kept a party to guard his boats and awe the loyalists.”

24 December. The King’s American Regiment, under Lieut. Col. George Campbell, along with Lieut. John Wilson’s detachment of the Queen’s Rangers of 15 men, arrived at Georgetown. By 28 December then, the Georgetown garrison consisted of 135 Kings American Regt., some Queens Rangers, and 100 loyalists under Maj. Micajah Ganey. The town also possessed three 9 pounders and two galleys. Saunders himself left his men under Lieut. John Wilson, and personally road to Winnsborough to confer with Cornwallis. What Rangers that didn’t go to Georgetown remained in Charleston. It had been intended that the Queen’s Rangers would recruit while in Georgetown and add to their ranks in this way. To what extent, if at all, this was ever accomplished is not clear. Yet what seems to have happened is that they did acquire some new men, but, according to Stephen Jarvis, also lost many to desertion. So by the time Saunders and his men were operating out of Dorchester in June 1781, their numbers were about the same as they started with.

Marion, at Snow's Island, wrote to Greene on the 28th: "I wrought you two days ago since which I find the Enemy at Georgetown is reinforced with two hundred men, their strength is near three hundred Including twenty horsemen well mounted; they have two Galleys & have brought three 9 pounders for their redoubt which incloses a Brick Building, a small party was sent there was pursued and wounded a Captn lost one man."

25 December. Morgan reached Grindal’s Shoals on the Pacelot river (roughly ten miles north of modern Union), There he camped and awaited the arrival of anticipated militia reinforcements. Babits states that Lieut. Col. Joseph Hayes was present and had secured the Grindal’s Shoals camp prior to Morgan’s arrival.

Seymour: "[It] being the 24th, we were alarmed about two o' clock in the morning by some men on horseback coming to our advance pisquet, at which the sentinels challenging and no answer being made, upon which the sentinels fired and afterwards the whole guard, when immediately the whole turned out and continued under arms till daybreak. This day we crossed Broad River, and the next day, being the 25th, we encamped at Pacolet River."

25 December. Leslie camped at “Floods House.” By this date he had received the instructions that Watson was to be detached to Rawdon at Camden.

26-28 December. Leslie’s corps reached Nelson's Ferry, where they spent the next couple days crossing the Santee. By the 28th, they camped at Sumter’s House.

26 December. Greene with the main army arrived at north bank of the Pee Dee, and established a "camp of repose" at Hick's Creek, six miles southwest of Mask’s Ferry, and in what is now Marlboro County, S.C. While the area afforded more provisions than Charlotte, Greene’s men continued to suffer sorely from lack of clothing and the rainy weather.

27 December. Seymour: "On the 27th the General received intelligence that Colonel Tarleton was advancing in order to surprise us; upon which there were strong picquets erected all round the encampment, putting ourselves in the best posture of defence. The rolls were ordered to be called every two hours, and reports given in by those that were absent. We arrived here in five days since we set out on our march from Charlotte, fifty-eight miles, it being very difficult marching in crossing deep swamps and very steep hills, which rendered our march very unpleasant. The inhabitants along this way live very poor, their plantations uncultivated, and living in mean dwellings. They seem chiefly to be the offspring of the ancient Irish, being very affable and courteous to strangers."

27 December. Marion reported to Greene that Lieut. Col. John Watson, with 200 men, had begun establishment of post north of Nelson's Ferry. This was defensive position was later named Fort Watson.

28 December (also given as 25 December). [skirmish] “The Camp” (Georgetown County, S.C.) Having been sent by Marion from Indiantown, Col. Peter Horry, Captain John Baxter and Sergeant McDonald with 30 (British accounts say 50) men surprised and routed a small group of Queen's Rangers under Lieut. John Wilson (Bass says Cornett Merritt) at "The Camp" (not far outside of Georgetown.) As the Rangers retreated to Georgetown, a mounted force under Maj. Micajah Ganey came out to counterattack Horry's men, but were beaten back and Ganey wounded. The wound prevented Ganey from returning to the field to fight till April 1781. Wilson was also wounded in the encounter, but not seriously.

29 December. [raid] Kingstree (Williamsburg County, S.C.) Campbell sent Cornet Merritt with some Queen's Rangers who made a quick raid of the Kingstree area. Afterward, Merritt and his men returned to Georgetown.

28-30 December. Morgan was joined at his camp on the Pacelot by 60 to 70 South Carolina and Georgia mounted militia under Col. Andrew Pickens, Lieut. Col. James McCall, and Major John Cunningham (of Col. Elijah Clark’s command), though 30 or 40 needed to make a trip into North Carolina “to get their effects.” These 30 or 40 returned the 16th, i..e. the day before Cowpens. Another group of 120 North Carolina militia brought by Brig. Gen. William Lee Davidson joined Morgan sometime on or between 28 to 30 December. Davidson himself, however, did not remain, but returned to Charlotte to collect more men. Some 200 mounted South Carolina militia joined up with Lieut. Col. William Washington’s dragoons about this time, but the place of juncture is not clear.

On the 31st, Morgan wrote to Greene: “General Davidson has brought in 120 men and has Returned to bring forward a draught of 500 more. Col. Pickens has joined me with 60 - thirty or forty men who came out with him have gone into North Carolina to secure their Effects and will Immediately repair to my Camp...To expedite this Movement....I have sent for 100 Swords which I intend to put into the Hands of expert Riflemen to be mounted and incorporated with Lieut. Col. Washington's Corps. I have also Wrote to the Quarter Master to have me one hundred Pack Saddles made Immediately...Pack saddles ought to be procured let our Movements be what they may, for our Waggons will be an impediment, whether we attempt to annoy the Enemy, or provide for our own safety."

30 December. Following after Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie's Virginia expedition, a second British under Brig. Gen. Benedict Arnold, and Lieut. Colonels Thomas Dundas and John Graves Simcoe. Having left New York on the 20th, they appeared off Hampton Roads on the 30th. Ward says that 1 war vessel and three transports carrying 400 in the convoy got lost during a storm and did not rejoin Arnold.

Clinton: "(Arnold was sent) with similar instructions to those I had given to Major General Leslie, but rather more positive with respect to establishing a post at Portsmouth on Elizabeth River, which that officer had represented as 'the key to the wealth of Virginia and Maryland'; and [Leslie] had left the works he threw up there entire, in hopes of our reoccupying the same ground. He [Arnold] was likewise directed to prepare materials for building a number of boats, etc., and to collect a naval force as soon as possible in Albemarle Sound, for the purpose of annoying the enemy's communications and trade and securing means of intelligence, or even of a retreat for his detachment in case a superior French fleet should take a temporary possession of the Chesapeake."

30 December. Marion, at Snow's Island, ordered Capt. John Postell: "You will proceed with a party down Black River, from Black Mingo to the Mouth of PeDee, and come up to this place; you will take all the boats and canoes from Euhaney up, and impress negroes and bring them into camp, put some men to see them safe; you will take every horse top whomsoever he belongs; whether friend or foe. You will take all arms and ammunition for the use of our service. You will forbid all persons from carrying any grains, stock or any sort of provisions to Georgetown, or where the enemy may get them, on pain of being held traitors and enemies to the Americans. All persons who will not join you will take prisoners and bring to me. You will return as soon as possible. Let me know any intelligence you may gain of the enemy's strength or movements." Carrying out Marion's orders, Postell subsequently discovered some 150 bushels of salt on Waccamaw. Marion then sent a group with wagons to collect it. Much of this salt was subsequently distributed to needy families in the area.

30 December (also given as 28 and 29 December). [raid] Hammond's Store (probably Laurens County, S.C.) To encourage the British support in the upcountry of South Carolina, 250 loyalists under Col. Francis Waters, from Savannah, were sent into the Fair Forest area, at a location 15 to 20 miles south of Morgan’s camp on the Pacelot. Col William Washington with 75 of his dragoons and 200 mounted South Carolina militia under Lieut. Col. Joseph Hayes and Lieut. Col. James McCall was sent to attack him on the 29th. Learning of their approach Waters fell back another to Hammond’s Store where on the 30th Washington caught up with and routed him. Morgan reported to Greene the Loyalists as losing 150 killed or wounded and 40 captured, a number probably indicating that many of Waters men were needlessly slaughtered. However, it seems likely that the vindictiveness sprang from the militia, with scores to settle, rather than Washington’s dragoons as such.

Thomas Young: “The next engagement I was in was at Hammond's Store, on Bush River, somewhere near `96. Gen. Morgan was encamped at Grindall’s Shoals to keep the Tories in check. He dispatched Col. Washington with a detachment of militia, and about seventy dragoons, to attack a body of Tories, who had been plundering the Whigs. We came up with them at Hammond's store; in fact, we picked up several scattering ones, within about three miles of the place, from whom we learned all about their position. When we came in sight, we perceived that the Tories had formed in line on the brow of the hill opposite to us. We had a long hill to descend and another to rise. Col. Washington and his dragoons gave a shout, drew swords, and charged down the hill like madmen. The Tories fled In every direction without firing a gun. We took a great many prisoners and killed a few.”

30 December (also given as 29 December and 31 December) [skirmish] Williams' Fort, also Fort Williams, Williams Plantation (Newberry or possibly Laurens County, S.C.) Brig. Gen.. Robert Cunningham with about 100 to 150 loyalists occupied Fort Williams, situated a few miles northwest of the main fort in the region, Ninety-Six. Washington sent a detachment of 40 dragoons under Cornet Simmons and some mounted militia under Lieut. Col. Joseph Hayes to take the fort. When they arrived, Simmons and Hayes demanded the fort's surrender. Yet during negotiations, according to one account, Cunningham and most of his men were able to slip out a rear exit, though a few loyalists were taken. Another version states that the fort was evacuated before Simmons and Hayes arrived. Food and other stores were taken, though the fort itself was left intact.

Seymour. "On the 31st December Colonel Washington was detached to Fort William in order to surprise some Tories that lay there; and meeting with a party of them near said place, upon which ensued a smart engagement, the latter having one hundred and sixty men killed dead, and thirty-three made prisoners."

30 December Leslie camped at Singleton’s Mill.

31 December. Leslie camped at Ravenor’s Creek.

Late December. To prevent frontier militia, such as those of Watauga and Nolachucky settlements, from assisting Greene, Cornwallis arranged to have British agents incite uprisings among the Cherokee. The frontiersmen found out about the scheme, and, as a result, arranged surprise attacks on the Indians of their own. On December 22nd, Col. Arthur Campbell with 300 to 400 men, and Lieut. Col. John Sevier with some 270 met near Buckingham Island on French Broad River. Passing the Little Tennessee River at Tomotley’s Ford, they reached the Cherokee town of Chota on the 24th, which they burned. Telllico followed, and on the 28th, Tuskegee. After marching to the Tellico River, they moved to Hiwasse on 1 January and found that town abandoned. From there the expedition returned home. Despite the effort, the Cherokees and their allies continued to raid the western settlements well into 1781, and to that extent, Cornwallis succeeded in diverting the frontier militia’s attention and manpower.

January. Between January and May 1781, by order of Cornwallis, the fortifications at Charleston were mostly leveled, and work was done to put up new ones. This move was later criticized by Clinton as only adding to the province’s already unprepared state of defense.

January. Throughout most of the month there were heavy, and light rains, in northwestern South Carolina and southwestern North Carolina, which caused many of the creeks and rivers to flood thus making fords at these places more difficult, or else impassible except by boat.

Early January. Sometime prior to his movement from Winnsboro later in the month, Cornwallis instructed Balfour in Charleston to send an expedition to take Wilmington. About this time the garrison at Camden contained 700 to 800 men and relatively few cannon, but was otherwise strongly fortified.

Early January. Ongoing skirmishing between loyalists and whigs continued in the Drowning Creek region of South Carolina and North Carolina.

Pension statement of William White of Anson County, N.C.: " Again, in or about the first of January, 1781, he was drafted for to go against the Tories under Captain John McGuire (rendezvoused) at the Grassy Island, march to Drauning [Drowning] Creek and work back against the Tories. They fled and we were there discharged verbally. He served at this time two weeks."

1 January. From his camp on the Pee Dee, Greene directed Kosciuszko to pick up tools at Cross Creek and to arrange to have built some boats to be used by the army. These boats were to be constructed such that they could be mounted on wheels, and thus be moved overland. Exactly what was done with these boats after they were built is not clear. Historian Ann Brownlee suspects that they may have been used to help Greene’s army get across Trading Ford on the Yadkin River in February, since there were not enough craft at that location to have allowed the crossing of Morgan’s detachment. However, in a letter to Greene of 1 February, when Huger was on the march from the Pee Dee to join Greene (who was in the Trading Ford area), Huger states that Kosciuszko’s boats were not with him –- seeming to imply they had been left behind at the Pee Dee River camp. The boats next seem to come up when Greene’s army re-entered South Carolina in April 1781, at which time they were used to assist his crossing of the Pee Dee at Haley’s Ferry. At the same time, it must be remembered that Carrington had earlier been assigned to look into the state of the crossings on the Yadkin, so that it is possible that he obtained additional boats elsewhere, for use at Trading Ford, during that time.

1 January. On December 30th, Marion was promoted to Brigadier General of the South Carolina militia by Governor John Rutledge, and actually received word of it on January 1st. At his fortified position on inaccessible Snow's Island, Marion then made Col. Hugh Ervin the second in command of his Brigade. Col. Peter Horry was given command of the cavalry. Horry's subordinates were Major Lemuel Benson, Captain John Baxter, Captain John Postell, Captain Daniel Conyers, and Captain James McCauley. Command of Marion's infantry went to Lieut. Col. Hugh Horry, and under Hugh Horry were Major John James, Captain John James, Captain James Postell, and Captain James Witherspoon. When Marion ran short of ammunition (as he often did) he endeavored to convert more men to cavalry.

1-2 January. Tarleton received orders from Cornwallis to throw himself between Morgan and Ninety-Six. Leaving behind his baggage at Brierly’s Ferry, Tarleton, with his Legion, the 1st Battalion of the 71st, and 2 three-pounders advanced on the 2nd some 20 miles beyond the Broad River, to a position at the Dutch Fork (between the Broad and Saluda Rivers, not far from Ninety-Six.) Here in a few days he was joined by his baggage, 7th Regt., some light infantry and the 17th dragoons. His total then amounted to 1,100 men. On 12 January, the hunt for Morgan commenced.

Tarleton: “Earl Cornwallis dispatched an aid-de-camp [Lt. Henry Haldane] on the 1st of January, to order Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton over Broad river, with his corps of cavalry and infantry, of five hundred and fifty men, the first battalion of the 71st, consisting of two hundred, and two three-pounders, to counteract the designs of General Morgan, by protecting the country, and compelling him to repass Broad river. Tarleton received a letter the next day from his lordship, communicating an earnest wish, that the American commander, if within his reach, should be "pushed to the utmost“; and requiring, likewise, his opinion, whether any move of the main army would be advantageous to the service”

MacKenzie: “This [Tarleton’s] corps, after a process of some days, arrived at the vicinity of Ninety-Six, a post which was then commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Allen. An offer of a reinforcement from that garrison was made to Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton. The offer was rejected; and the detachment, by fatiguing marches, attained the ground which Morgan had quitted a few hours before.”

1-8 January. For eight days, Leslie camped near Camden. Contrary then to some accounts, it was not the swamps of the Santee or the rain that actually delayed Leslie’s reaching Cornwallis for so long, but rather this week and a day spent in Camden.

3 January. [raid] Hood’s Point (Charles City County, VA.) The advance party of Arnold's invasion force landed at Hood’s Point consisting of 130 Queen's Rangers under Lieut. Col. John Graves Simcoe lands at Hoods Point, with the light infantry and grenadiers of the 80th Regiment. They proceeded to take a rebel shore battery, which had been abandoned immediately before by its 50 man garrison, and spiked the battery’s guns. Arnold then commenced his move up the James River and began his raid on rebel commerce and stores. Three transports with some additional 400-500 British troops did not land till the 4th, and these then did not reach up with Arnold till 9 January.

4 January. [raids, skirmish] Richmond (Chesterfield, Richmond City, and Henrico Counties, VA.) Arnold's invasion force landed at Westover, Virginia, approximately thirty miles southeast of Richmond. Governor Jefferson dispatched "General Nelson to the coast as soon as he was informed of the enemy entrance into the (Chesapeake) bay, for the purpose of bringing the militia into the field; while Baron Steuben, believing Petersburg, the depot for the Southern army, to be the object, hastened his Continental force, about two hundred recruits to that town." (Lee) Arnold, however, marched for Richmond. The size of Arnold's entire force is believed to be 1,500 based on a sworn deposition he later gave, though Clinton speaks of it as 1800. Arnold's force was stated by Johann Ewald to include, a detachment of Jägers, the Queen's Rangers, the 80th Regt., the Royal American Regiment (aka Robinson's Corps), a company of artillery and 100 pioneers. Simcoe dispersed at force of 200 militia under Col. John Nichols at Richmond Hill, and, as well, a few mounted men on Shrove Hill.

4 January. Lieut. Col. Washington, with Brandon and Hayes returned to Morgan’s camp at Grindal Shoals December 4th. According to Babits, Col. John Thomas’ regiment was already with Morgan by this time.

4 January. Tarleton, at “Brookes’,” wrote to Cornwallis: “Morgan, with upwards of one thousand two hundred men, being on this side Broad river, to threaten Ninety-Six, and evade your lordship's army whenever you may move, I beg leave to offer my opinion how his design may be prevented. I must draw my baggage, the 71st and legion's are deposited at my old camp, to me. I wish it to be escorted by the 17th light dragoons, for whom horses are ready; by the yagers, if to be spared; and by the 7th regiment. The 7th I will send, as soon as I reach Ennoree, with the field piece, to Ninety-Six. My encampment is now twenty miles from Brierley's, in a plentiful forage country, and I can lay in four days flour for a move. When I advance, I must either destroy Morgan's corps, or push it before me over Broad river, towards King's mountain. The advance of the army should commence (when your lordship orders this corps to move) onwards for King's mountain. Frequent communication by letter can pass the Broad river. I feel myself bold in offering my opinion, as it flows from zeal for the public service, and well-grounded inquiry concerning the enemy's designs and operations. I have directed Captain M'Pherson [Donald McPherson], the bearer of this letter, who is going on the recruiting service, to deliver a letter to Lieutenant Munroe, whom I left at my camp, to bring up my baggage, but no women. If your lordship approves of this plan, Captain M'Pherson may give my order to Lieutenant Munroe to escort to me three puncheons of rum, and some salt; and, upon their arrival, I will move.”

Tarleton: “As Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton had been entrusted with the outline of the future campaign, he thought it incumbent on him to lay before his lordship, by letter, the probable accounts of Morgan's force and designs; the necessity of waiting for the baggage of the light troops in their present situation, as any future delay might prove a great inconvenience to the army; and the plan of operation which struck him as equally necessary and advantageous for the King's service. He represented the course to be taken, which fortunately corresponded with the scheme of the campaign: He mentioned the mode of proceeding to be employed against General Morgan: He proposed the same time, for the army and the light troops to commence their march: He explained the point o be attained by the main body: And he declared, that it should be his endeavour to push the enemy into that quarter. Earl Cornwallis approving the suggested operations, the light troops only waited for their baggage to proceed.”

5 January. Arnold entered Richmond.

7 January. [raid] Westham (Henrico County, VA.) From Richmond, Simcoe, with the Queen's Rangers rode to Westham where he destroyed "the only cannon foundry in the state," (Lee) a laboratory and some shops. Arnold's expedition met small resistance from a few militia, and then plundered and destroyed much of the town, capturing or destroying five brass guns, 300 stand of arms, and some quartermaster stores. Nevertheless, damage in all was relatively small, as the workshops and warehouses were not wholly consumed. On the 8th, the expedition returned to Westover, without having suffered any loss.

6 January (also given as taking place between 11-13 January). [skirmish] Waccamaw (Georgetown County, S.C.) Marion sent Col. Peter Horry and 30 to 40 mounted militia to attack some loyalists butchering cattle not far from Georgetown. Horry found and routed them. Another larger group of Provincials in Georgetown, under Lieut. Col. George Campbell (totaling 60), hearing the shots sallied out to protect their friends. Horry's force was dispersed, and thus began a series of minor skirmishes of small parties (sometimes as small as 2 or 3 men), back and forth, taking place thru much of the large "V" between the Sampit and Black River roads, the latter approximating the route of State highway 51. Another source describes the Waccamaw event this way. Lieut. Col. George Campbell with a detachment of mounted Kings American Regiment and a troop of Queens Rangers, under Lieut. John Wilson, skirmished with a larger sized force of Col. Peter Horry's mounted men near the Wacccamaw River outside of Georgetown, and Horry was beaten back. According to Marion, in his letter to Greene of 14 January, the British lost three men and three horses killed, and two prisoners, Horry lost 2 men wounded, two horses killed, and one Captain Clark was captured and paroled. British sources speak of Campbell losing 1 killed and two captured.

Capt. John Saunders, of the Queen’s Rangers, quoted in Simcoe: “On the 6th January following, Lt. Col. [George] Campbell having marched some distance into the country, saw about a dozen mounted men on the road: he order Lt. [John] Wilson with his party to charge them. They instantly went to the right about, and retreated with precipitation within a corps and taken a strong and advantageous post in a swampy thick wood on each side of the road. Lt. Wilson and his party received a heavy and unexpected fire from this ambuscade, but impelled by their wonted spirit and intrepidity, and unaccustomed to defeat, they continued the charge and obliged the rebels to betake themselves to their horses, and to flight. Serjeants Burt and Hudgins, having charged through them, were carried off by them; Corporal Hudgins was killed, covered with wounds; two or three of the men were wounded, and three horses killed.”

7 January. Greene, at his camp on the Pee Dee, wrote to Col. John Gunby, who commanded at Hillsborough, that he was sending Captain Edward Yarborough's detachment of what North Carolina militia (at Salisbury) to Hillsborough to relieve the troops from Col. Alexander Smith's Maryland State Regt. Yarborough's troops previously had arrived at Greene’s camp from Salisbury. It was intended that Col. Smith's men were to rejoin their regiment at Haley's ferry. Elsewhere, Col. Abraham Buford was in Salisbury suffering from illness, which illness later caused him to leave the army and go home to Virginia.

7-8 January. Cornwallis began his march from Winnsborough in which he covered only twenty-five miles in eight days. The rains and his heavy baggage impeded his march, and, in addition, he moved with relative slowness in order that he might not too quickly outdistance Leslie, whom he felt was necessary to have with him in order to conduct a proper offensive. Leslie did not leave Camden till the 9th. Before leaving Winnsborough, Cornwallis sent an order to Balfour, at Charleston, to dispatch a competent force by water to Wilmington, to hold that post as a depot for supplies for the royal army in North Carolina. In furtherance, Balfour subsequently detached Major James Craig on that service, who drove the American militia from Wilmington, and took possession of it on the same day. Wilmington, was the only port in North Carolina useful to the British, from which could be received all of the' supplies coming in from New York and Charleston.

8 January. [skirmish] Charles City Court House (Charles City County, VA.) 150 Virginia militia are defeated by 40 dragoons, under Simcoe at Charles City Court House. 20 militia were killed or wounded. Simcoe lost one man killed and three wounded. On receiving a (false) report that Von Steuben was at Petersburg, and of the appearance of militia at Manchester, Arnold marched back to Portsmouth to protect his line of retreat. To face the British invasion, von Steuben later had 600 men at Chesterfield Court House, but with clothing only for 150.

8 January. Lieut. Col. Henry Lee arrived at Greene’s camp on the Pee Dee. His legion infantry and cavalry together totaling "about" 280 men had arrived a day or two earlier. In a letter of January 20, however, Greene refers to Lee’s Legion as having 240 men. Lee was immediately dispatched to join Marion to, among other missions, help put down some Tories, and by 12 January Lee was with Marion conducting operations. Initially, Lee took with him some wagons, which he later sent back to Greene as too cumbersome for his force to move with.

8 January. Greene ordered Major David Campbell with 105 Virginia riflemen of Botetourt County, who were situated in Salisbury, to join Morgan. Campbell did not reached Morgan until after Cowpens apparently. See 16 January.

9 January. Leslie finally left Camden, crossing the Wateree Ferry, and finally arriving at Twenty-Five Mile Creek a western tributary of the Wateree. Leslie had left behind his three pounders at Camden, while adding to his corps the Royal North Carolina Regt.

9 January. In a letter from Marion to Greene this date, Marion also mentions that 80 British troops (30 of whom were mounted) left Georgetown, 60 of which were to join Watson, and twenty to guard Lenud's ferry, leaving the Georgetown garrison with 200. Watson was at Wright’s Bluff just above Nelson’s Ferry with 200 of the Provincial Light Infantry, while a force of Hessians guarded the south side of Nelson’s Ferry.

10 January. Arnold embarked from Westover on his way back to Portsmouth: Lee: "...and descending the [James] river, landed detachments occasionally, for the purpose of destroying whatever could be discovered worthy of his attention...On the 20th, the British detachment reached Portsmouth where General Arnold commenced defenses indicating the intention of rendering it a permanent station."

11 January. Brig. Gen. Alexander Lillington was at Cole's Mill, North Carolina with the Wilmington and New Bern militia. He was awaiting the arrival of Col. James Kenan of Duplin County whose militiamen had recently dispersed a force or Tories which had gathered at Drowning Creek.

11 January. Cornwallis, at McAllister’s, wrote to Tarleton: “I received yours last night, of the 9th, four P. M. I fear the waters have been much more swelled since you wrote it. At present I think I shall move Saturday to cross roads. I can hear nothing of Morgan; they say there are several ferries high up Broad river where he may pass, particularly Talbot's ferry. Leslie is much retarded by the waters.”

12-14 January. With the reinforcements he had requested of Cornwallis having arrived, Tarleton resumed his advance on Morgan’s now known position on the Pacelot. He crossed the flooded Enoree and Tyger Rivers (both on the 14th), having built rafts for his men to get across, while his horses swam. It was on or about the 12th, that Capt. Alexander Chesney with some 50 loyalist scouts joined Tarleton’s force.

Tarleton: “Two hundred men of the 7th regiment, who were chiefly recruits, and designed for the garrison at Ninety-Six, and fifty dragoons of the 17th regiment, brought the waggons from Brierley's to camp. On their arrival, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton crossed Indian, and afterwards Dunken creek, though both were considerably swelled by a late fall of rain: He hourly received accounts of the increase of Morgan's corps, which induced him to request Earl Cornwallis, who was moving on the east of Broad river, to give him permission to retain the 7th regiment, that the enemy might be sooner pressed over Broad river, or some favourable situation obtained, whence great advantage might be derived from additional numbers: Having received leave to carry forwards the 7th regiment, he continued his course on the 12th to the westward, in order to discover the most practicable fords for the passage of the Ennoree and Tyger, and that the infantry might avoid the inconveniencies they had undergone in crossing the other waters. An useful expedient was concealed under this apparent necessity. In proportion to the approach of the light troops to the sources of the rivers, and the progress of the main army to King's mountain, General Morgan's danger would increase, if he remained to the westward of Broad river.”

13 January (or possibly a few days earlier). Capt. (shortly after Maj.) Andrew Maxwell with detachment of 100 men, including some of his own Prince of Wales Regt., began work in establishing fort Granby. He took over three of the best mills on the Congaree River, then proceeded to lay up quantities of meal.

13 January. Leslie reached Wateree Creek, a tributary of the Wateree near Winnsborough.

14 January. Leslie reached Smith’s (near Rocky Mount.) Cornwallis, meanwhile, was at Bull (or Bull’s) Run, in modern Chester County, from the 14th to the 17th Tarleton was without communications with Cornwallis, and without information of the latter's position.

Tarleton: “On the 14th Earl Cornwallis informed Tarleton that Leslie had surmounted his difficulties, and that he imagined the enemy would not pass the Broad river, though it had fallen very much. Tarleton then answered, that he would try to cross the Pacolet to force them, and desired Earl Cornwallis to acquire as high a station as possible, in order to stop their retreat. No letter, order, or intelligence, from head quarters, reached Tarleton after this reply, previous to the defeat on the 17th, and after that event he found Earl Cornwallis on Turkey creek, near twenty-five miles below the place where the action had happened. The distance between Wynnesborough and King's mountain, or Wynnesborough and Little Broad river, which would have answered the same purpose, does not exceed sixty-five miles: Earl Cornwallis commenced his march on the 7th or 8th of January. It would be mortifying to describe the advantages that might have resulted from his lordship's arrival at the concerted point, or to expatiate upon the calamities which were produced by this event. If an army is acting where no co-operation can take place, it is necessary for the commander in chief to keep as near as possible to his detachments, if such a proceeding does not interfere with a manoeuvre which in itself would decide the event of the campaign.”

MacKenzie: “His [Tarleton’s] mode of reasoning, in the present instance, is invidious in the extreme, with respect to the General [Cornwallis], and equally contemptuous of the judgment of every officer in his army: it is a bold stroke of imposition even upon the common sense of mankind: because it will be readily granted, by every person, that a march of sixty-five miles may easily be made out in the course of ten days, he, therefore, eagerly takes advantage of the obvious fact, to support his uniform drift, of attempting to render the General reprehensible. And as his Lordship commenced his march on the 7th or 8th, if difficulties and obstacles, which our author artfully conceals, had not intervened, he might certainly have arrived at the place of destination by the 17th. But let us take a candid and impartial review of this matter, and it will clearly appear, that this censurer of his General's conduct had no right to expect the arrival of the army at King's Mountain, by the time which he specifies.

We have his own testimony, pages 219 and 248, of his having received due information that the army on the 14th had not got farther than Bull Run. This then is the point, both with respect to time and distance, from which we are to estimate the movements of the main body, as well as of the detachment; and hence are we to fix the criterion from which we are to derive our judgment of the subsequent conduct of both commanders.

The distance of Bull Run, where the General was on the 14th, from King's Mountain, is [roughly] forty-five miles [south-southeast]. Our author's position at the same period of time, was not more remote from the spot of his precipitate engagement with the enemy than thirty miles. This engagement took place on the morning of the 17th, before one hour of day light had passed. Instead therefore of an allowance of ten days, for a march of sixty-five miles, we now find, in fact, that the General had only two days to perform a march of forty-five miles; and it is but bare justice to point out the many obstacles which the army, on this occasion, had to surmount.

His Lordship's attention to the situation of the enemy, of the country, and of his own detachments, has been, with respect to Ferguson, already pointed out. He neither advised the advance of that unfortunate partisan into the back settlements, nor was even apprised of it; having, therefore, no concern in the measure, he could not, in any justice, be responsible for its consequences, and it is the height of illiberality to throw reproach upon him on that account.”

14 January. To the dismay and chagrin of some of his men, Morgan withdrew northward in the direction of the Broad River, and by the 15th had moved to Burr’s Mill, a short distance north of Grindal Shoals and above Thicketty Creek.

Mid January. Marion, after sending him a reinforcement of 15 men, directed Captain John Postell to collect rice, and 50 slaves, the latter intended for Greene's army, on the Pee Dee. The rice was to be moved by boats to Allston's plantation on Bull's Creek where it was to be stored. The plantation of Postell's own family had been recently "stripped" by 29 of the King’s American Regt. under Capt. James DePeyster, operating out of Georgetown.

Mid January. Capt. John Saunders received permission to take his detachment of the Queen’s Rangers cavalry out of South Carolina to rejoin the main regiment up north. Those of the Rangers that were in Georgetown under Lieut. John Wilson removed to Charleston for that purpose. Near late in the month they were all ready to disembark when word was received of Tarleton’s defeat at Cowpens. Balfour then ordered them to stay instead. Under Saunders, they were subsequently re-sent to Georgetown, though whether only a part of or the entire detachment (of 65 to 80) was sent to Georgetown is not clear.

15 January. Lieut. Col. John Green with 400 Virginia Continentals reached Greene's camp on the Pee Dee. He also had with him 8 wagons with supplies sent from Philadelphia.

15 January. [skirmish] Road to Burr’s Mill (Spartanburg County, S.C.) Capt. George Gresham, with some S.C. militia, surprised a small advance party of Tarleton’s and took two prisoners. In the same or related encounter they captured a black manservant and two horses.

15 January. Leslie arrived at Burns’ House.

15 January.

Return of the Forces under Cornwallis,

Rank and File:

Brigade of Guards: 690

7th Regt.: 167

16th Regt. (3 companies): 41

23rd Regt.: 286

33rd Regt.: 328

1st Bttn., 71st Regt.: 249

2nd Bttn., 71st Regt.: 237

Light Companies, 71st Regt.: 69

Hessian von Bose Regt.: 347

Hessian Jägers: 103

North Carolina Volunteers: 256

British Legion (cavalry and infantry): 451

Total: 3,224

15 January. Morgan arrived at Burr’s Mill, north of Thicketty Creek. Here he wrote to Greene: "I have now with me only 200 South Carolina and Georgia, and 140 North Carolina volunteers. Nor do I expect to have more than two thirds of these to assist me, should I be attacked; for it is impossible to keep them collected." Scarcity of forage for the horses made it impossible for him to keep his force together. Morgan asked Greene if Pickens and Davidson might remain with militia, while he returned with his force to join Greene's army. One reason for Morgan’s disillusionment was the refusal of Col. William Hill, under orders from Sumter, to bring members of Sumter’s brigade to Morgan’s assistance. Sumter at the time was recuperating from the wound he received at Blackstocks.

15 January. The river being too flooded to ford, Tarleton marched to the source of the Pacelot in order to find a crossing. Then, having become aware of Pickens scouts following his movements, Tarleton, in the early morning hours of the 16th, left camp fires burning in the night, and retraced his route to back Easterwood Shoals, six miles south of Morgan’s camp, where he found a manageable crossing.

Tarleton: “On the 15th circumstantial intelligence was procured by Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton of the different guards stationed on the Pacolet. A march was commenced in the evening towards the iron works, which are situated high upon the river; but in the morning the course was altered, and the light troops secured a passage within six miles of the enemy's camp. As soon as the corps were assembled beyond the Pacolet, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton thought it advisable to advance towards some log houses, formerly constructed by Major Ferguson, which lay midway between the British and Americans, and were reported to be unoccupied by General Morgan. The necessity and utility of such a proceeding appeared so strong, that some dragoons and mounted infantry were sent with all possible expedition to secure them, lest a similar opinion should strike the American commander, which might be productive of great inconvenience. Tarleton intended to take post, with his whole corps, behind the log houses, and wait the motions of the enemy; but a patrole discovering that the Americans were decamped, the British light troops were directed to occupy their position, because it yielded a good post, and afforded plenty of provisions, which they had left behind them, half cooked, in every part of their encampment.

Patroles and spies were immediately dispatched to observe the Americans [Morgan]: The dragoons were directed to follow the enemy till dark, and the other emissaries to continue their inquiries till morning, if some material incident did not occur.”

16 January. Near dawn, Morgan learning of Tarleton being now just directly across the Pacelot from him, hurriedly retreated to Cowpens, so speedily that when Tarleton’s men arrived in his camp they found food abandoned half cooked breakfasts. The men from Pickens command who had make a quick journey into North Carolina returned to join Morgan’s army, bringing Morgan’s militia total (estimating, based on Morgan’s correspondence with Greene) to 370 to 400. By this time some sabers had arrived and these were issued to 45 of McCall’s mounted men, and they were merged with Washington’s dragoons as cavalry. Despite appeals by Greene and Morgan, none (or extremely few) of Sumter's men were with Morgan. Babits, however, states that a company of Virginia militia came in that evening, as did at least 100 S.C. militia under Captains John Irby and Samuel Sexton.

Lee: "During Brigadier Morgan's march, he received a part of the expected succor, amounting to nearly five hundred militia under General Pickens..." In a footnote, on the same page, Lee quotes Col. Howard: "Some militia joined us in the march, but Pickens with its principal force, did not join us until the evening before the battle of the Cowpens."

Tarleton: “Early in the night the patroles reported that General Morgan had struck into byways, tending towards Thickelle [Thickette or Thicketty] creek: A party of determined loyalists made an American colonel prisoner, who had casually left the line of march, and conducted him to the British camp: The examination of the militia colonel, and other accounts soon afterwards received, evinced the propriety of hanging upon General Morgan's rear, to impede the junction of reinforcements, said to be approaching, and likewise to prevent his passing Broad river without the knowledge of the light troops, who could perplex his design, and call in the assistance of the main army if necessity required. Other reports at midnight of a corps of mountaineers being upon the march from Green river, proved the exigency of moving to watch the enemy closely, in order to take advantage of any favourable opportunity that might offer.”

16 January. 105 Virginia riflemen, from Augusta County, and under Maj. David Campbell, were at Salisbury on their way to join Morgan, whom they met up with after Cowpens. Babits, on the other hand, believes Campbell may actually have been present at the battle.

16 January Brig. Gen. William Lee Davidson, writing to Greene from Charlotte on this date, said that draftees were ordered to rendezvous at Charlotte on the 10th are "but [only] now beginning to come in." Davidson ordered half of the Rowan and Mecklenburg militia to join him by 22 January 22 with six days provisions. Davidson also reported that a Col. Thomas Framer with 200 (Orange County) militia was nearby, and asked Greene is Farmer was to join him.

16 January. On Greene's earlier recommendation, Col. William Richardson Davie was appointed Commissary General or Commissary Superintendent of North Carolina by the N. C. legislature. Before being asked by Greene to take the position, Davie had been making arrangements to form a North Carolina, of cavalry and infantry, for the purpose, in part at least, of serving as part of Morgan's light corps. However, Greene urged on Davie how much more necessary and valuable he would be as commissary; and that "he [Davie] might rely upon his support for the necessary detachments, and upon Colo Carrington [Quarter Master...title?] as far as practicable for the necessary transportation." Davie reluctantly agreed, and only then on the condition that "it [i.e. his serving as Commissary General] be for as short a time as possible." Davie served as Commissary General up to about the time of the siege of Ninety-Six, when his services were no longer so desperately required.

16 January. Cornwallis reached Turkey Creek (in York County), some twenty-seven miles from Cowpens, and remained there till the 19th. During which time (the 17th to the 19th) many of those who had fled at Cowpens joined up with the army. This same day, Tarleton crossed the Pacelot, and halted on ground previously occupied by Morgan. According to the original plan, Cornwallis was to have marched up the Broad River to cut off Morgan's retreat. However, the delay spent waiting for Leslie prevented this flanking movement, and in eight days (beginning from the 8th) Cornwallis had only advanced twenty-five miles.

17 January. [battle] COWPENS, also Hannah’s Cowpens (Cherokee County, S.C.) Breaking camp at about 3 am on the 17th, Tarleton, just after sunrise, finally caught up with Morgan at Hannah’s Cowpens, a local grazing area for cattle. Morgan’s baggage had already been sent ahead north, and his men were well rested and ready to receive Tarleton’s attack. In an action that lasted about an hour, what then followed was one of the great (possibly greatest) upsets and reverses of the war in which the Continentals and militia soundly defeated the British and loyalists. After the battle had ended, Tarleton’s forces were reportedly pursued upwards of twenty miles by Morgan’s cavalry and other mounted troops. By nightfall, Morgan’s forces had retreated to Island Ford on the Broad River.

The action has been already so ably described elsewhere to need much recounting here. Tarleton’s recklessness and impetuosity, fatigue among his troops after a long march, the “loose manner of forming which had always been practised by the King's troops in America;” or “some unforeseen event, which may throw terror into the most disciplined soldiers, or counteract the best-concerted designs.,” have all been mentioned as contributing factors in the battle’s outcome. As well, of course, Morgan’s inspiring leadership, tactical genius, and “the bravery or good conduct of the Americans,” have been observed as well. The heavy casualties among the Delaware troops at Cowpens might also suggest that those men, as well as many of the Marylanders, were desirous of vindicating themselves after what happened to their regiments at Camden, and perhaps fought with a more than usual zeal and courage. The battle was certainly one of the proudest moments for both the Continental army and the militia in the entire war, and the destruction of the British light troops played a key part in bringing about Cornwallis’ subsequent misfortunes in the Guilford Court House campaign.

AMERICAN FORCES AT COWPENS

Brig. Gen. Daniel Morgan

The strength of Morgan’s force and units present at Cowpens has received quite diverse treatment. Presented below are some.

* Morgan’s report: “An Hour before Day light one of my Scouts returned and informed me that Lt Colonel Tarlton had advanced within five miles of our Camp. On this Information I hastened to form as good a Disposition as Circumstances would admit, and from the alacrity of the troops we were soon prepared to receive them. The Light Infantry commanded by Lt. Col. Howard, and the Virginia Militia under Majr Triplette [Triplett], were formed on a rising Ground, and extended in a Line in Front. The 3rd Regiment of Dragoons, consisting of about 80 men, under command of Lt. Col. Washington, were so posted in the rear at such a Distance in their Rear as not to be subjected to the Line of Fire directed at them, and to be so near at to be able to charge the Enemy, should they be broke. The Volunteers of North Carolina, South Carolina & Georgia under the Command of the brave and valuable Colonel Pickens, were situated to guard the Flanks. Majr McDowell, of the N C Volunteers, was posted on the right Flank in Front of the Line 150 yards & Major Cunningham with the Georgia Volunteers on the left at some distance in Front. Colonels Brandon & Thomas, of the S Carolinians were posted on the right of Major McDowell and Colonels Hays [Hayes] and McCall of the same corps to the left of Major Cunningham. Capts. Tate & [Patrick] Buchanan with the Augusta Riflemen [were] to support the right of the line…(W)e fought ][with] only 800 men, two thirds of which were Militia.”

* On 18 January, Cornwallis wrote to Lord Germain, that the best estimate of Morgan's force he could get was 500 Continentals and Virginia state troops, 100 cavalry under Colonel Washington, "and six or seven hundred militia: But that body is so fluctuating, that it is impossible to ascertain its number within some hundreds for three days following." Assuming Cornwallis larger estimate, Morgan’s strength would have totaled 1,300.

* On 27 January, Col. Otho Williams, based on a report Maj. Edward Giles, one of Morgan’s aides, provided, wrote up this list of the American forces at Cowpens:

Maryland and Delaware light infantry: 290

South Carolina and Georgia militia under Pickens: 350

Virginia militia under Maj. Triplett: 170

3rd Regt. of Light Dragoons: (no number given)

Allowing 82 as the commonly accepted number of Washington’s cavalry, Morgan’s force, as given by Williams, totaled 892 rank and file. Adding 28%, as per Nickerson, gives a grand total of 1,142.

* Tarleton: “He [Tarleton] discovered that the American commander had formed a front line of about one thousand militia, and had composed his second line and reserve of five hundred continental light infantry, one hundred and twenty of Washington's cavalry, and three hundred back woodsmen. This accurate knowledge being obtained, Tarleton desired the British infantry to disencumber themselves of every thing, except their arms and ammunition:” Tarleton then puts Morgan’s total at 1,920.

Roderick MacKenzie, from the 71st Regiment, who was present at the battle wrote: “I was upon the detachment in question, and the narrative which I now offer has been submitted to the judgment of several respectable officers, who were also in this action, and it has met with their intire approbation. Towards the latter end of December, 1780, Earl Cornwallis received intelligence, that General Morgan had advanced to the westward of the Broad River, with about one thousand men. Two-thirds of this force were militia, about one hundred of them cavalry, the rest continentals….I venture to affirm, that the disparity of force at Cowpens was smaller than it had been in any engagement during the southern campaigns, consequently, Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton had it in his power to engage with greater advantages than occurred either previous to his defeat or since.”

* Johnson: "(T)he reader may rest assured on the most authentic information, that Morgan's whole force on duty, consisted of 290 regular infantry, 80 cavalry, and 600 militia, in all 970." Johnson details this futher by saying the Virginia militia under Triplett and Taite [Tate], and the Georgia militia under [Capt.] Beale together totaled about 140. Morgan's second line, under Pickens, consisted of 270 South Carolina militia. The first, or more forward line was made up of 150 riflemen from North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia under Col. Cunningham and Col. McDowell.

* Christopher Ward in his The War of the American Revolution, gives Morgan’s force in this manner:

320 Continentals

200 Virginia militia

80 Washington’s Dragoons

Davidson’s 140

McDowell’s 200 NC and GA riflemen

McCall’s 30 S.C. and GA. militia

TOTAL: 1,040

Taking these as rank and file, and applying Nickerson’s 28% we arrive at a full total of 1,331.

* Henry Lumpkin, in his From Savannah to Yorktown, presents Morgan’s force thusly:

Maryland and Delaware Light Infantry: 290, Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard

Virginia Cavalry: 80, Lieut. Col. William Washington

Virginia militia: 100, Capt. Taite [or Tate], Capt. Triplett

Georgia, North Carolina, and South Carolina militia: 490, Col. Andrew Pickens, Maj. Joseph McDowell, Maj. John Cunningham, Capt. Beale, Lieut. James Jackson

Georgia and South Carolina mounted infantry: 45, Lieut. Col. James McCall,

TOTAL: 1,005.

This number is presumably rank and file only, so adding Nickerson’s’ 28% for American force totals gives us: 1,286

* The editor to the Green Papers notes: “A well reasoned estimate by Anthony Walker in his unpublished study of Cowpens, puts Morgan's force at 985 and Tarleton's at 1,025."

* Using Lawrence E. Babits’ Devil of a Whipping: The Battle of Cowpens, the following general order of battle can be constructed, though with the caution that this is merely my interpretation of what Dr. Babits presents, his account being far more detailed and extensive. I forbear including Babit’s numbers for most of the militia here, as this topic will be addressed further on.

First or forward Line

South Carolina militia, Maj. Joseph McDowell

Georgia and South Carolina militia, Major John Cunningham (GA.), Capt. Samuel Hammond (S.C.)

Second Line

Col. Andrew Pickens

South Carolina militia, Lieut. Col. Benjamin Roebuck

South Carolina militia, Col. John Thomas, Jr.

South Carolina militia, Lieut. Col. Joseph Hayes

South Carolina militia, Col. Thomas Brandon

Third Line and Reserve

Maryland and Delaware Lt. Infantry: 290, Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard

Virginia militia: 160, Maj. Francis Triplett, Capt. James Tate

Company of Virginia State troops: 60, Capt. John Lawson

Detachment of N.C. State Troops, Capt. Henry Connelly

Burke County, N.C. militiamen (Burke County): 25

Company of Vrginia Continentals, Capt. Andrew Wallace

Virginia riflemen (Augusta County), Capt. Patrick Buchanan

Cavalry

1st and 3rd Continental light Dragoons: 82, Lieut. Col. William Washington,

Georgia and South Carolina mounted militia: 45-68, Lieut. Col. James McCall

Babits writes: “Tarleton said Morgan had about 2,000 men, but Morgan claimed only a few over 800 as his total force. It is highly unlikely that more than two-thirds of 900 participants survived forty more years and then swore to participating at Cowpens, as pension documents indicate. Given men who died between 17 January 1781 and the first pension act of 1818, a sizable number of veterans did not survive to file pension applications. Where unit size is known, the pension application rate is less than one to three or four. That is, on e pension application equaled at least three or four Cowpens soldiers –- this is a low figure. Some 600 men filed pensions, so the total of Americans at Cowpens should thus be between 1,800 and 2,400 men. This figure agrees more closely with Tarleton’s estimate of 2,000 than Morgan’s 800.”

1,800 to 2,400 men is quite a radical departure from all previous accounts, save Tarleton’s. But is Babits’ argument convincing? A few facts are worth considering in regard to it. For one thing Babits whole case rests on a certain interpretation of pension claims statements. Though he speaks of 600 pension applicants, he does not say how many of these were actually accepted and how many rejected. But assuming he means these were all accepted, there is a possibility that there may well have been some otherwise legitimate veterans who for years had told family and friends they were at the battle, yet were not actually so. Such that when the time came to file their pension they could hardly be silent about something others had so often heard, even if it wasn’t true. While this is offered only as speculation, it does not stand as an unreasonable possibility. Even James Jackson, lieutenant in the battle and later both Governor and Senator from Georgia, wrote Morgan in after years (in his letter of 20 January 1795) asking him to confirm the role of the Georgians in the battle –- seeming to suggest that so many elsewhere had falsely claimed participation that Morgan’s verification alone would suffice to prove the true fact.

Babits numbers the Continentals and State Troops at 600. Using his minimum grand total and granting this 600 figure leaves us to come up with 1,200 militia. With the exception of King’s Mountain, at no other time in the south were such numbers of militia gathered as one force without a Brigadier General of the militia. The closest militia Generals to the battle on that day were Sumter and Davidson. Sumter had no such numbers collected at that or any single time to begin with. Davidson, by the time of Cowan’s two weeks later at most was able to muster some 800. While Pickens was a superlative officer, he was not the recruiter Sumter, or even Marion, was. In fact, Pickens, while in South Carolina, never commanded a force greater than 400 men during the entire war. The 150 troops (Johnson and Babits’ figure) Pickens brought with him were mostly Clark’s, McCall’s and Hammond’s, and these he was placed in charge of due simply to his seniority. While Marion could later refuse to go along with Sumter’s Law out of principle, Pickens utilized it, yet even then had problems bringing in men. At King’s Mountain, not far from Cowpens, the South Carolina militia numbered only 160. McDowell’s and Cleveland’s force of North Carolinians at the same battle numbered 260. Campbell’s Virginians were 200. True, Morgan was a very popular figure. Yet even if all of these at King’s Mountain were present at Cowpens it would still not give us anywhere near 1,200 militia.

We also might add in passing that before the battle, Morgan was having a difficult time supplying his men where he was, and wanted to return to join Greene. Yet if the militia with him were as large as 900 to 1,000 one would think he would not merely have advised withdrawal due to supply problems, but would indeed have insisted upon it as his duty. The King’s Mountain troops encountered the same difficulty themselves while in the area.

BRITISH FORCES AT COWPENS

Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton

7th Regt.: 168/177, Maj. Timothy Newmarsh

71st Regt.: 249/263, Maj. Archibald McArthur

Light infantry: 135-160/ ?

British Legion Infantry: 200 to 271/?, probably Capt. John Rousselet

British Legion Cavalry: 250/?, Capt. David Ogelvey

17th Regt. of Dragoons: 50/52

Royal Artillery: 50

with 2 brass three-pounders

Loyalist militia: 50, Capt. Alexander Chesney, these acted as scouts.

* Tarleton’s strength based on numbers taken from Cornwallis’ Return of 15 January 1781. In Rank and File Tarleton then had:

16th Foot (3 companies): 41

Lt. Companies, 71st Regt.: 69

7th Regt.:167

1st Bttn. of the 71st: 249

British Legion, "&c. &c.": 451

TOTAL rank and file: 977

Using Nickerson’s adjustment of 17.5% added to the rank and file total gives us 1,148.

* Morgan’s report of 19 January: " The British with their Baggage Guard, were not less than 1150, & these Veteran Troops. Their own Officers confess, that they fought 1037. " Morgan, at Cain Creek, to Greene 19 January 1781.

* Otho Williams, on 27 January, and based on a report of Maj. Edward Giles, one of Morgan’s aides gives Tarleton’s strength as “1150 Regulars and 50 Tories.”

* Tarleton manages to include descriptions of his force’s strength, in his text, this way: “Cornwallis dispatched an aid-de-camp on the 1st of January, to order Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton over Broad river, with his corps of cavalry and infantry, of five hundred and fifty men, the first battalion of the 71st, consisting of two hundred, and two three-pounders, to counteract the designs of General Morgan, by protecting the country, and compelling him to repass Broad river….Two hundred men of the 7th regiment, who were chiefly recruits, and designed for the garrison at Ninety-Six, and fifty dragoons of the 17th regiment, brought the waggons from Brierley's to camp.”

* MacKenzie: “Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton was detached with the light and legion-infantry, the fusileers, the first battalion of the 71st regiment, about three hundred and fifty cavalry, two field-pieces, and an adequate proportion of men from the royal artillery; in all near a thousand strong.”

* Johnson says Tarleton certainly numbered 1050 regulars, and about 50 loyalists.

* Babits states Tarleton’s command numbered 1,200.

CASUALTIES

AMERICAN

Morgan’s report of 19 January: “Our loss is inconsiderable. I have not been able to ascertain Colonel Pickens Loss but know it to be very small.” The editor to the Green Papers notes “The return [Morgan attached with his report to Greene] has not been found but Morgan’s losses were given elsewhere as 10 killed and fifty-five wounded.” In loosely transcribed and popularly published versions of Morgan’s letter, American losses are given as 12 killed, 60 wounded.

Tarleton says the Morgan lost 300.

Johnson: Morgan lost 11 killed, and 61 wounded.

Babits: American losses were 127 to 148.

14 of 72 American casualties at Cowpens were from the company of 60 Delaware troops.

BRITISH

Morgan’s report of 19 January: The British lost 100 killed and 200 wounded, 29 officers and about 500 privates taken prisoner. On the 23rd, Morgan said this last number had risen to 600. Also captured were 70 negroes, 2 pieces of artillery, 800 muskets, one traveling forge, 35 baggage wagons, 100 dragoon horses. Morgan: “they destroyed most of the baggage which was immense.”

Otho Williams, based on Maj. Edward Giles’ report, gives Tarleton’s losses as 100 killed, between 200 and 300 wounded, and about 17 officers and 500 privates made prisoner.

Cornwallis, in his letter to Germain of 17 March wrote: “The unfortunate affair of the 17th of January was a very unexpected and severe blow; for, besides reputation, our loss did not fall short of 600 men.” Difference between returns of for Cornwallis army for January 15 and for February 1 amount to 784.

Tarleton says there were 300 killed and wounded on both sides, but the Americans took two pieces of cannon, and near 400 prisoners.

Johnson: “The world is at present in possession of the means of ascertaining with tolerable precision the actual amount of the British loss. This is in the correspondence between Cornwallis and Clinton, in which the former admits a loss in the affair of 700 men. But by comparing the returns of the British army of the 15th of January and 1st of February, we find the diminution amounting to 784 men. Which number agrees with other facts in our possession on the same subject; for, Major [Edmund] Hyrne, the commissary of prisoners, received of Morgan 600 on the east bank of the Catawba, and this will leave 184 for the killed and wounded, probably the true number; we may estimate the slain at sixty.”

Babits: At least 87 wounded were left at Cowpens because they could not be moved.

Maj. Timothy Newmarsh and Maj. Archibald McArthur were among those taken prisoner.

Kirkwood: "17th. Defeated Tarleton

18th. March'd for the Catawba river arrived the 23rd....100[miles]"

Morgan, in his letter of 19 January to Greene wrote: “Such was the inferiority of our numbers that our success must be attributed, under God, to the justice of our cause and the bravery of our Troops.”

Tarleton: “The particular incidents relative to the action arise from an examination of the orders, the march, the comparative situation of Morgan and Tarleton, the disposition, and the defeat. The orders were positive. The march was difficult, on account of the number of creeks and rivers; and circuitous, in consequence of such impediments: The Pacolet was passed by stratagem: The Americans to avoid an action, left their camp, and marched all night: The ground which General Morgan had chosen for the engagement, in order to cover his retreat to Broad river, was disadvantageous for the Americans, and convenient for the British: An open wood was certainly as proper a place for action as Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton could desire; America does not produce many more suitable to the nature of the troops under his command. The situation of the enemy was desperate in case of misfortune; an open country, and a river in their rear, must have thrown them entirely into the power of a superior cavalry; whilst the light troops, in case of repulse, had the expectation of a neighbouring force to protect them from destruction. The disposition was planned with coolness, and executed without embarrassment. The defeat of the British must be ascribed either to the bravery or good conduct of the Americans; to the loose manner of forming which had always been practised by the King's troops in America; or to some unforeseen event, which may throw terror into the most disciplined soldiers, or counteract the best-concerted designs. The extreme extension of the files always exposed the British regiments and corps, and would, before this unfortunate affair, have been attended with detrimental effect, had not the multiplicity of lines with which they generally fought rescued them from such imminent danger. If infantry who are formed very open, and only two deep, meet with opposition, they can have no stability: But when they experience an unexpected shock, confusion will ensue, and flight, without immediate support, must be the inevitable consequence. Other circumstances, perhaps, contributed to so decisive a route, which, if the military system admitted the same judicious regulation as the naval, a court martial would, perhaps, have disclosed. Public trials of commanding officers after unfortunate affairs, are as necessary to one service as the other, and might, in some instances, be highly beneficial to the military profession. Influenced by this idea, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, some days after the action, required Earl Cornwallis's approbation of his proceedings, or his leave to retire till inquiry could be instituted, to investigate his conduct. The noble earl's decided support of Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton's management of the King's troops, previous to and during the action, is fully expressed in a letter from his lordship.”

MacKenzie: “A detachment from each corps, under the command of Lieutenant Fraser of the 71st regiment (who was afterwards killed at York Town), had been left at some distance to guard the baggage; early intelligence of the defeat was conveyed to this officer by some friendly Americans; what part of the baggage could not be carried off he immediately destroyed, and with his men mounted on the waggon, and spare horses, he retreated to Earl Cornwallis unmolested; nor did he, on this occasion, see any of the American horse or foot, or of the party then under our author's directions. This was the only body of infantry that escaped, the rest were either killed or made prisoners. The dragoons joined the army in two separate divisions; one arrived in the neighbourhood of the British encampment upon the evening of the same day, at which time his Lordship had the mortification to learn the defeat of his detachment; the other, under Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton, appeared next morning.”

17 January. 150 loyalists under Col. Hector MacNeil, at Amis’ Mill on Drowning Creek (near the N.C.-S.C. border), were causing problems for the whigs of that region. Greene, at his camp on the Pee Dee, on this date dispatched Major Archibald Anderson of the Maryland line with detachment of 200 light troops against them. Marion, at Snow Island, meanwhile called in his detachments. He needed to keep an eye on enemy movements in his area, and therefore could not attack MacNeil himself. He did though order Col. Abel Kolb to attack MacNeil, but Kolb “never obeyed.” Before Anderson had arrived to take care of the business, MacNeil was dispersed by a force of N.C. militia under Col. James Kenan of Duplin County.

17 January. Leslie reached Sandy Run.

18 January. From his camp at Island Ford on the Broad River Morgan continued his retreat north. At Gilbertown, Pickens and Washington were assigned to escort the prisoners, and Triplett’s and Tate’s militia, whose term of service was to expired accompanied them. From Gilbertown, Pickens moved towards Shallow Ford on the Yadkin, while Morgan with the main body continued the retreat east past Ramsour’s Mill and towards Sherrald’s Ford on the Catawba. The prisoners were afterward, taken up by some of Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens’ men, whose time of service had also lapsed. About February 2nd, a detachment from Stevens’ corps then took them up into Virginia, while Washington and Pickens meanwhile deployed to assist against Cornwallis. In Pickens case, however, most of his men, including James McCall and Cunningham, had returned home. See Early February, and 2-3 February.

Ward: “Thinking that Morgan, dazzled by his success, would hold his ground near the Broad River or perhaps make an attempt on Ninety-Six, Cornwallis marched north-westward toward the Little Broad River to cut him off. But Morgan, as has been said, headed straight for Sherrill’s [Sherrald’s] Ford by way of Ramsour’s where Cornwallis by marching due north, with equal celerity might have me and destroyed his depleted and much inferior army.”

18 January. Leslie camped at Hillhouse’s plantation near Turkey Creek, he finally formed a junction with Cornwallis’ army. The addition of two six pounders brought by Leslie brought Cornwallis’ artillery strength to 4 six-pounders, and 2 three-pounders. The same day, about 200 Legion cavalry and several other fugitives joined Tarleton at Hamilton's Ford. They then moved to re-join Cornwallis the next day.

19 January. Greene directed Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner to make arrangements to form new North Carolina Continental Regiments to replace those lost at Charleston. On the 27th, Sumner wrote back reporting the recommendation of a board of officers which convened in Halifax, N.C. for the purposes of forming and organizing the regiments. Although marginally successful efforts were made at enlistment, the main body of recruits necessary to fill out the new regiments were not available for service till after Guilford Court, March 15th, when the North Carolina legislature passed a law drafting North Carolina militia men who had deserted at that battle.

19 January. Cornwallis, from Turkey Creek, where he had been joined by Leslie the day previous, began his pursuit of Morgan and moved to King’s Creek. On the 20th, Tarleton was sent with the dragoons and jagers to obtain intelligence of Morgan, and give protection to the fugitives. The immediate pursuit of Morgan proved ineffectual.

Tarleton: “The 19th, the army, with the cavalry on their left flank, moved towards King's creek: The 20th, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton was directed to pass Broad river with the dragoons and the yagers, to obtain intelligence of General Morgan, and to give protection to the fugitives who might yet have escaped the power of the victorious Americans. He recrossed the river in the evening, having received information, that Morgan, soon after the action, had quitted the field of battle, to pass his troops and the prisoners at the high fords on Broad river, leaving the wounded under the protection of a flag of truce. This news induced Earl Cornwallis to cross Buffaloe creek and Little Broad river, in hopes of intercepting General Morgan; but the celerity made use of by the Americans, after their unexpected advantage at the Cowpens, enabled them to evade his lordship's army, and reach the Catawba. In the mean time, General Greene appointed the eastern bank of that river for the place of rendezvous of the militia, and to effect a junction, if possible, of the continentals. In order to complete his plan, he prepared to dispute the passage of the British, with General Morgan's division and the militia, till the other corps of continentals could, by forced marches, reach the upper parts of North Carolina.”

20 January. Greene, from his camp on the Pee Dee near Cheraw, wrote to Benjamin Harrison that, including Morgan’s and Lee’s detachments he had: 700 to 800 Virginia troops, “only have about 9 months to serve,” and more than half were "little less than naked," 200 of the 1st and 3rd Regiments of Virginia cavalry, not two-thirds of whom were in the field due to lack of equipment, upwards of 1,000 Maryland troops, 240 of Lee's Legion, a half full company of artillery under Col. Charles Harrison, and a (North Carolina) state artillery unit, but whose term of service would be over in the following day or two. "North and South Carolina have not a man in field except militia and the greater part of these Volunteers. General Stevens with the Virginia Militia is on the march home all except 80 who are to continue 2 months longer. There is one Company of Artillery belonging to the Continental Regiment commanded by Col. Harrison little more than half full. There is also some State artillery but their time of service is out in a day or two. We have no Magazines of provisions and very few stores of any kind; nor have I a shilling of money to help myself." Greene stated the Maryland troops terms of service were “for the war,” but this was not quite true as the terms of service for different parts of the Maryland troops varied somewhat. The Delaware Regt., which Greene did not list, but apparently included in his total of Maryland Troops, were serving “for the war.” Also, about this time, half of the Virginia Continentals, under Buford, would have gone home for lack of clothes, but a supply arrived and they stayed. The terms of enlistment for the Virginia militia with Greene came up in early February.

20 January. Cornwallis reached Saunders’ Plantation.

20 January. Brig. Gen. Benedict Arnold, having suffered few casualties, by this date had returned with his raiding expedition to Portsmouth, Virginia, and resumed work on the fortifications there begun by Leslie.

21 January. Maj. James Craig sailed from Charleston with an expedition to take Wilmington.

21 January. Cornwallis camped at Buffalo Creek on the east side of the Broad River, and just to the north of Cherokee Ford.

22 January. 90 of Lee's Legion Infantry under Captains Patrick Carnes and Michael Rudulph, after reaching Marion's camp at Snow's Island on the 22nd, were taken by boats (steered and guided by Marion's men) ninety miles to an island at the head of Winyah Bay, at the mouth of the Pee Dee River, which they reach on the 24th (some accounts say the 23rd.) They then concealed themselves on the island in preparation for a water borne assault, while Lee and Marion with the remainder of the men made their approach to Georgetown by land.

22 January. Col. Thomas Farmer on this date was at Salisbury with 310 N.C. militia men including Officers, Soldiers, and Wagoners, preparing to join Brig. Gen. Davidson. Farmer also had with him seven wagons containing: 2400 cartridges, 240 muskets, 138 bayonets, 115 cartridge boxes, forty nine knapsacks, 35 pots, 12 axes and 36 flints. Farmer was later with the troops holdings Beattie's ford on January 31. Davidson reported to Morgan that his men were badly in need of flints, a problem Farmer evidently suffered from as well. On the 24th, Davidson, in Charlotte where he was assembling the militia, wrote Morgan: “Just now my Quarter Master returned from Captain Marbury, to whom I sent an order for flints, and found he has not any. 300 militia coming from the District joins me, who are all wanting flints. If you have any that you possibly can spare until I can write and have a return from Gen. Greene, shall replace them. Cannot hear where you are…” Davidson, by that time had about 200-300 and still awaited Farmer.

On this same date (the 22nd), Davidson wrote to Morgan from Charlotte: “…I hope Major McDowell & the volunteers (his 120) answered the Character I gave you of them. The Militia care coming in fast to this place, again Wednesday or Thursday I shall be ready to march with a considerable number of pretty good men whenever it may be proper, and several Gentlemen from the Country have offered to embody the Militia that are at home to conduct the prisoners to any place that may be directed. If you think well of this I'll thank you to let me know by the bearer, Parson McCaull, as I have men here from every Company who can carry despatches for the purpose immediately. I think I shall have 600 men at the place of rendezvous.”

23 January. Cornwallis camped at Tryon Court House.

23-31 January. Morgan crossed Sherrald’s Ford, then camped on the east side of the Catawba (the 31st.) He had moved so slowly with prisoners and baggage taken that he did not reach north fork (or main stream) of the Catawba till the 23rd. The prisoners and baggage crossed the river some seventeen miles further north at Island Ford.

24 January. Cornwallis arrived at Ramsour's Mill, at the south fork of the Catawba, having traveled thirty-one miles in three days. He remained at Ramsour’s an additional six days, during which time, after some difficult deliberation, he resolved on a full-scale invasion of North Carolina.

24-25 January (also given as 22-23 January). [raid] Georgetown (Georgetown County, S.C.) In the night of the 24th, Lee and Marion made a two pronged surprise attack on Georgetown, one group coming by land, Marion’s men, coming by land; and the other group, The Legion infantry under Capt. Patrick Carnes, which made up the advanced attack, approaching the town by boat coming from an island in the river where they had hid themselves in the early morning hours of the 23rd. The Georgetown garrison was made up of about 200 or 300, commanded by Col. George Campbell, including some King’s American Regt., at least 15 Queen’s Rangers cavalry and 20 other mounted infantry. The town was protected by a small redoubt with cannon, but most of the men were in houses. Initially, Campbell and a few others were taken prisoner (and then paroled), and a trap was set for the remaining force. However, the loyalists barricaded themselves in some houses. Had they assaulted the redoubt, Lee and Marion might then have taken the cannon there, and used them on the houses. However, they did not want to risk unnecessary losses. Campbell and those taken were paroled, and the attackers withdrew, subsequently camping at Murry’s Ferry on the Santee. The losses were about equal. The Americans reported their losses as 3 killed, and the British reported their own as about the same.

Balfour wrote to Clinton, on 31 January: “[Lee and Marion] failed in their Object, made Prisoners of Lieut. Col. Campbell & one or two other officers of Fanning's Corps [the King’s American Regiment], who they immediately Paroled -- in other respects the loss was inconsiderable and nearly equal. Two or three being killed on each side."

Lee: “Colonel [George] Campbell commanded in this town, with a garrison of two hundred men. In his front he had prepared some slight defence, better calculated to repel a sudden, than resist a determined assault. Between these defences and the town, and contiguous to each, was an enclosed work with a fraise and palisade, which constituted his chief protection. A subaltern guard held it. The rest of the troops were dispersed in light parties in and near the town, looking toward the country. The plan of assault was found upon the facility with which the assailant might convey down the Pedee a part of his force undiscovered, and land in the water suburb of the town. After this body should have reached the wharves, it was to move in two divisions. The first was to force the commandant’s quarters, known to be in the place of parade, then to secure him, and all who might flock thither on the alarm. The second was to be charged with the interception of such of the garrison as might attempt to gain the fort, their chief point of safety or annoyance. The militia and cavalry of the Legion, under Marion and Lee, were to approach near the town in the night; and when the entrance of the infantry, passed down by water, should be announced, they were to rush into it for cooperation and support.”

25-27 January. Cornwallis, at Ramsour's Mill, destroyed most of his baggage, in an effort was made to transform his whole army into a light corps. He spent two days collecting flour, destroying superfluous baggage (included rum and much food), and "all my wagons, except those loaded with hospital stores, salt, ammunition, and four reserved empty in readiness for sick or wounded.” Says Johnson, “By the destruction of his baggage and waggons, he was enabled to not only double his teams, but to mount a considerable body of infantry.” Yet, he goes on to add that, Cornwallis could have caught Morgan, if he had not halted.

25 January. Pickens was promoted to Brigadier General by Gov. John Rutledge.

25 January. Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens’ Virginia militia, whose time of service had expired, left Greene's camp on their way to pick up the prisoners captured at Cowpens. After this, they were to then return home, while escorting the captives into Virginia for safekeeping.

27-28 January. It rained heavily on 27 and 28 January, and by the 29th the Catawba was flooded. At the same time, all of its fords, for more than forty miles from its fork, were seized by the North Carolina militia. Morgan had ordered Davidson to Beattie’s Ford. Davidson had 500 men, yet 250 of his men were without flints. An additional 310 men, under Farmer, however, joined Davidson the following day (the 29th.)

Lossing: “The pursuit by Cornwallis had been keen and untiring. He had kept between the Broad and the Catawba Rivers, and his sole efforts were to reach the fords toward which Morgan was pressing, in time to cut him off. Morgan’s march was equally rapid, and he crossed the Catawba at the Island Ford, on the northern border of the present Lincoln County, with his prisoners and baggage, two hours before the arrival of the British van-guard, under Brigadier-general O’Hara [Jan. 28, 1781.]. It was sunset, and the earl, confident of his prey, postponed further pursuit until morning. This delay was fatal to his success. Rain fell copiously during the night, and in the morning the Catawba was brimful, and entirely unfordable. Thus it remained for forty-eight hours; and in the mean while Morgan’s prisoners were sent forward to a place of safety, and measures were adopted to dispute the passage of the river with the British. Had the flood in the river happened a few hours earlier, Morgan’s little army must have been lost. The event was properly marked by the friends of liberty as the tangible interposition of Providence. The arrival of Greene, at this juncture, was equally providential; for Morgan had resolved upon a line of retreat which must have proved fatal. Greene interposed counter orders, and the whole army was saved.”

28 January. Greene, alone with a few staff, left his Pee Dee camp and rode to join Morgan's detachment.

28 January Cornwallis resumed his march from Ramsours Mill and headed toward the Catawba. He camped at Beattie’s Ford with intent to cross but flooded waters prevented it, then moved to Bower’s Plantation. Graham, however, denies that flooding effected Cornwallis’ movement at this time.

From Alfred Nixon’s The History of Lincoln County, Vol. IX.: “Early on the morning of the 28th the British [Cornwallis] broke camp and marched toward Beattie's Ford, a distance of twelve miles to Jacob Forney's. The moving Britons, in scarlet uniforms with glittering muskets, made an impressive sight, and tradition still preserves their route. Jacob Forney was a thrifty farmer and well-known Whig. Here they encamped three days, consuming his entire stock of cattle, hogs, sheep and poultry, and taking his horses and forty gallons of brandy. Some state that Cornwallis approached the Catawba on the evening of the 28th, and found it considerably swollen and impassable for his infantry and this caused him to fall back to Jacob Forney's plantation.”

Joseph Graham: “It is stated, by historians generally, that about, and on the first of February, 1781, the Catawba river was swollen, and that this was the reason why Cornwallis did not pursue Morgan more closely. The statement is erroneous. During the three days immediately preceding the 1st of February, my command of cavalry, or portions of it, crossed the river at different fords; and it was not flusher of water than is usual at that season of the year, until the rain, which fell on the evening of the first of February. This did occasion a rise in the Yadkin, which intercepted the British after Greene’s army had passed, on the third of February.”

28-29 January (also given as 1 February) [surrender] Wilmington (New Hanover County, N.C.) 18 vessels with 300 or possibly 450 troops (Rankin’s number), (mostly of the 82nd Regt.), under Major James Craig captured Wilmington with little or no American resistance. The main reason for taking Wilmington was to provide Cornwallis a supply source that would help support his army in North Carolina. The town had been guarded by 50 North Carolina militia, under Col. Henry Young. But Young withdrew before the British landed. The Americans failed in removing stores and artillery there, which Craig then captured or destroyed. 400 to 500 N.C. militia under Brig. Gen. Alexander Lillington had arrived too late to prevent Craig’s landing, but did check Craig from opening up communications with Cross Creek. Craig then set about upgrading the town’s fortifications. Rankin gives the date as 1 February, and says 200 men surrendered to Craig after spiking the 17 nine and twelve pounders, in two batteries, protecting the town. There was an effort to remove stores of arms and munitions upriver, but all were captured or destroyed by Craig's men, and the spiked guns would probably have been repaired.

29 January. By the 29th, Davidson had 800 North Carolina militia with him, most of these posted at Beattie's Ford. Morgan, who himself was with Davidson (at Beattie’s or Sherrald’s Ford), had 200 of the militia sent to Tuckasegee ford, where trees were felled and ditches dug to create obstacles.

29 January. Huger left with main army from Camp on the Pee Dee to join Greene and Morgan, Salisbury being the intend point of juncture. Yet as events developed, the union took place at Guilford Court House instead.

29-31 January. Cornwallis camped at “Fawney’s” (Forney’s) Plantation, at 2 am on the 31st, he divided his force and marched to Cowan’s and Beattie’s Ford.

31 January (also possibly 30 January). [raids] Wadboo, Monck’s Corner, and Manigault’s Ferry (Calhoun and Berkeley counties respectively, S.C.) On 29 January, Marion, at Cordes' Plantation, wrote to Capt. John Postell: "You will cross Santee River with twenty-five [mounted] men and make a forced march to Watboo [or Wadboo], there burn all British stores of every kind." He also ordered him to burn stores and wagons at Monck's Corner on his return. Postell was "to bring no prisoners with you." At the same time, Marion similarly ordered Major James Postell to take 40 (mounted) men and destroy stores at Thompson's Plantation on the Congaree. In the next day or two, Capt. John Postell had destroyed British provisions at Wadboo Bridge, and then surprised the Keithfield depot near Monck's Corner, burning 14 wagons loaded with clothing. Maj. James Postell for his part, succeeded in burning a large quantity of military supplies at Manigault's Ferry on the Santee River, five miles northwest of Nelson’s Ferry (Ripley: “probably about east of modern Santee”.) Neither of the raiding parties suffered any losses.

Tarleton Brown: “For prudence sake, General Marion never encamped over two nights in one place, unless at a safe distance from the enemy. He generally commenced the line of march about sunset, continuing through the greater part of the night. By this policy he was enabled effectually to defeat the plans of the British and to strengthen his languishing cause…The heavy rains which prevailed at this time and inundated the country to a considerable extent, proved very favorable to General Marion. He now set a detachment of seventy men, my self one of that number, across the Santee, to attack the enemy stationed at "Scott's Lake" and "Monk's Corner". We crossed the river at night in a small boat, commanded by Captains James and John Postell, dividing our forces into two companies, each consisting of thirty-five men. Captain James Postell took one company and proceeded to "Scott's Lake", but ascertaining the strength of the army, and finding the place too well fortified to warrant an attack, he abandoned the project and returned again to the river, and waited the arrival of Captain John Postell, who, in the meantime, had marched with the other company to "Monk's Corner". It was my good fortune to accompany the latter. Just about the break of day we charged upon the enemy, and our appearance was so sudden and unexpected that they had not time even to fire a single gun. We took thirty-three prisoners, found twenty odd hogsheads of old spirits, and a large supply of provisions. The former we destroyed, but returned with the latter and our prisoners to the army on the Santee. The news of our attack on "Monk's Corner" having reached the enemy at "Scott's Lake", they forthwith marched to their assistance, but arrived too late to extend any - we had captured their comrades, bursted their hogsheads of spirits, gathered their provisions, and decamped before their arrival. Captain James Postell, being apprised of their march to assist their friends at "Monk's Corner", returned to the fort, set fire to it, and burned it level to the ground.”

30 January. Brig. Gen. Alexander Lillington writing from Colston's Mill and Ferry on the Pee Dee where he was building a redoubt to protect the magazine there. He had arrived at Colston’s on January 14th with some N.C. militia under his command. The size of Lillington’s force was originally somewhat large (possibly as many as 500) as Greene had complained to him earlier about the difficulty of keeping relatively-inactive militia supplied. Soon after Lillington, moved his men from Colston’s and was subsequently occupied in checking the British operations out of Wilmington.

30 January. Having completed a 100 mile journey in four days Greene, alone with some staff, reached Sherrald's ford on the Catawba River, where he found Morgan.

31 January. Greene and staff moved to Beattie's ford to examine and oversee the defenses there.

31 January. Morgan left Sherrald’s Ford and marched toward the Yadkin, on his way to Salisbury.

31 January. After Georgetown, Lee and Marion marched up towards Ft. Watson. However, before they arrived Watson had left 80 men at the post and marched with the remainder of his force to Camden. Johnson writes: "An attempt was then made to throw a detachment of [Lee’s] dragoons across the [Santee] river, with orders to ascend its south bank and destroy the enemy's stores at Colonel Thompson's, and some other depots on the Congaree. Some delay ensued from want of boats, but the detachment was then out on that service, when Colonel Lee was recalled, with orders to hasten to Salisbury to join General Greene, then retreating before Cornwallis." On the 31st, Lee left Marion at Cordes Plantation and moved north to reunite with the main army.

31 January. Tarleton: "On the evening of the 31st of January, a large proportion of the King's troops received orders to be in readiness to march at one o'clock in the morning..." The principal part of Cornwallis’ army, and two three pounders, marched in the night to Cowan's or M'Cowan's ford, while Col. Webster with the 33rd, 2nd Battalion of the 71st, The Royal North Carolina Regt., the Jägers, Tarleton’s Cavalry, Bryan’s loyalists, the four six-pounders, two three-pounders, and all the wagons, moved toward Beattie’s Ford.

The locations of the different fords on the Catawba in this phase of the campaign can be sometimes hard to follow. The rough graph below will help to give an approximate idea of the site of the crossings, though it should be noted that Cowan’s and Beattie’s fords are closer to each other than this “map” would seem to indicate.

CATAWBA RIVER (Represented by the "I")

North

I

I

I

I

=Cowan's Ford

I

= Toole's Ford

I

I

I

I

I

I

South

February. Pension statement of William White of Anson County, N.C.: "Again, in or about February, 1781, he was drafted to go against the Tories under Captain John Degarnett and Colonel Thomas Waid [Wade] (rendezvoused) at [Blewetts] Ferry. Marched to Drauning Creek & took some Tories as prisoners. They tried one of the prisoners by a Courts Martial and hung him. He was then verbally discharged. Served at this time two weeks."

February. By this month, Captain David Fanning set up a base of loyalist operations at Cox’s (or Coxe’s) Mill south of modern Franklinville in present day Randolph County, N.C. Prior to this time Fanning had been in South Carolina with some armed followers acting on behalf of the British. Because he had plans elsewhere at the time, he just narrowly avoided fighting alongside Ferguson at King’s Mountain.

February. [skirmish] Watkin’s (Newberry County, S.C.)

1 February.

Forces under Cornwallis,

Rank and File:

Brigade of Guards: 690

23rd Regt.: 279

33rd Regt.: 334

2nd Bttn., 71st Regt.: 234

Hessian von Bose Regt.: 345

German Jägers: 97

North Carolina Volunteers: 287

British Legion (cavalry only): 174

Total: 2,440

Johnson: “The celebrated Guards were reduced by one eighth. The British force during this very period [1 February to 15 February], without a battle, were reduced in number by 227, through death or desertion. The celebrated Guards were reduced by one eighth...They were well clad, well fed, but had to march 230 miles between the 1st and the 15th of February. Before that time their progress had been so far from being precipitated, that between the 19th of January and the 1st of February, they had not made good eighty miles.”

Tarleton: “On the junction of General Leslie, three thousand five hundred fighting men could advance into that province, besides leaving a large force on the frontier. Any advantage gained over the Americans at this period, would undoubtedly derange their projects, and give a better barrier to South Carolina and Georgia; and though the expedition was ultimately productive only of the advantage of securing old possessions, yet the attempting greater objects was justifiable, and gave a fair trial to the ardent wishes of government at home, and the confident hopes of the loyalists in America. General Leslie, with one thousand five hundred and thirty men, was greatly advanced on his march toward the army, when the operations of the Americans to the westward of Broad river laid immediate claim to the attention of the British.

If we grant Tarleton’s 3,500 figure, and subtract what Cornwallis reported lost at Cowpens (700 rank and file + 17.5% of 700), this would place Cornwallis’ strength at about 2,677. Somewhat similarly, Sumter wrote to Morgan on 28 January giving Cornwallis’ strength, based on close counting by his spies, at no more than 1,600. If we add this to the 1,530 of Leslie (taking the number as a full total) would give Cornwallis a total of 3,130. On February 3rd, Greene, at “Camp on the Yadkin at the Island Ford,” N.C., in a letter to von Steuben estimated Cornwallis' strength as 2,500. On February 9, in Council of War proceedings he spoke of the number as being "twenty five hundred to three thousand men." By the 15th, it had become 3,200. By averaging all these totals (except for Greene’s “2,500 to 3,000”) we arrive at 2,876. Adding 17.5% to Cornwallis’ 2,440 rank and file comes the almost identical figure 2,867. Note this does not include Bryan’s North Carolina Volunteers who were also present.

1 February. [skirmish] Cowan's Ford, also McCowan's Ford (Lincoln and Mecklenberg County border, N.C.) Cornwallis moved to cross the Catawba River with his main army at Cowan’s ford at dawn on 1 February. Webster’s detachment (see 31 January) with the baggage was to cross the river a few miles upriver at Beattie’s Ford. To oppose Cornwallis’ force at Cowan’s Ford, Brig. Gen. Davidson had 600 to 800 (mostly) North Carolina militia. Included in this body of troops was a mounted corps of observation, 300 to 500 strong (many with rifles), collected for the purpose of tracking British movements. These were placed on a small hill a few hundred yards behind the river. Meanwhile, 200 of the militia on foot were deployed in detachments at the different fords for 30 miles along the river, to prevent surprise. As the Light Infantry of the Guards, led by Brig. Gen. Charles O’Hara and Lieut. Col. Francis Hall, moved to make their way over the river, their guide (presumably to spare himself from being shot) deserted them in midstream. As a result they took the wagon ford exit rather than the horse ford exit, and hence were at advantageous angle to the fire from Davidson’s men, most of whom were posted behind the horse ford. Thus Davidson in attempting to halt Cornwallis’ passing the river failed, and was himself mortally wounded in the process, which greatly alarmed his men. Yet the British suffered a not insignificant number of casualties in their effort. Tarleton gives the American losses as 40 killed and wounded, and the British losses as 3 killed and 26 wounded. Lee in response stated: "Tarleton in his campaigns, speaks of forty being killed; but other officers, who examined the ground, said they found but 10." According to one witness, a loyalist, Robert Henry, Cornwallis lost at least 14 dead, even going so far as to say, based on eyewitness calculation "the British could not have lost less than one hundred men on that occasion." Among the British casualties was Lieut. Col. Hall, who was killed while ascending the opposite bank with his men. Many of those killed were reportedly wounded men who drowned. After having made their crossing Cornwallis and Webster joined their forces.

Stedman: "The light infantry of the guards, led by Colonel Hall, first entered the water. They were followed by the grenadiers, and the grenadiers by the battalions, the men marching in platoons, to support one another against the rapidity of the stream. When the light infantry had nearly reached the middle of the river, they were challenged by one of the enemy’s sentinels. The sentinel having challenged thrice and received no answer, immediately gave the alarm by discharging his musket; and the enemy’s pickets were turned out. No sooner did the guide [a Tory] who attended the light infantry to show them the ford, hear the report of the sentinel’s musket, than he turned round and left them. This, which at first seemed to portend much mischief, in the end proved a fortunate incident. Colonel Hall, being forsaken by his guide, and not knowing the true direction of the ford, led the column directly across the river, to the nearest part of the opposite bank. This direction, as it afterward appeared, carried the British troops considerably above the place where the ford terminated on the other side, and where the enemy’s pickets were posted, so that when they delivered their fire the light infantry were already so far advanced as to be out of the line of its direction, and it took place angularly upon the grenadiers, so as to produce no great effect."

In his letter to Germain of 17 March, Cornwallis wrote: “Lieutenant-colonel Webster was detached with part of the army and all the baggage to Beattie's ford, six miles above M'Cowan's, where General Davidson was supposed to be posted with five hundred militia, and was directed to make every possible demonstration, by cannonading and otherwise, of an intention to force a passage there; and I marched at one in the morning, with the brigade of guards, regiment of Bose, 23d, two hundred cavalry, and two three-pounders, to the ford fixed upon for the real attempt.

The morning being very dark and rainy, and part of our way through a wood where there was no road, one of the three pounders in front of the 23d regiment and the cavalry overset in a swamp, and occasioned those corps to lose the line of march; and some of the artillery men belonging to the other gun, (one of whom had the march) having stopped to assist, were likewise left behind. The head of the column in the mean while arrived at the bank of the river, and the day began to break. I could make no use of the gun that was up, and it was evident, from the number of fires on the other side, that the opposition would be greater than I had expected: However, as I knew that the rain then falling would soon render the river again impassable, and I had received information the evening before, that General Greene had arrived in General Morgan's camp, and that his army was marching after him with the greatest expedition, I determined to desist from the attempt; and therefore, full of confidence in the zeal and gallantry of Brigadier-general O'Hara, and of the brigade of guards under his command, I ordered them to march on, but, to prevent, confusion, not to fire until they gained the opposite bank. Their behaviour justified my high opinion of them; for a constant fire from the enemy, in a ford upwards of five hundred yards wide, in many places up to their middle, with a rocky bottom and strong current, made no impression on their cool and determined valour, nor checked their passage. The light infantry landing first, immediately formed, and in a few minutes killed or dispersed every thing that appeared before them; the rest of the troops forming, and advancing in succession. We now learned that we had been opposed by about three hundred militia that had taken post there only the evening before, under the command of General Davidson. Their general and two or three other officers were among the killed; the number of wounded was uncertain; a few were taken prisoners. On our side, Lieutenant-colonel Hall and three men were killed, and thirty-six wounded, all of the light infantry and grenadiers of the guards.”

“Leslie” Orderly Book entry for 1 February: “Lord Cornwallis is highly displeased that Several Houses was set on fire during the March this day, a Disgrace to the Army; & that he will punish with the Utmost Severity any persons who shall be found Guilty of Committing so disgracefull an Outrage –- His Lordship requests the Comdg. Officers of Corps will Endeavor to find out the Persons who set fire to the Houses this day.”

Joseph Graham: “We had none wounded or taken. The enemies loss as stated in the official account, published in the Charleston Gazette, two months after, was Col. Hall of the Guards, and another officer and twenty-nine privates. Thirty-one in all, killed, and thirty-five wounded. They left sixteen who were so badly wounded they could not eb taken along, at Mr. Lucas’s (the nearest farm) and a surgeon under protection of a flag was left with them. Two wounded officers were carried on Biers, and such of the wounded as could not walk were hauled in wagons. Some of the dead were found down the river some distance lodged in fish traps, and in brush about the banks, on rocks, etc., etc. An elegant beaver hat, made agreeably to the fashion of those times, marked inside, The property of Josiah Martin, Governor [Royal Governor of North Carolina], was found ten miles below. It never was explained by what means his Excellency lost his hat. He was not hurt himself. When General O’Hara sent on Tarleton his men kindled fires on the battle ground to dry themselves, cook their breakfasts, etc. They buried their dead, disposed of their wounded, and about mid-day he marched, and in the afternoon united with Cornwallis at Givens’ plantation, two miles from Beattie’s Ford, and one mile south of the Salisbury road Tarleton joined them before night. It had rained at times all day, and in the evening and night it fell in torrents.

The men [N.C. militia] under Col. [Joseph] Williams and Capt. Potts who were guarding Tuckasege and Tool’s Fords, had early notice of the enemy’s crossing and retired. The different parties met in the afternoon at Jno. McK. Alexander’s, eight miles above Charlotte. By noon the next day all the men who were not dispersed, were collected near Harris’ mill on Rocky river ten or twelve miles from the enemy.”

1 February. [skirmish] Torrence’s Tavern, also Tarrant’s Tavern and Torrance’s Tavern (Mecklenburg County. N.C.) The militia dispersed at Cowan’s and Beattie’s Fords retreated to Torrence’s (or Tarrant’s) Tavern, some 9-10 miles from the Catawba, to regroup. Tarleton, with Webster’s detachment, learning of their gathering, moved with all haste to the site where about 500 were collected. Tarleton’s own force consisted of 200 Legion cavalry, 100 Jägers and 150 infantry of the 33rd Regt. With his cavalry, advanced o the rest, he surprised and routed them a little after 2 o’clock in the afternoon. Near 50 militia were killed on the spot, and many wounded, other managed to escape on their horses. Tarleton lost 7 men killed and wounded, and twenty horses. Clinton gives the number of North Carolina militia dispersed by Tarleton as 300. Graham mentions that the tavern itself was burned down after the attack.

Lossing: “A heavy rain had injured their powder, and they were not prepared to fight. The loss of General Davidson, and the total dispersion of the militia, greatly dispirited the patriots in that region, and Toryism again became bold and active.”

1 February. Greene, who was at Oliphant’s Mill accompanied by some staff, wrote Huger directing him to bring up the army, especially Lee's cavalry, to join him. The supply train was to go to Guilford instead of Salisbury. "Had we a superiority in horse the Militia would be useful but for want of which the Militia dare not go within miles of the enemy."

1 February. Huger, coming from the Hick’s Creek camp, arrived with Greene’s main army at Mask's ferry (also on the north side of the Pee Dee.) On this date, he wrote Greene saying he could not bring the army up further until Col. Thomas Wade sent more food, since the men had marched with only three days allowance of food.
He added: "Col. Wade promised me that he would have a thousand bushels of meal brought up at Sherraws ferry from below, by that time the wagons could be sent to transport it to the army. I have sent five wagons which came from Cross Creek, with salt &x for this purpose. The other five were detained by Lillington. I have ordered them to Col. Wade and to make as much dispatch as possible and follow the army upon the route it marches. I shall leave a part of Genl. Lillington's men to guard them. The live stock shall be collected and I am in hopes to bring on a considerable drove...Col. Kosciuszko 's boats are not with us. I have wrote him to join you immediately and directed him to forward such boats as were finished and to put the rest in charge of Colonel Wade and to order the artificers to join the army. This I conceived to be absolutely necessary from the want of artifficers (sic) none having joined from Philadelphia...The rum and such stores as are coming on for the use of the army [from Hillsborough]. I shall give directions to proceed to Ellis' ferry and wait there for orders. None has yet arrived except the stores from Rocky River."

2 February. Cornwallis camped at “Cossington.” Here Capt. Goodricke (also Goodrickes) was appointed to the Light Infantry to fill the vacancy left by Lieut. Col. Hall, though it s probable that Capt. Maynard, already with the Light Infantry, assumed Hall’s position, while Goodricke took Maynard’s.

2 February. Col. Otho Williams, at Camp at Mask's Ferry wrote to Major John Mazaret: "The General [Greene] desires Mazaret to halt the artillery at the forks of the road about two miles below Mountain Creek Bridge; Captain Davis will come to Head quarters for some extra duty; all the men of Captain [Ebenezer] Finley's company will be relieved from duty, and their places will be filled by men from other corps to the number of forty; Capt. Finlay [Finley] will have two six-pounders, with the best horses procurable, and will be sent to this camp with fifty thousand good musket cartridges; Mazaret will then go to G[u]ilford Court House and receive further orders; he [Mazaret] is authorized to press the horses he needs and to take any corn he finds; the General wishes to see him today if possible; he [Mazaret] will send forward all the good muskets."

2-3 February. Greene with Morgan and his light corps reached Salisbury, where they worked to get the troops and the supplies stored at Salisbury to safety across the Yadkin River at Trading Ford (also known as Island Ford.) Earlier Greene had arranged for boats to assist in the effort, a measure which facilitated the movement enormously. Before the sun went down on the 3rd, only 100 riflemen from Virginia, a small troop of North Carolina militia cavalry, and some wagons were left on the south side of the ford. Some of Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens’ men who had not left to escort the Cowpens prisoners northward, helped to remove some of the Salisbury stores. Stevens then asked these to continue with Greene’s army a while longer, but they refused being very eager to get back home.

Johnson: “It will be recollected, that very early, even before he [Greene] had reached his command, he had adopted the means of converting the navigable streams of the country into highways for transporting the supplies of the army. It will be also recollected, that his plan of operations, upon the advance of the British commander, involved some probable munoevering about the trading ford, which might render the quick passage of the Yadkin either for attack or defense, an important object. Both these purposes had led to the collection of the boats for some distance up and down the river, at this point.”

Ramsay: "[The Americans] by expeditious movement crossed the Yadkin, partly in flats, and partly by fording on the second and third days of February, and secured their boats on the north side. Though the British were close to their rear, yet the wants of boats and the rapid rising of the river from preceding rains made their crossing impossible...The British having failed in their first scheme of passing the Yadkin were obliged to cross at the upper fords; but before this was completed the two divisions of the American army made a junction at Guildford Court house."

3 February. The British captured St. Eustatius from the Dutch. The West Indies island had for years been a major link in the American and Allied supply line.

3 February. [skirmish] Trading Ford, also Island Ford (Rowan County, North Carolina) Just as most of Greene’s forces and supplies made their way across the Yadkin at Trading Ford in the late hours of the day, Tarleton and Brig. Gen. Charles O’Hara with the Guards approached to find the few Americans left on the west side of the river. There was brief skirmish between O’Hara’s column and 100 Virginia militia under Maj. David Campbell, as well as some North Carolina mounted militia led by Col. John Luttrell. After some heated shooting, the American rear guard dispersed, abandoning some wagons carrying personal items. They finally made their escape at a crossing two miles down stream. O’Hara then returned to join the main army under Cornwallis which had reached Salisbury, where most of the army remained the next day resting. According to Joseph Graham, the Americans lost 2, and the British 10 to 12 killed and wounded.

Lossing: “General Greene had hoped, by guarding the fords on the Catawba with the light troops under Morgan, to prevent the passage of the British army until Huger and Williams should arrive with the other divisions of the American forces. The passage at Cowan’s Ford destroyed these hopes, and Morgan and his light troops retreated precipitately toward the Yadkin. The detachment of Lieutenant-colonel Webster crossed at Beattie’s Ford, and joined Cornwallis the next day [Feb. 2.], on the road to Salisbury, five miles from the crossing-place. The royal army rested at Salisbury 11 that night, and the next morning started in pursuit of Greene and Morgan. These officers did not await the dawn, but passed the Yadkin at Trading Ford while Cornwallis was slumbering; and when, on the morning of the third, the earl hastened to strike a fatal blow on the banks of that stream, the Americans were beyond his reach, and Providence had again placed an impassable barrier of water between them. Another copious rain in the mountains had swollen the Yadkin to a mighty river. The horses of Morgan had forded the stream at midnight, and the infantry passed over in bateaux at dawn. These vessels were secured on the east shore of the Yadkin, and Cornwallis was obliged to wait for the waters to subside before he could cross. Again he had the Americans almost within his grasp. A corps of riflemen were yet on the west side when O’Hara, with the van-guard, approached, but these escaped across the river, after a smart skirmish of a few minutes. Nothing was lost but a few wagons belonging to the Whigs who were fleeing with the American army, with their effects.

Tarleton: "General O'Hara having made a fruitless effort to get possession of the flats and large boats upon the river, took post with the infantry on the ground which commanded the ford and the ferry, and sent back the cavalry to Salisbury. A heavy rain swelled the Yadkin the succeeding day and night, and General Morgan remained on the eastern bank, facing the British troops."

Joseph Graham: “Before the rear came in [under Cornwallis], Brigadier-General O'Hara and the cavalry moved on. It was seven miles to the Trading Ford on the Yadkin, and it was getting dark when he came near. General Morgan had passed his regulars and baggage all over, and there remained on the south side only one hundred and fifty militia and the baggage wagons of the troops which had escaped from Cowan's Ford, and some others. Finding the British approaching, the militia were drawn up near a half mile from the ford, where a branch crosses which was covered with small timber and bushes, and there was an old field along the road in their front. When O'Hara came, twilight was nearly gone. The American position was low along the branch, under shade of the timber; that of the advancing foe was open and on higher ground, and between them and the sky, was quite visible. When they came within sixty steps, the Americans commenced firing, the enemy returned it and began to form a line. As their rear came up, they extended their line to the right, and were turning the left flank of the militia by crossing the branch above. This being discovered, a retreat was ordered after having fired, some two, some three rounds. It was easily effected in the dark. They passed down the river two miles and crossed over, abandoning the baggage and other wagons which could not be gotten over, to the enemy, after taking out the horses. Two of the militia were killed; the loss of the enemy was not known, but from appearances of blood in different places, believed to be ten or twelve. They were by far the most numerous, yet from the positions of the contending parties were most exposed. After the firing ceased, the British marched on to the river, but found the water was too deep to ford, and still rising, and that General Morgan, encamped on the other side, had with him all the boats and canoes. General O'Hara returned to Salisbury the same night, notwithstanding the badness of the roads. Those under his command marched thirty-four miles in the course of this day and part of the night. On the 4th, the army needed rest, and their commander being, it is supposed, undecided what course to pursue, they remained in Salisbury.”

3 February. Huger, from Mask's ferry on the Pee Dee, wrote to Greene saying he would take two pieces of artillery, but will send them away if they prove an encumbrance. He also stated that the heavy baggage has been sent on to Guilford as ordered.

4 February. Cornwallis reached Trading Ford, and positioning some artillery on a hill shelled Greene’s forces on the opposite side of the River, though without doing much damage. Later in the evening, Greene marched toward Guilford, while on the morning of the 5th, Cornwallis returned to Salisbury where he remained till the 6th.

Johnson: "To prevent Lord Cornwallis from getting on his right [i.e. to the east of him], was all-important to General Greene for several reasons. When the army commenced its march from the Pee Dee, the heaviest baggage had been ordered on, under a guard of militia, to take the route by Hillsborough, to unite there with the baggage removing from that place, and to pursue the march across the Dan, or until countermanded...Nor was the route by the upper fords the most convenient for favoring a junction with the reinforcements which were now advancing. All those expected from North Carolina must come from Roanoke, and those to be looked for from Virginia must all approach from the eastward, and generally by the road to Boyd's Ferry; so that to keep his enemy to the north and west of him, without permitting him to advance too far, became all important in the present posture of his affairs."

6 February. [skirmish] Grant's Creek (Rowan County, N.C) To prevent unnecessary losses in attempting to cross at Trading Ford, Cornwallis moved up river some distance to Shallow Ford. At the same time he sent Tarleton in advance to reconnoiter. Tarleton encountered Col. Francis Lock and 100 North Carolina militia who were engaged in destroying the bridge at Grant's Creek. Tarleton sent a detachment up to around the mouth of the creek, for purposes of taking Locke from the rear. As a result, Locke's troops were dispersed, though with only 1 wounded. Cornwallis later crossed the Yadkin at Shallow Ford during the night, and was on the opposite bank by the 7th.

7 February. [skirmish] Graham’s Patrol, also Shalllow Ford (Forsyth County, N.C.) Some hours after the British army had crossed at Shallow Ford and moved on. 20 North Carolina militia cavalry, under Capt. Joseph Graham, captured six loyalists, and killed one Hessian in their wake.

Joseph Graham: "The American cavalry was mortified at coming so far and achieving nothing [i.e. the British had already crossed Shallow Ford the previous evening]. It was decided that twenty of those best mounted, under command of the Captain [Joseph Graham], should, after divesting themselves of their marks of distinction, pass the river. The Lieutenant was ordered to draw up the others at the ford, to cover their retreat, if pursued, and to place videttes on the roads some distance in his rear, lest some parties of Tories might be following the Americans. The party went over, saw several men whom they did not molest, and who, on being questioned, made professions of loyalty to the King and showed their protections. After going about three miles, the two soldiers who were kept in advance about one hundred yards, made signal of seeing the enemy. When Captain Graham came up, he saw about fifty dragoons, marching slowly in compact order. He followed them for two miles unperceived, but finding that they kept the same order, it was thought imprudent to go further, as the country that they were in was reputed to be favorable to the British. Returning about a mile, the Americans discovered three men in red coats, who fled, but being directly run down, surrendered. On proceeding further, they met a Hessian and a Briton, who also fled. On being overtaken, the Briton surrendered, but the Hessian held his piece at a charge and would not give up. He was cut down and killed. Before reaching the ford, the Americans took two armed Tories, who were following them. Having killed one and taken six prisoners, the party re-crossed the ford."

7 February. Sumter returned to field after recovering from the wound he received at Blackstocks. On the 9th he called together his men, for attacks on the British posts in South Carolina. Then with about 280 men, he subsequently launched attacks against Fort Granby, Thompson's House (not far from the later Ft. Motte) and Fort Watson, while frightening the loyalists, and capturing (then losing) a supply convoy.

7-8 February. Greene with Morgan’s corps reached Guilford Court House on the 7th, where he was joined by Huger and Lee's Legion (which had overtaken Huger).

Lee: "The united force of Greene, including five hundred militia, exceeded two thousand three hundred. Of which two hundred and seventy were cavalry of the best quality. The army of Cornwallis was estimated at two thousand five hundred; but his cavalry was far inferior, although more numerous than that of his adversary, was far inferior in regard to size, condition, and activity of the horses." Originally, Greene originally had hoped to effect a junction with Huger at Salisbury, but the lately swift advance of Cornwallis had prevented it. Although an effort was made to call out the Guilford militia, few (about 200) came out, and many of those who did come out, in fear of the British, deserted. This left Greene with only a small body of North Carolina militia with him under Col. James Martin. At the same time Greene's army was badly short of supplies.

8 February. Greene, at Guilford Court House, wrote Col. John Gunby, at Hillsborough, ordering him to have supplies moved north to Virginia, and to march from there with his men to Greene's army. Gunby was also directed to send to Guilford all the arms,, flints, cartridges, entrenching tools, oars, and spirits that he can in lightly loaded wagons. In accordance with Greene’s instructions, the evacuated supplies were later sent across the Roanoke, and removed to Prince Edward Court House in Virginia.

8 February. A letter from Col. Arthur Campbell in Washington County, VA., written on this date, informed Greene that (sometime in late January) 700 frontier militia of three counties had defeated the Cherokees in the Watauga district, destroying many Indian houses and crops in the process. See Late January 1780.

8 February. Cornwallis camped at Lindsay’s Plantation.

“Leslie” Orderly Book: “All Offrs. Are most Earnestly requested to Seize any Militia or followers of the Army who go into Houses & Commit excesses; and Report them to Head Qrs. As soon as the Troops come to their Ground Any Offr. Who looks on with Indifference & does not do his Utmost to prevent the Shamefull Marauding Which has of late prevaild in the Army Will be Consider’d in a more Criminal light than the persons who Commit those Scandalous Crimes, which must bring disgrace & Ruin on his Majestys Arms.”

9 February. Col. Francis Lock with Rowan County militia, Maj. John Carruth with those of Lincoln County, and some 40 Georgia and South Carolina militia under Pickens were left behind Greene's main army with orders to harass the British rear. Lock at this time requested lead and flints. While Greene was able to send the flints, he told Lock to send someone to retrieve the lead, as the main baggage had already gone across the Roanoke River. Pickens own force was much diminished at this time, having for about the last two weeks been escorting prisoners north from Cowpens (prior to Stevens then taking up the prisoners and conveying them to Virginia). Given the important loss of Brig. Gen. Davidson at Cowan's Ford, the western North Carolina militia were put under Pickens. “Until a more perfect arrangement can be made," wrote Greene on February 3rd, Pickens was to assume command of the North Carolina troops with him, with orders from to hang on skirts of enemy, and watch for and attempt to surprise British foraging parties. By no later than February 19th, Pickens force had grown to 600-700 men. Graham’s points out that, contrary to Johnson, there were no officers with Pickens other than Lieut. James Jackson, who was made Pickens’ Brigade Major. On the other hand, Pickens, in his dispatches to Greene at the time, does make mention of Col. Hugh McCall and Capt. Samuel Hammond. Yet evidently, James McCall and Cunningham, who had been with Pickens at Cowpens, had returned to South Carolina. About half of the soldiers in Pickens new corps were mounted, but only around 70 of these were actually cavalry.

Joseph Graham: “(W)hen General Andrew Pickens was vested with the command of the troops 6 or 700 in number Assembled in the rear of Lord Cornwallis on his march to the Dan River there was not more than 40 of the South Carolian Militia but were chiefly from between the Yadkin and Cataba (sic) Rivers from the Counties of Mecklenburg and Rowan (from which since Iredale and Cabarus [Iredell and Cabarrus counties]have been taken off).”

9-10 February. Cornwallis’ army arrived in Salem, from where he subsequently moved towards the head of the Haw River.

“Intelligence from the southward, Philadelphia February 28”: “Cornwallis' army "finding they could not pass at Trading ford, near Salisbury, marched up the south side of the Yadkin, and on the night of the 7th crossed at the shallow (sic) ford, and had on the 9th advanced towards Salem, one of the Moreavian towns..."

Records of the Moravians: “[Bethania] "Feb. 7. ...The report that the English were there [in Salem] was without foundation, but it was said that a party of them had been in Bryant's Settlement. After midnight an express brought word that about eight hundred of the English had reached Colonel Hound's.

"Feb. 8. ...This evening we heard that the English army under General Cornwallis had passed the Shallow Ford about three o'clock."

Tarleton: "The mild and hospitable disposition of the inhabitants, being assisted by the well-cultivated and fruitful plantations in their possession, afforded abundant and seasonable supplies to the King's troops during their passage through this district."

Johnson: "The object of this was, to alarm his adversary for the safety of his stores at Hillsborough; these, notwithstanding the earliest attention to their removal, had been so delayed for want of wagons, that they were, most of them, just now put in motion for Taylor's ferry on the Roanoke, below the confluence of the Dan and the Staunton [rivers.]"

9-10 February. At Guilford, Greene summoned his field officers to a council of war of his chief officers and put forward the question of whether the army should give battle. It was voted that for the time being, the army should continue retreating to gather more forces, and defer engagement with Cornwallis. Greene at this same time formed a special light corps to be commanded by Col. Otho Williams to cover the main army’s retreat. In a letter to Gen. Washington of February 9th, he described the "light army" he had formed under Williams as composed of: "cavalry of the 1st and 3rd Regiments and the Legion amounting to 240, a detachment of 280 Infantry under Lieut. Col. Howard, the Infantry of Lieut. Col. Lee's Legion and 60 Virginia Riflemen making in their whole 700 men which will be ordered with the Militia to harass the enemy in their advance, check their progress and if possible give us opportunity to retire without general action." Kosciuszko who had recently joined up with Greene at Guilford, preceded him to Irwin’s (also Irvine’s) and Boyd’s Ferries on the Dan River where he oversaw the constructing of breastworks for protecting the boats and the crossing of the army. Morgan, who was present at the council, at the time was suffering from “sciatica” and rheumatism, and was so unwell as to not be able later serve further.

Greene's force on the 10th did not exceed 2,036, and a fourth of these were in hospital due top nakedness and exposure. Of those fit for duty, were 1,426 Continentals fit for duty. The Maryland Regiment alone, for example, had 861 fit for duty, 274 in hospitals. In addition there were 600 militia, about 200 of which were badly armed. Of 400 North Carolina militia effectives, 200 were present and another 200 were expected on the way from Lillington. These latter never reached Greene, as Lillington had his hands full keeping an eye on the loyalists of Cross Creek and Craig at Wilmington. Johnson mentions as well 230 cavalry (Lee and Washington’s) and 47 artillerists.

Lossing: “Greene, also aware of the inferiority of his forces, called a council of war [Feb. 9.], when it was resolved to avoid a battle, and retreat as rapidly as possible across the Dan into the friendly districts of Virginia. A light army, designed to maneuver in the rear of the Americans and in front of the pursuers, was formed out of Lee’s legion, the regular battalion of infantry under Colonel Howard, the cavalry under Colonel Washington, and a small corps of Virginia riflemen under Major Campbell, in all about seven hundred men, the flower of the Southern army.”

Johnson: "(B)y pushing forward the [light] detachment under Williams, in the direct route for the upper Dan, he [Greene] induced his adversary to make a movement to his left [i.e. to the west], for the purpose of cutting this party off from the upper fords, still fondly believing that he had the main army in a cul de sac, from which it could not escape, for want of ferry boats. Williams was so lightly equipped, that he had nothing to fear from a near approach to the enemy, and coolly placing himself in front of his advance, marched as steadily before him for four days, as if he had been the enemy's advanced guard...in the rout of his enemy, every bridge was broken up, the provision consumed or removed, and every facility to his [Cornwallis'] progress, swept away by his tantalizing precursor."

10 February. Col. Marquis de Malmady, at Halifax, North Carolina, was appointed by the North Carolina Assembly to command 600 light horse to be raised in the Hillsborough district. As well, General Richard Caswell was re-appointed "chief of the militia," to replace Davidson.

10 February. Morgan left Greene’s army due to illness, returning home to Virginia.

10 February. In response to appeals from Greene, militia leaders in western and southern Virginia began forming units to join him. Except for Campbell, most of the over-mountain men who were at King’s Mountain could not help Greene, preoccupied as they were with dealing with the British allied Indians on the frontier. See entries for 18 and 20 February.

In a letter of 28 February, Col. Arthur Campbell wrote Governor Jefferson: “Your Excellency's orders of the 15th of February came to hand the 23rd and on the 25th a few odds of 100 men, under Col. William Campbell set out to join the militia of Botetourt and Montgomery on their march to join the Southern Army, previous steps having been taken, on hearing the enemy was advancing towards Virginia, to have them in readiness. A large number would have gone, were it not for the daily apprehensions of attacks from the Northward (Shawnee) and Southern (Cherokee) Indians. The latter, last week, killed three men in Powells Valley and carried off a considerable number of horses."

“Colonel William Preston on February 10, 1781, ordered the militia of Montgomery County [VA.] to assemble at the [Chiswell] Lead Mines, and on the day appointed three hundred and fifty men assembled pursuant to the order of their commander. Major Joseph Cloyd, assembled and led the Middle New River men. It is to be regretted that the names of the men who went with Preston and Cloyd have not been preserved. One company went from the Middle New River valley, which was commanded by Captain Thomas Shannon, of Walker's Creek, and one of his lieutenants was Alexander Marrs. A few names only of the privates who went along have been secured. They were Matthew French, John French, Edward Hale, Joseph Hare, Isaac Cole and Thomas Farley. Preston began his march on the 18th day of February and reported to General Greene on the 28th day of that month, who assigned him to the command of General Andrew Pickens. On his way to report to Pickens he seems to have gotten between the American and British outposts, and camped for the night in close proximity to the British without knowing that they were near him.”

11 February (or within a day or two.) North Carolina militia officers who had served under Davidson agreed to invest Pickens with command of their 700 men.

11 February (also given as 13 February). [skirmish] Bruce’s Crossroads, also Gillies’ Death, Reedy Fork, and Summerfield (Guilford County, N.C.) Informed by a local countryman that Cornwallis army had changed its route of march, Col. Otho Williams directed Lee to investigate. Lee, in turn, sent out Capt. Armstrong of the Legion cavalry, to reconnoiter. When Armstrong returned he apprised Lee of the British position, who moved to prepare an ambush. Capt. Armstrong with a small number of cavalry were sent in the path of Tarleton’s horsemen. Some British Legion cavalry, under a “Capt. Miller,” then galloped in pursuit only to be charged in the flank by Lee and his dragoons, who had lain concealed along the road. It was in this encounter that Lee’s bugler Gillies, who was made to take a poor mount in order that the local guide could be better horsed, was savagely killed by some British Legion dragoons. It was at that point that Lee’s dragoons, in view of the sight, swiftly retaliated. Though Tarleton speaks of Lee being finally repulsed, it would seem, tactically speaking, the Americans got the better of this action. According to Lee, British lost 18, Americans 1, with Miller being made prisoner.

Tarleton: “Earl Cornwallis, wishing to intercept the Americans, and force them to action to the southward of the Roanoke, proceeded from Salem towards the head of Haw river, and on his march gained intelligence of their having composed a formidable corps of light troops, consisting of Lee's, Bland's, and Washington's cavalry, the continental light infantry, and some riflemen, in order to watch his motions, and retard his progress whilst General Greene removed the stores and heavy baggage of the continental army into Virginia, and hastened the remainder of his troops to the river Dan, on the frontier of that province. At the cross roads, near the Reedy fork, the advanced guard of the British light troops, was attacked by Colonel Lee's dragoons, who were repulsed with some loss. The bridge on Reedy fork being broken down, retarded some hours the advance of Earl Cornwallis, who afterwards crossed Troublesome creek, and persevered in the direction to the high fords of the Dan. On the road, many skirmishes took place between the British and American light troops, without great loss to either party, or any impediment to the progress of the main army.”

Seymour: "On the eighth instant we marched from here [Guilford], General Green's Army taking one road and the light troops another, being joined the next day by Colonel Lee's horse and infantry. This day we received intelligence that the British Army was advancing very close in our rear, upon which Colonel Lee detached a party of horse to intercept them, who meeting with their vanguard, consisting of an officer and twenty men, which they killed, wounded and made prisoners, all but one man."

Lee: “This ill-fated boy [Gillies] was one of the band of music, and exclusively devoted in the field to his bugle, used in conveying orders. Too small to wield a sword, he was armed only with one pistol, as was the custom of the Legion; that sort of weapon being considered of little import in action; now he had not even his pistol, it being with the countryman mounted on his horse.”

12 February. Greene wrote to Gen. John Butler, of the N.C. militia, from his army Headquarters in Caswell County: "not more than one hundred & fifty [militia] Men are left with this [Greene's] army." By the 13th, he wrote again to Butler: "All but 'eighty' of the North Carolina militiamen have 'deserted.'"

13 February. A storm (on 22 January) having dispersed the British blockade, a detachment of the French fleet under Captain Le Bardeur de Tilly, sailed from Newport, Rhode Island, and entered the Chesapeake in order to interfere with the shipping of Arnold's expedition. He anchored in Lynnhaven Bay by the 13th. Arnold, however, moved his boats up the shallow waters of Elizabeth River, where de Tilley could not reach them. De Tilley did, nevertheless, manage to capture ten small ships, and returned with them to Newport, where he arrived on 24 February. Despite the captures, the naval foray had little impact on Arnold’s operations.

13 February. When Brig. Gen. Alexander Lillington, with his 200 N.C. militia, had not joined Greene by February 13th, Greene decided it was too dangerous to attempt risking a junction, and ordered him instead to Cross Creek.

13 February. [skirmish] Road to Dix’s Ferry (Rockingham County, N.C.) As part of the American army’s rear guard, Lee’s Legion took an out of the way detour, separate from Williams’ route, in order to avail himself of the plenty present at a nearby farm. Shortly after his men and horses were set up to be fed their breakfast (on the 12th), the shots of his pickets announced the approach of the van of the British army, under Brig. Gen. Charles O’Hara. Lee made immediate arrangements to get his men to safety, while the British were as surprised by his presence as he was by theirs. He rushed to secure a bridge that was key to the escape of his corps, and was thereby able to get his infantry across the nearby stream in time to effect their escape, with his cavalry covering their retreat. The British then continued their pursuit, often being in clear sight of Lee in the course of the day. Lee, thus just narrowly, managed to evade their approaches, and moved along the road to Dix’s, and after that to Boyd’s Ferry.

13-14 February. On the 13th, Greene, with the main army, crossed the Dan River at Irwin’s Ferry, thanks to the prior collection of boats by Lieut. Col. Edward Carrington, and a survey of the river made by Capt. John Smith of the Maryland line. Cornwallis continued following hard on the heels of the Americans, occasionally coming into open sight of Lee and William’s light detachment. Before sunset of the 14th, William’s passed over downriver at Irwin’s Ferry. Lee’s troops soon followed at the same location. The last of them, after re-capturing some of horses who had fled at being forced to swim the river, themselves had crossed the Dan after 9 pm. Lieut. Col. Carrington, who had been personally superintending the crossings, and Lieut. Col. Lee, were among the very last to make the passage. When the van of Cornwallis’ army reached Irwin’s, six hours after the last group of Americans had made it across, Greene’s men cheered -- which the soldiers of O’Hara’s advance column were close enough to have heard. Cornwallis had earlier calculated that Greene would have had to cross at the fords up the river, and in an effort to trap him had maneuvered his force towards the west, not expecting that Greene would be able to cross at Irwin’s or Boyd’s in time to escape (to the east.)

“Leslie” Orderly Book for the 14th: “It having been Signified to B Genl. O’Hara that Ld Cornwallis means to make a forward move in the Morng of Twenty Miles in a Rapid Manner in order totally to Effect the purposes of every late Execution it is wished Comdg Offrs. of Bttns. Will Signify the same to their respective Corps in order to Ascertain at four oClock to Morrow Morng. What Men will be Able to undertake the Same & what may be left behind.”

Kirkwood (who was with Williams’ light detachment): "14th Crossed the Dan River at Ewings [Irwin’s] Ferry.....80 [miles]."

Lee: “The British general was twenty-five miles from Guilford Court-House, and twenty below Dix’s [or Dixon’s] Ferry on the Dan, and nearer to the upper shallows or points of that river, which were supposed to be fordable, notwithstanding the late swell of water. Lieutenant-Colonel Carrington, quartermaster-general, suggested the propriety of passing at Irwin’s Ferry, seventy miles from Guilford Court-House, and twenty below Dix’s. Boyd’s Ferry was four miles below Irwin’s; and the boats might be easily brought down from Dix’s [to Irwin’s] to assist in transporting the army at these near and lower ferries. The plan of Lieutenant-Colonel Carrington was adopted, and that officer was charged with the requisite preparations. The route of retreat being determined, the place of crossing designated, and measures taken for the collection of boats….”

Tarleton: “Owing to an excellent disposition, which was attended with some fortunate contingencies, General Greene passed the whole army over the river Dan on the 14th, near Country-line creek, without their receiving any material detriment from the King's troops. Every measure of the Americans, during their march from the Catawba to Virginia, was judiciously designed and vigorously executed. The British proceeded without intermission to Boyd's ferry, where they found some works evacuated, which had been constructed to cover the retreat of the enemy, who six hours before had finished their passage, and were then encamped on the opposite bank.”

14-15 February. [surrender] DePeyster’s Capture (Georgetown County, S.C.) On the night of the 14th, by threatening to set fire a house which Capt. James DePeyster and 29 men of the King’s American Regt. occupied, Capt. John Postell of Marion's brigade, with 28 men, forced their surrender the next morning. The house belonged to Posetll's own family, and was situated north of Georgetown, in between the Black and Pee Dee Rivers. The success no doubt interested the British in taking Postell himself prisoner, which in the ensuing month they did.

15 February. Greene, at Irwin’s Ferry, made arrangements for setting up camp for his army at Halifax, Virginia with intention to fortify it, though this plan for fortification was never realized. Greene moved his army to In Halifax, his troops were soon fed and given moral support by the towns people, and militia volunteers came forward to join his army. During their stay in there, about 1500 to 1800 local militia came out to defend the town, but most of these dissipated as the threat from Cornwallis diminished. Greene had previously ordered his baggage to Halifax, Va., and given "the necessary orders issued to the quarter-master's department, to make good the passage of Staunton river with the whole army, should such a movement become necessary."

Johnson: “Sending off, and guarding the many detachments of baggage, stores, prisoners, sick, &c., had necessarily drawn off a number of men on detached commands. The militia alone could not be depended upon for this service, as they came and went when they pleased. Hence a small guard of regulars became indispensable; and where an auxiliary militia force was called out, it was relieved at different stages, according to the necessity of circumstances. On the 17th of this month, there was no less than 345 of Maryland line thus employed; and, on that day, every man in camp fit for duty, is stated at, infantry, 1078 -- artillery, 64 –- cavalry, 176 --- legionary infantry, 112. The militia had all departed, with the exception only of the gallant little band under Pickens, who alone, in the worst of times, never abandoned the retreating army: but, at this time, they were detached under their leader, on the service which has been already noticed.”

Mid February. [raid] Waccamaw (Horry County, S.C.) A troop of about 30-40 Queen’s Rangers, under Lieut. John Wilson, carried out a raid 40 miles up the Waccamaw River from Georgetown where a Capt. Clark, a local Whig militia leader, was made captured.

15-16 February. On the 15th, Cornwallis camped at Wiley’s House and rested his hard pushed troops. The Dan River began to fall, thus making possible crossing and pursuit by Cornwallis more easy. Cornwallis, however, continued on to Hillsborough. With a mind to raising and emboldening the loyalists. Pickens, with 700 men, at least half mounted, kept to the west of him, watching and harrying his flanks.

17 February. Cornwallis in orders for the day at Dobbines’ House again decried plundering, as he had done on the 5th and 6th while at Salisbury.

17-20. Greene’s light corps under Williams, crossed the Banister River on the 17th and then re-crossed the Dan on the 20th in pursuit of Cornwallis, followed by the main army on the 21st. Two sub-detachments under Lee and Washington acted semi-independently of Williams (Lee’s in particular.) In the ensuing days, Lee would be joined by reinforcements of Virginia riflemen, North Carolina militia, and a number of Catawba Indians. The light detachments were to follow on the rear of Cornwallis’ column and retard his movements. By the 21st, Lee had joined his troops with those of Pickens for purposes of their acting together. Major Pierce, one of Green's aids, with a small but select escort, equipped equally to fight or fly, was already in advance of them and hung on Cornwallis wings after the latter had retreated from the Dan. Greene, says Joseph Graham, ordered his various light detachments: “to proceed with caution and commit nothing to hazard against a superior force, unless compelled; but if meeting an inferior force, to strike them as quick as possible return to him as soon as an alarm should be given, it might be expected that the Cavalry and light troops of the enemy would be at our heels.”

Kirkwood: "15th March'd and Crossed the Banisster (sic) River....7 [miles]

17th March'd and Recrossed....6 [miles]

20th Crossed the Dan River.....9 [miles].”"

Seymour: "On the seventeenth our army marched and crossed the Banister River. Here we halted till the 20th, and marched for Hillsborough, which the enemy had taken possession of, there erecting the Royal Standard, where a vast number of the inhabitants joined them, taking the oath of allegiance, and many more they compelled to do the same, forcing them away from their wives and children."

Lee "...(T)the Legion of Lee, strengthened by two companies of the veterans of Maryland, under Captain [Edward] Oldham, with the corps of South Carolina militia, under Brigadier Pickens, was ordered, in the morning of the 18th, to pass the Dan. This was readily performed."

Johnson: "Colonel Washington continued his march parallel to that of the enemy, until he fully ascertained its directions towards Hillsborough, when he retraced his steps and attached himself to Col. Williams. The range of Lee was of far greater duration and extent....On the right, on the left, in the rear of the enemy, wherever service could be performed, or intelligence collected, we find him continually occupied, and forever changing his positions, to guard against surprise."

17 February. General George Weedon, at Chesterfield Court House, VA., wrote to Greene, saying that he had urged Gov. Jefferson to support Greene. "I found him well disposed to do so, and Orders were yesterday dispatched to Botetourt for 147 of their best Rifle men; to Montgomery for 187, to Washington for 207, to Pittsylvania for 230, to Henry for 251, making in the whole 1022. Those men you may expect will join you with the Utmost Expedition....am in hopes in [sixteen] days they will be in full march."

Brig. Gen.l Robert Lawson, A Virginia militia officer, wrote Jefferson on February 25, saying that after meeting with Greene about the 18th, he had ordered out the militia of Prince Edward, Cumberland, Amelia, Charlotte, Lunenberg, Mecklenburg, Buckingham, and Amherst counties. He asked Jefferson for help in arming these troops, as Greene had told him he had not enough arms even for his Continentals.

18 February. In a letter to von Steuben, Greene directed that reinforcements from Virginia approach by way of Taylor's ferry on the Dan River. On the 17th, Steuben had written Greene informing him that lack of clothing would prevent him from sending the regiment of Virginia Continentals, under Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell, till at least the 25th, when, as it turns out, he did, they having by then received the necessary clothing shipment.

18 February. Some Wadkin County Virginia militia under Col William Moore were posted at Wadkin's ford on the Bannister river.

18 February. Col. William Preston with 300 mostly mounted militia with rifles carrying six days provisions left Montgomery County, Virginia with expectations of reaching Surrey County the next day. In the same letter to Greene, Preston reported that Col. William Campbell would march next week with the militia of Washington County, and a party of men from Botetourt County.

19 February. Having completed his mission of bringing militia home and delivering Cowpens prisoners to Pittsylvania Court House, Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens received orders to recruit Virginia militia. By the 21st to 23rd he had joined Greene, coming by way of Halifax, Virginia, having raised 1,000 men.

19 February Cornwallis camped at Thompson’s Plantation (N.C.)

19-20 February. Pickens was camped at Wilson’s on the North Haw River, with 600-700 North Carolinians and 40 to possibly 150 South Carolina and Georgia militia where he was preparing to march to Greene's camp at Boyd's ferry on the Dan. At least 300 of his men were mounted. Those on foot were command by Col. Francis Lock. Yet rather than join Greene, he was directed toward Hillsborough with the rest. At the time, Pickens was having a difficult time keeping many of the North Carolina militia with him. On the 20th, he reported to Greene that the Salisbury militia were regularly deserting him.

19-21 February. [siege] Fort Granby, also Congaree Fort (Lexington County, S.C.) With the men he had collected earlier in the month, Sumter moved forward to attack Fort Granby below the Congaree River. Wade Hampton, who owned a store in the area had earlier been contracted to supply Fort Granby with provisions. Hampton had, until this time, taken British protection, but he informed Sumter that the Fort was running low on stores. On the basis of this information, Sumter on the 16th, with 280-400 men, including as many as 250 from North Carolina, left his camp at on the Catawba with and moved toward Ft. Granby where Maj. Andrew Maxwell lay with a garrison of 300. He reached the fort and briefly laid siege to it on the 19th, at the same time he wrote Marion requesting reinforcements. Though Marion did reply, he would, or else could not help Sumter in the siege or his subsequent movements. Johnson says this siege was the first occasion where the Maham tower was actually used. Bass qualifies this by implying it was of a more primitive sort than that later proposed by Maham. Rawdon, learning that Granby was in danger, dispatched Lieut. Col. Welbore Ellis Doyle from Camden with the Volunteers of Ireland to attack Sumter. Doyle seized the fords above Friday's Ferry (apparently to cut off Sumter's retreat) before bearing down on him.

Receiving word of Doyle’s approach, Sumter, on the night of the 20th, destroyed nearby provisions and other articles that would be of use to the British, then lifted the siege. By the morning of the 21st, after Doyle had crossed the river and arrived at the fort, Sumter had departed to attack Thompson’s Plantation down river. On the 1st of March, Col. Thomas Polk, in Salisbury, reported to Greene that Sumter " had moved to the Congaree [Ft. Granby]& had taken a small Number of British that lay there With about 500 Negroes and a deal of stores. It is Reported the Militia all turn out Wherever he Goes." Sumter only abandoned his siege of Granby only after Rawdon marched out of Camden with most of its garrison to relieve the fort.

On February 24th, Balfour wrote to Clinton: "By intelligence brought me yesterday the post of Congaree's [Ft. Granby] has been for three days invested by seven or eight hundred men under Colonel Sumter.”

20 February. Greene issued a commission to William Christian, Col. William Preston, Col. Arthur Campbell, Joseph Martin, of Virginia, and to Robert Sevier, Evan Shelby, Joseph Williams and Col. John Sevier of the far western North Carolina and Virginia counties to act as peace treaty negotiators with the Cherokee Indians.

20 February. His army having suffered great privation along the march, Cornwallis arrived at Hillsborough. Williams reported a few days later that he had formed no less than 7 companies of loyalists at Hillsborough, but these apparently dissipated with Greene's approach. As well, it has been claimed, Cornwallis’ own army had suffered from desertions in their trek beginning at Ramsour’s Mill.

21 February. Cornwallis hoisted the King’s standard at Hillsborough, sending out a call for loyal citizens and militia recruits. Although many inhabitants showed their support and enthusiasm, very few subsequently stayed with him as militia, particularly after occurrences like Pyle’s defeat on the 25th.

21 February. Greene, from Irwin’s Ferry, wrote to Brig. Gen. John Butler stating that the light troops had already re-crossed the Dan river (going southward), while the rest of the army would be doing the same as soon as possible. Also, several hundred Virginia militia under Brig. Gen. Stevens, had rendezvoused with Greene's army this same day.

21 February. Pickens, who was "10 from Hillsborough," requested ammunition of Greene. He had with him at this time 300 horse and 600 infantry.

21 February. North Carolina militia at Kingston (in Lenoir County) was sent to the Wilmington area. Caswell himself then was busy raising more men in the Wilmington and New Bern districts. Although once again leading the North Carolina militia, Caswell did not serve at Guilford Ct. House due to illness, though he remained relatively active as an administrator.

21 February. Col. Charles Lynch wrote Greene, saying that the Bedford County, Virginia militia would be with him in two days to join Greene. Lynch requested instructions where to rendezvous. Greene, on the 21st replied, telling him he wanted Lynch to take six days provisions with him, and link up with Gen. Robert Lawson, who was marching from Prince Edward County.

21 February. Greene rode alone with some aides to meet with Pickens and Lee at Pickens' camp, to plan operations. Greene gave instructions for them to prevent the loyalists from collecting, while assigning Pickens, at least formally, to command Lee's. He spent the night at Pickens’ camp, and then returned to his headquarters army at Halifax the next morning (the 22nd.)

21 February (also given as 22 February). [siege] Thompson’s Plantation, also Belleville (Calhoun County, S.C.) Having abandoned his attack on Granby, Sumter laid siege to the stockade at Thompson's Plantation at Belleville, a couple miles southeast of Motte's. He attempted to take the stockade by assault, and setting fire to it, but the defenders, under Lt. Charles McPherson of the 1st Battalion Delancey’s Regt., held their own and were able to put out the fire. Toward the close of day, Sumter left a force watching the stockade and moved with his main body to Manigault's Ferry, where he collected boats in the area.

22 February. “Leslie” Orderly Book: “It is with great concern that Lord Cornwallis hears every day reports of Soldiers being taken by the Enemy, in consequence of their straggling out of Camp in search of Whiskey; He Strictly Enjoins all Officers & Non Commission’d Officers Comdg. the Out Posts and Picqts. Of the Army to do their utmost to prevent any Soldier from passing them.”

22 February (also given as 23 February) [ambush] Big Savannah (Calhoun County, S.C) About the same time as Sumter laid siege to Thompson’s, a convoy of 20 wagons and an escort of about 50 to 80 men (depending on sources) was sent out from Charleston with clothing, provisions, munitions and some pay chests for the purpose of establishing what would become Fort Motte. Obtaining information about the approach of the convoy, Sumter, with Col. Edward Lacey and Col. William Bratton attempted to ambush it at near Big Savannah, a few short miles down the road from Thompson’s Plantation, as it ran roughly southeast toward Eutaw Springs. The British, seeing an apparently small detachment of Sumter’s men came forward to attack it, when they were then overwhelmed by the rest of Sumter’s force. At one point in the fighting, some of Bratton's men ignored a white flag the British had raised and seven were needlessly killed and a number of others wounded. McCrady reports the British losses as 13 killed and 66 prisoners. Both he and Ripley speak of Sumter’s force being down to 100 men at this time, but this seems a rather too conservative estimate.

The same or the next day Sumter loaded the captured items on flats he had been collecting, and attempted to have them sent down river toward Nelson’s Ferry, not far from where Sumter and the rest of his men, were to rendezvous with him at a specified location. A treacherous river pilot, however, in passing Fort Watson along the way, steered the boats under the guns of that fort where the stores and money chests were re-captured by the British. In the meantime, Rawdon sent Maj. Robert McLeroth with the 64th Regt., a troop of dragoons, and a field piece to relieve McPherson at Thompson's which they reached on the 24th. When McLeroth approached Thompson's, Sumter on the 24th (or possibly the 25th) retreated to “Mrs. Flud's [Flood’s].” There for at least two days he passed his force over the Santee by means of a single canoe, and swimming the horses.

22 February (Lee gives the 23rd). Greene and the main army re-crossed the Dan River, with a view placing themselves in a better location to receive reinforcements and supplies from Virginia, and to keep Cornwallis from inciting the loyalists.

22 February. Lee and Pickens, while hovering around Cornwallis at Hillsborough, watched for British foraging parties, while constantly changing their location to avoid surprise.

23 February. [skirmish] Hart’s Mill (Orange County, N.C.) Capt. Joseph Graham with 20 N.C. cavalry, and Capt. Richard Simmons with 20 mounted N.C. militia, both acting under Pickens, attacked and set an ambush for a British lieutenant, a sergeant, 24 privates and 2 loyalists at Hart’s Mill on Stoney Creek three miles (Graham says ten) west of Hillsborough. The British, states Graham, lost nine killed and wounded, while the remainder were taken prisoner. In Pickens report to Greene, Pickens says the American detachment was commanded by Col. Hugh McCall, yet Graham, oddly, makes no mention of McCall at all. Indeed, more strangely, (in response to Johnson’s account), Graham says McCall was not even with Pickens. In any case, after the fighting, Graham and Simmons were with Pickens, who was later in the day joined by Lee and his Legion. Prior to that Pickens and Lee had not personally known each other, this being their first meeting. About this same time Graham was placed in command of Pickens full contingent of cavalry which numbered 70. On the 23rd, Pickens wrote to Greene from "Camp Hyco [River]," near Hillsborough. In reporting “McCall’s” attack, he stated that his men had achieved a victory “that would have done Honor to the most disciplined Troops.” 8 British were killed or severely wounded, and 10 and several Loyalists captured. Pickens further told Greene that he would move that evening or tomorrow to Stony Creek. He also said that Col. Lock, who was camped four miles below at High Rock Ford, was badly in need of ammunition, lead in particular, which he would have Lock send to Greene for. In his request to Greene on the 24th from High Rock, Lock said his men did not have a "Second ball," and asked Greene for 200.

Joseph Graham: “The commanding officer and party returned and gave Capt. [Richard] Simmons directions to go behind the swell in the ground until he got the buildings between him and the [British] guard and then advance; while at the same time, the Cavalry would make a diversion to our left. The Captain had his men across the great road, to Mebane’s, and the Cavalry turning to the left, entered an old field in open order, upwards of two hundred yards from the enemy, and galloping across it as right angles to their lines –- completely attracted their attention and drew their fire; until Simmons’s party reached the small buildings, and fired from the corners of both at the same instant. Those of the enemy who did not fall, fled. The Cavalry came down at full charge, and by the time the guard had fled one hundred yards beyond the river their front was overtaken, and the whole killed or captured.

23 February. [skirmish] Reedy Fork (Guilford County, N.C.) Tarleton with 200 of his Legion cavalry, 150 of the 33rd Regt., and 100 Jägers were sent to support loyalists between the Haw and Deep rivers. On the 24th, he dispersed a party of American militia who were endeavoring to keep the loyalist in check. Shortly thereafter, orders came for Tarleton to return to Hillsborough.

Seymour: "(W)e crossed Reedy Fork and drew up in order of battle, leaving some riflemen on the other side, when the enemy advanced and attacked the militia, who retreated off with precipitation, but, the British not advancing over the river, our troops marched and crossed the Haw River."

24 February. News of Greene's re-crossing the Dan River reached Cornwallis, and he sent orders to Tarleton to immediately join him at Hillsborough.

24 February. Brig. Gen. Peter Muhlenberg, at Suffolk, VA., wrote to Greene stating he (Muhlenberg) had with him 2,000 Virginia militia, but only 300 of these were armed with bayonets. He also had two brass six pounders. About this time, both Muhlenberg and von Steuben had intended to come and bring substantial reinforcements to Greene, but events in Virginia thwarted both their intentions.

24 February. Lawson wrote Greene saying he would have militia collected and leaving from Prince Edward Court House on February 26. Lack of arms prevented many more militia from turning out as did.

24 February. Col. Robert Munford, of the Mecklenburg County, VA. militia, wrote Greene saying he was at Taylor’s Ferry on the Roanoke River with 2 battalions of Va. militia from Lunenberg, Mecklenburg, and Brunswick counties was at Taylor's ferry. Though his troops were indifferently armed, he expected to join Greene shortly.

24-26 February. Malmady was with 40 mounted North Carolina militia near Granville Court House, NC. Cornwallis' occupation of Hillsboro had interfered with his recruiting efforts in the area. Brig. Gen John Butler, now with only 200 men, was also camped near Granville. He had recently come there and expected to be joined by more militia from Halifax, N.C. By the 26th Malmady was joined with Butler’s force at Granville.

24-28 February. Arriving at Morristown, New Jersey on the 24th, Lafayette with three battalions of Continental light infantry, totaling 1,200 men, moved to Philadelphia on his march southward to assist Virginia threatened by Arnold’s invasion. In Philadelphia, some artillery (12 heavy guns, 6 smaller ones, and 4 companies of artillerymen) was added to his detachment, and by the 28th, after passing through Somerset on the 26th, he camped at Trenton.

25 February. Maj. David Campbell, who was ill, had gone home sometime after the action at Trading Ford on February 3rd. By the 25th, Greene had put Col. William Morgan in command of Campbell’s Augusta County riflemen, who at this time were with Williams.

25 February. [ambush] Pyle's Defeat, also Pyle's Massacre, and Haw River (Alamance County, N.C.) "Before the arrival of Cornwallis at Hillsborough., says Rankin, “Col. David Fanning...published an advertisement offering an inducement to all those rallying to the British cause," with a generous offer of bounty money. This and Cornwallis’ call for volunteers brought out 400 loyalists to join Col. John Pyle, a local loyalist, near the Haw River. On the 24th, Pickens was joined by 100 N.C. militia under Col. William Moore. It was from Moore that he and Lee had learned of Pyle’s gathering. Lee and Pickens then set out for Pyle’s camp and set an ambush by having Lee and his own Legion pose as Tarleton and the British Legion. Lee seems to imply that the trick would have worked to capture the loyalists, except that a few of the latter, seeing some of Pickens lurking nearby detected the charade. When the alarm was given Lee and Pickens men then charged the helpless and astonished group, many of whom were cut down and killed without hardly knowing what had happened. Joseph Graham tells a somewhat different story (see quote below.) Lee was later accused of gratuitous butchery, but Lee, in his defense, claimed his men, in the confusion, and for a moment outnumbered, had no choice. From what Joseph Graham has to say, it would seem Capt. Eggleston of Lee’s Legion was to blame for the premature attack. The loyalists lost 90 killed, while the rest were dispersed. Lee lost but a horse. Later in the day Pickens was joined by 300 mounted Virginia riflemen under Col. William Preston, bringing Pickens’ force, not counting Lee, to probably 800 to 900, many of the North Carolina militia having left him by this time. Preston’s men ended up doing such hard duty for the next 12 to 14 days that they afterward refused to continue with the army and demanded to return home. On the 26th, Pickens, at “Camp Rippey’s,” wrote to Greene: " We were joined by Colonel Preston about three hours previous to our march yesterday, with about three hundred. Major's [Joseph] Winston and [John] Armstrong have about one hundred each. Colonel [William] Moore from Caswell joined me on Saturday with one hundred more. I have ordered Colonel Preston and Colonel Paisly [John Peasly] of Guildford, who came with a few Men, on the south side of the river after another body of Tories, said to be forming themselves in Randolph. This affair [Pyle's defeat] however, has been of infinite Service. It has knocked up Toryism altogether in this part."

Tarleton: “Tarleton was told by the prisoners, that a continental force was expected in the neighbourhood, which intelligence induced him to send to the Pyles to join him without delay. In the course of the day particular and authentic information was obtained of Colonel Lee's cavalry having passed Haw river to meet a corps of mountaineers under Colonel Preston, for the purpose of intimidating or dispersing the King's friends. This report made Tarleton repeat his order to the Pyles for an instant junction of the numbers already assembled, that he might proceed against either Lee or Preston before they united. Spies were sent to gain intelligence of both, and some satisfactory accounts had arrived, when several wounded loyalists entered the British camp, and complained to Tarleton of the cruelty of his dragoons. Though the accusation was erroneous, their sufferings were evident, and the cause from whence they proceeded was soon afterwards discovered. Colonel Pyle, and two hundred of his followers, being all equally ignorant of the customs of war, had not complied with the orders they received, and though forewarned of their danger, thought fit to pay visits to their kindred and acquaintance before they repaired to the British camp: Inspired by whiskey and the novelty of their situation, they unfortunately prolonged their excursions, till, meeting a detachment of dragoons, whom they supposed to be British, they received a fierce and unexpected attack, in answer to their amicable salutation of "God save the King," and many of them experienced inhuman barbarity; when discovering their mistake, they supplicated for mercy. Patroles were sent out to learn the course the American dragoons had taken after this event, and assistance was dispatched to the wounded loyalists. After dark information was procured of the distance and position of the mountaineers; and when the British troops were under arms at midnight, to proceed towards their encampment, an express arrived from Earl Cornwallis with an order for Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton's return to Hillsborough."

Joseph Graham: “Lee states (page 311) that Pyle’s men, on seeing the militia in the rear of his cavalry, recognized and fired on them. The true statement is this: Major [Joseph] Dickson of Lincoln [County, N.C.], who then commanded the column on our right (when the disposition for attack had been made at the last farm), had been thrown out of his proper order of march by the fences and a branch, and when Pyle’s men were first seen by the militia, they were thought to be the party under Dickson, which they supposed had come round the plantation and gotten in the road before them, Captain [Joseph] Graham discovered the mistake; for he saw that these men had on cleaner clothes than Dickson’s party, and that each man had a strip of red cloth on his hat. Graham, riding alongside of Captain [Joseph] Eggleston, who commanded the rear of Lee’s horse, remarked to him, ‘That is a company of Tories; what is the reason they have their arms?’

Captain Eggleston, addressing a good looking man at the end of the line, supposed to be an officer, inquired, ‘To whom do you belong?’ The man promptly answered, ‘A friend of his Majesty.’ Thereupon Captain Eggleston struck him over the head. The militia, looking on, and waiting for orders, on this example being set, rushed on the Tories like lightening and cut away. The noise in the rear attracted the notice of Lee’s men, and they turned their horses short to the right about, and in less than a minute the attack was made along the whole line.

The same page stated that ninety loyalists were killed. The next day our militia counted ninety-three dead, and there was an appearance of many more having been carried off by their friends. There were certainly many more wounded. When Lee and Pickens retired, it appeared as though three hundred might be lying dead. Many, perhaps were only wounded, and lay quiet for security.

At the time the action commenced, Lee’s dragoons, in the open order of march, extended about the same distance of Pyle’s men, who were in close order, and on horse back. Most of them having come from home on that day, were clean like men who now turn out for review. Lee’s movement was as if he were going to pass them, five or six steps on the left of their line. When the alarm was given in the rear, as quickly as his men could turn their horses, they were engaged; and as the Tories were over two to one of our actual cavalry, by pressing forward they went through their line, leaving a number behind them. The continual cry by the Tories was, ‘You are killing your own men.’ ‘I am a friend to his Majesty.’ ‘Hurrah for King George.’….”

Graham in addition makes the remark (found in the Archibald Murphey Papers): “ Colonel Lee being in front, and at the other end of the line, say forty poles, from where the attack commenced, might have believed the Tories first attacked us. If, however, he had enquired of Capt. Eggleston, he [Eggleston] could have informed him otherwise.

25 February. Cornwallis left Hillsborough and camped at Wiley’s Plantation, (on the north side of Alamance Creek, and some three or four miles west of the Haw River) with a view to obtaining more provisions and encouraging the loyalists in that region. In reaction, Greene passed over the Haw near its source and took up position between Troublesome Creek and Reedy Fork. The two armies stood facing each other from these positions for five days with occasional intermittent skirmishes between light parties. Tarleton says Cornwallis left Hillsborough on the 26th and camped on Alamance Creek on the 27th.

In his letter of 17 March to Germain, Cornwallis wrote: “The same day [25 February] I had certain intelligence that General Greene, having been reinforced, had re-crossed the Dan, which rendered it imprudent to separate my c6rps, occasioned the recall of Lieut.-Colonel Tarleton's detachment; and forage and provisions being scarce in the neighborhood of Hillsborough, as well as the position too distant (upon the approach of the rebel army) for the protection of the body of our friends, I judged it expedient to cross the Haw, and encamped near Allemance Creek, detaching Lieut.-Colonel Tarleton with the cavalry, light company of the Guards, and 150 men of Lieut.-Colonel Webster's brigade a few miles from me on the road to Deep River, more effectually to cover the country.”

Roger Lamb: “Such was the scarcity of provisions at Hillsborough, that it was found impossible to support the army in that place. They were even obliged to kill some of their best draft horses. They therefore passed the Haw, and encamped in Allamance Creek. This movement much dispirited the loyalists, and raised the drooping hopes of the Americans. As the British retired, Greene advanced, crossed the Haw, and posted himself between Troublesome Creek and Reedy Fork, carefully changing his position every night, to avoid an engagement. In this situation, lord Cornwallis gave orders to beat up the American posts at Reedy Fork, in order to compel them to a greater distance, or perhaps allure Greene, who lay in the direction of Guildford.”

25 February. Lieut. Col Richard Campbell, with 400 Virginia Continentals, departed Chesterfield Court House, and headed towards Taylor's ferry on the Dan, to join Greene. Steuben, who reported this to Greene on the 27th, also noted in the same letter that Continental recruitment ceased in Counties where militia were being fielded. Also mentioned was the fact that a number of wagons from Philadelphia had just left Chesterfield Court House (on the 26th) and were on their way to Greene.

25 February. Col. Otho Williams, at Mitchell’s Mill sixteen miles north-northeast from Hillsborough, reported to Greene that Orange County loyalist militia (around Hillsborough) were to muster for Cornwallis on March 1 with two days provisions. News of the slaughter of Pyle’s men and other loyalist setbacks, however, no doubt prevented the turnout from taking place.

26 February. Maj. Thomas Rowland, of Botetourt County, VA., having reached the Dan River, reported to Greene he was on the way with 200 (mostly mounted) Virginia volunteers, Botetort County, to reinforce the southern army. Another 160 riflemen under Col. Hugh Crockett (of Botetourt as well), who had previously been serving with Preston, was by this time near Caswell Courthouse, also en route to join Greene’s force. By the end of this day, Crockett had united with Williams’ light corps at McMinimy’s on Lynches Creek, N.C. Rowland followed soon after, probably the next day, and were subsequently joined to Preston’s. In a letter to Greene, Williams, at “McMinimy’s Lynches Creek,” N.C., asked that ammunition for 500 rifles be sent with all dispatch He also said receipt of the 200 pairs of shoes he had requested from the clothier would aid his men's endeavors "exceedingly."

26 February. Georgetown (Georgetown County, S.C.) Cornet Thomas Merritt and 11 Queen’s Rangers, while protecting a foraging party outside Georgetown, were attacked by a larger body of mounted militia. A sergeant of the Queen’s Rangers was killed, while the rest of his men made it back to Georgetown. Merritt himself had been knocked unconscious and, thought dead, was stripped of his helmet, boots, and weapons. He afterward revived and rejoined his unit.

Capt. John Saunders, as quoted in Simcoe’s Journal: “In the latter end of February, Cornet [Thomas] Merritt was ordered with a party, of a a serjeant and ten dragoons to cover some negroes who were sent to the neighbouring plantations to search for and bring in some cattle that had escaped from us: he, from his great zeal and anxiety to accomplish this service, was led farther than was intended, when he unexpectedly fell in with a corps of the rebels, much superior to his both in the number and goodness of their horses. He retreated, in good order, for some distance, but finding himself much harassed from the fire of their advance, and seeing that it would be impracticable to get off without giving them a check, he determined on charging them, which he did several times, and with such vigor that he always repulsed them. He thus alternatively charged and retreated, till having two horses killed under him, he was so stunned by the fall of that last that he was left for dead. The rebels were so awed by their repeated repulses, that they suffered his party to escape into the woods, when by dismounting and concealing themselves in the thick savannahs, most of them got safe into the post: the serjeant was killed, and four men were wounded; several horses killed.”

27 February. 600 to 700 Virginia militia from Amelia, Cumberland and Powhatan, counties, having come together on the 26th, at Prince Edward Court House under Brig. Gen. Robert Lawson, marched to join Greene’s army. Lawson, having reached Collier’s Ordinary, VA., with a force of 200 was in advance of the remaining 400 to 500 who were following twenty miles behind. In a letter to Green of this date, Lawson said a "second division of such troops" (in addition to the 400 to 500) would follow behind him in the not too distant future.

27 February. Cornwallis was at “Camp near the Haw River.”

28 February. Cornwallis camped at Freeland’s.

28 February (also given as 27 February). [assault] Fort Watson, also Wright’s Bluff (Clarendon County, S.C) After crossing the Santee, Sumter made for Fort Watson where he attempted to take the post by storm, with a mind to recapturing the lost stores and boats. The fort had been recently reinforced with a reported 400 men, and Sumter was soundly beaten back with some loss. The British reported Sumter losing 18 killed, and a number of men and horses taken. Sumter thereafter retired with his force to Farr's Plantation on Great Savannah, not far from his own home where he fed his men and camped till March 2nd. Here many of his North Carolina militia men, unhappy with how things had turned out, returned home.

From the pension statement of Thomas Reagan of Newberry County, S.C.: “(T)he next engagement was at Bellville from thence hearing of a reinforcement we marched to meet them It turned out to be a small detachment of British guarding some British wagons loaded with clothing and money for the soldiers these surrendered and the loading was put on a barge and soon after retaken at Wrights Bluff with some of our men and we [text missing] Sumter for the purpose of retaking this prize from the British and were met by the British near said Bluff and defeated and dispursed in this engagement the applicant got a wound in his right arm which disabled this applicant a few weeks.”

Johnson: "Sumpter then sought shelter in the swamps of the north bank of the Santee, resolved to wait some opportunity of indemnity or service. But, it required all his firmness to prevent his North Carolina troops from deserting him. At the point of the bayonet they were detained a few days, and he then issued forth from his covert, made for the banks of the Black River, and availing himself of the friendly settlements on that route, once more moved up to the neighborhood of Charlotte."

28 February. Col. Otho Williams’ detachment met up with Washington’s, Lee’s and Pickens’ at High Rock Ford. On March 1st, Greene, at High Rock Ford, N.C., wrote to von Steuben" "On the 27th the Army encamped on Country Line Creek within five miles of our Light Troops, and on the 28th moved forward to High Rock ford on the Haw River. This move was occasioned by the Enemy's crossing the river twenty miles below us. At this place [High Rock ford] General Pickens with a number of rifle Men mounted on Horse back, and all the Light Infantry and Dragoons of the Army joined us; and early this morning the whole army crossed the river, and are now 15 miles within Lord Cornwallis determined to keep the upper Country of him..."

Johnson: "Colonel [Otho] Williams...had ever since the 29th, had been constantly employed in watching the movements of the enemy...At this time his command was maneuvering in the vicinity of the Haw River, and Pickens having fallen back on the advancing of the British army, the two detachments now threw themselves in front of the enemy, one on each side of the Allemance [Alamance] Creek. Their force, by the accession of militia, was so considerable that they seriously mediated a combined attack, on the morning of the 2nd of March."

Late February. Sometime in mid to late February, a 250 man mounted infantry and cavalry unit raised at Halifax, NC as militia, and under Col. James Read, (a Continental officer), joined Greene' army serving largely as a scouting detachment. After Guilford Court House, in which they did not participate, they were all reorganized into infantry and remained with Greene till just prior to Hobkirk Hill battle, when most, but not all, of these men went home claiming their term of service had expired.

Pension statement Guilford Dudley of Halifax County, N.C.: “…I entered into the service of my country again and joined a volunteer corps of 250 mounted infantry and cavalry raised also in the town and County of Halifax and placed under the direction of Maj. James Read, a Continental officer, by the legislature then in session in that town, which corps was forthwith marched to join General Greene wherever he might be found, Lord Cornwallis with the British army then lying in Hillsboro. This corps (after joining General Greene, whom we found posted above Reedy Fork of Haw River and a few miles below Guilford Courthouse, Lord Cornwallis lying upon Little Alamance about twelve miles southeast), serving day and night with the American army, most frequently on detachment until about seven days after the Battle of Guilford, that is on the twenty-second of March, General Greene then having his headquarters at Troublesome (Speedwell's) Ironworks, twelve miles from the courthouse, when the corps was reorganized, and instead of horse, became foot, at which time I was called from the ranks and appointed major of the First Battalion of North Carolina militia (all the field officers having at that place retired from the service with consent, and a new set through the management of General Greene was commissioned by Governor Nash, then in camp, mostly taken from the Halifax volunteers and put in their place in such regiments as could be collected there) and was in pursuit of Cornwallis down to Ramsay's Mills on Deep River, a distance perhaps from the ironworks of between ninety and one hundred miles. General Greene having at Ramsay's Mills discharged all the Virginia and North Carolina militia except one regiment of the latter commanded by Col. James Read, who had before commanded the corps of Halifax volunteers, I was promoted to the rank of (senior) lieutenant colonel of one of the battalions of that regiment about the last of March of 1781.”

March. From pension statement of William White of Anson County, N.C.: "Again, in or about the middle of March 1781 while living at the same place last aforesaid, he was drafted under Captain John Degarnett in Colonel Thomas Waid's [Wade’s] Regiment of Militia. We marched to Drauning [Drowning] Creek. We lay there some time, then marched through the country to keep the Tories from committing depredations."

1 March. Forces under Cornwallis,

Rank and File:

Brigade of Guards: 605

23rd Regt.: 258

33rd Regt.: 322

2nd Bttn., 71st Regt.: 212

Hessian von Bose Regt.: 313

German Jägers: 97

North Carolina Volunteers: 232

British Legion (cavalry only): 174

Total: 2,213

1 March. Brig. Gen. John Butler wrote Greene saying that he has just arrived at Harrisburg, N.C. with about 300 soldiers, and expected Gen. Allen Jones soon with another 700. About 300 mounted troops under Col. Malmady, (separate from those Butler and Jones were to have) will go "this day" near the enemy lines. Maj. Gen. Richard Caswell set out from Kingston the same morning with some horse, and Col. Thomas Wade is "coming this way" with a guard of 60 horse.

1 March. Cornwallis camped at Smith’s Plantation. Smith’s Plantation would seem to have been just to the west of the Haw River, and roughly in the south east corner of modern Alamance County.

2 March. “Leslie” Orderly Book: “Notwithstanding every order, every entreaty that Lord Cornwallis has given to the Army to prevent the Shamefull & Dangerous practice of plundering & Distressing the Country & those orders back’d by every Effort that can have been made by Br. Genl. O’Hara, he is Shock’d to find this Evil still prevails, & Ashamed to observe the frequent Complaints he receives from Head Qrs. Of the Irregularity of the Gds. Particularly affects the Credit of this Corps: He therefore calls upon the Officers, Non Commission’d Officers (& those men who are yet possessed of the feelings of Humanity & Actuated by the True principles of Soldiers The Love of Their Country, The Good of the Service; and the Honor of their own Corps) to assist with the same indefatigable diligence the Genl himself is Determined to persevere in – In order to Detect & punish all Men and Women so Offending, with the Utmost Severity and Example –- ”

2 March. [ambush-raid] Mud Lick (Newberry or Laurens County, S.C.) Two whig leaders, Lieut. Col. Benjamin Roebuck and Lieut. Col. Henry White with a 150 South Carolina militia captured Fort Williams, the same fort attacked by Hayes and Simmons in late December 1780. According to Ripley, the loyalists in the fort, after being tricked to pursue a decoy, were engaged and routed. The fort was then easily entered and taken. Ripley speaks of it being burned, but in a letter fro Pickens to Greene of 8 April, Pickens mentions a force under Cruger retreating to it for safety.

2 March. [skirmish] Clapp’s Mill, also Alamance Creek (Alamance County, N.C.) Lee's Legion cavalry, led by Capt. John Rudulph, a battalion of Preston's riflemen, under Major Thomas Rowland, 200 Lincoln County militia under Maj.. Joseph Dickson, a detachment of 40 of Pickens’ cavalry under Capt. Joseph Graham and Capt. Richard Simmons, some Catawba Indians, with Kirkwood and Oldham’s Continental light infantry acting as a reserve -- all formally under Otho Williams’ and Pickens’ command -- skirmished with a covering party of Tarleton's at Clapp’s Mill, near Alamance Creek (a southern branch of the Haw River). The force under Tarleton was made up of the British Legion cavalry, under Capt. Richard Hovenden, the light infantry of the Guards, under Capt. Francis Dundass [Dundas], a few mounted infantry, and 150 men of the 33rd Regt. Pickens force was finally driven back, but only after inflicting relatively substantial losses on Tarleton’s men. Greene, at Boyd’s Mill, wrote to von Steuben on the 5th: "on the 2nd, Lieut. Col. Lee, with his Legion, and a few Militia and some Catawba Indians had a skirmish with the Enemy near Alamance. The Enemy had 7 killed and upwards of 40 wounded." Tarleton said he "dislodged and dispersed a corps of eight hundred men" with the British suffering 21 killed or wounded in the skirmish. Joseph Graham, who wrote a very interesting account of the action, referred to the engagement as "Clapp's Mill" and said American casualties were 8 dead and an unknown number wounded. Capt. Nathaniel Pendleton, on behalf of Greene, wrote to Brig. Gen. Butler on 3 March, stating that a deserter gave the British losses at Alamance at 25 killed and wounded. The American losses were 10 or twelve killed and wounded. Lee in his memoirs makes a brief footnote reference to the skirmish, apparently not thinking its significance did extended beyond this.

Tarleton: “As soon as General Greene was informed of the position of the main body of the King's troops near Allamance[Alamance], and that their advanced guard extended a little way towards Deep river, he crossed the Haw near its source, and took post between Troublesome creek and Reedy fork. The two armies did not long remain in this situation. The British cavalry were ordered on the 2d of March to forage about three miles in front of their encampment. Captain [Richard] Hovenden, of the legion, who commanded the covering party, observing some of the American dragoons in the neighbourhood of the plantations where he was directed to collect forage, rode forwards to examine more closely; when, perceiving the enemy's infantry, he dispatched the foragers to camp without their burdens, and, on his return, reported the circumstances he had discovered. This intelligence induced Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton to make a patrole with his whole corps, which consisted of the cavalry, a few mounted infantry, the light company of the guards, and one hundred and fifty men of Colonel Webster's brigade, after having conveyed to Earl Cornwallis, by express, his reason for such a proceeding. The approach to the ground where the enemy were described to have been seen proving unfit for the operations of cavalry, Tarleton directed the infantry to form the advance, and to explore the thick woods upon the flanks with great attention. The light company of the guards, commanded by Captain Dundass [Francis Dundas], led the column, the infantry of the line followed the guards, and the cavalry brought up the foragers in the rear, till the country would allow the dragoons to move on to the front. When the British drew near to the plantations which were to furnish the forage, a heavy fire from some thickets on each side of the road discovered the situation of the enemy. The guards formed with their usual alacrity, and Captain Ingram, of the 33d regiment, who commanded the hundred and fifty men of Webster's brigade, was directed to dress his left by their right, whilst the cavalry moved to his right, where the country appeared most favourable for their exertions. The gallantry of the British troops, after a short conflict, dislodged and dispersed a corps of eight hundred men, composed of Lee's legion, Washington's dragoons, and Preston's backwoodsmen. The loss of the Americans was confined principally to the woodsmen; the continentals retreated early, and did not wait the charge of the British dragoons, who were much impeded in their advance by a thick wood and high rails, which prevented the action from being more general and decisive.

The pursuit was restrained on account of the various roads by which the enemy's cavalry could escape, and in consequence of the report of prisoners, who acknowledged that General Greene was moving with the American army to the southward of the Reedy fork. Though the continentals suffered little in this affair, numbers of the riflemen were killed and wounded; and being abandoned by their cavalry, the rest were totally dispersed. The loss of the British amounted to one officer wounded, and twenty men killed and wounded, which fell principally upon the guards. During the time that the dragoons were collecting their trusses, an express was sent to Earl Cornwallis to advise him of the movement of the enemy; and the forage being completed, the light troops fell back to their former encampment; where they found Major De Buy, with the yagers, the regiment of Bose, and two pieces of cannon, Earl Cornwallis having advanced this support as soon as he heard the musketry in front.”

Otho Williams at “Allimance,” on the 2nd wrote to Greene: "[About noon] Lee advanc'd one Mile from our Camp where his Flank was Fired upon. The mounted Rifle men had not time to dismount and did not return the fire so brisk as I expected. However those on Foot and the Infantry of the Legion were making a handsome defence when I order'd a gradual retreat which was well enough effected considering the irregularity of our order. I believe very few fell on either side. We have 10 or 12 wounded."

Joseph Graham: “Cols. Williams and Lee used great exertions to form the militia, but as they got some to fall in, and exerted themselves to rally others, these would move off again. Major [Joseph] Dickson, of Lincoln, who with his characteristic coolness and decision, saw the difficulty, observed to Williams, ‘You may depend upon it, you will never get these men to form here while the enemy are firing yonder. If you will direct them to form on the next rise beyond that hollow, one hundred yards back, they will do it.’ Col. Williams instantly adopted this plan. Our line was restored. The regulars [Kirkwood’s and Oldham’s troops] retired to their place in it, and the firing ceased, tho’ the enemy was still in view. In about twenty minutes we marched off in order, and they did not follow. In a mile or two we came to the ford on Alamance, where the whole light troops, Washington’s cavalry, and all the militia belonging to the army except what were with Greene, were drawn up in position. The eminences and passes were lined with the latter. This arrangement Col. Williams their commander had made, before he came on, to the battle. After remaining half an hour the whole marched back five or six miles when the different corps separated. Pickens and Lee camped together.”

2 March (also given as 1 March). Receiving word that Rawdon's was coming after him, Sumter left his camp at Farr's Plantation. He marched north up the road to Camden to the High Hills of the Santee, passed Fort Watson, then moved Cane Savannah (also spoken of as the Pine Barrens) then further east to Bradley's, which was on the north bank of the Black River, and, at the same time, northwest from Salem, S.C. along the road to Camden. Along the way he picked up his wife and son who were staying at the home of some friends, in the vicinity of Cane Savannah. At Bradley's Sumter wrote Marion again requesting aid. Though Marion had replied earlier when written to, he was not at that time able to come. Rawdon, in the meantime, with the Volunteers of Ireland, had hoped to catch Sumter near Watson, but learning Sumter had left (towards Farr’s) he returned to Camden, and then out sent Maj. Thomas Fraser and some South Carolina "Provincials, " possibly Harrison’s Corps (i.e. the South Carolina Rangers) to continue the hunt.

3 March. Tarleton was directed to move with 200 cavalry, the light company of the guards, 80 Jägers, 150 men of Webster's 33rd Regt., two six pounders, and regiment von Bose six miles to the front of Cornwallis' army, in the direction of Greene's army. There they did some foraging, in a situation Tarleton describes as “ticklish,” (a group of Tarleton’s pickets was attacked), and the next morning retreated to join the main army.

3 March (also given as the 5th, and 6th) [skirmish] Alamance Picket (Alamance County, N.C.) Otho Williams’ troops, including Kirkwood’s Delaware company, in the evening of the 3rd, surprised a British picket, capturing 2 and killing and wounding a small number. American losses, if any, are not recorded. Greene wrote to von Steuben on the 5 March: “On the evening of the 3rd, one of the enemy pickets were surprised by Captain Kirkwood. Some few were killed but only 2 Prisoners were taken."

Kirkwood: "March 4th We came up with the Enemy at Allmance....[marched] 60 [miles]

March 5th Marched this night to the old Regulation ground and attack'd the advance picquet. Brought off one of their Centinells & returned to Camp by morning...[marched] 24 [miles]."

Seymour: “On the night of the sixth instant Captain Kirkwood, with his company of Light Infantry and about forty Riflemen, was detached off in order to surprise Colonel Tarlton, who lay encamped on the other side the Allamance; which having approached at about one o' clock in the morning, and going himself with a guide to reconnoiter their lines, where finding which way their pickets were posted, upon which he ordered the whole to move on, having formed the line of battle. When we came near the sentinels, they challenged very briskly, and no answer being made, upon which they immediately discharged their pieces and ran in to their guard. We took one of the sentinels, off his post at the same time and obliged him to show us where the guard lay, upon which we fired very briskly on them. By this time the camp was all alarmed… ”

3 March. Lafayette arrived at Head of Elk, Maryland. A shortage of boats, however, prevented his immediately continuing on to Virginia.

3 March. Brig. Gen. Robert Lawson, at “Thomas Person's [Parson’s],” N.C., wrote to Greene that he had 220 men with him "arm'd with such Guns as they could collect in the Country." Col. Robert Munford was about twelve miles behind Lawson with 400 to 500 men from Amelia, and Buckingham counties. Lawson intended to join up with Gen. Butler at Haw Fields, and had directed Munford to unite with him at Hillsborough. Munford, in the vicinity of Hillsborough, in a separate letter wrote Greene saying many of his men were lacking flints and powder and "Buck Shot or Cartridges." He also mentioned being himself ill with gout, and that he had no other field officer with him.

3 March. Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell, with 400 Virginia Continentals and 13 wagons loaded with 600 stand of arms and ammunition, arrived at Taylor's ferry. Having learned of Cornwallis no longer being in Hillsborough, Campbell immediately crossed the river, and took the direct route for that town. Generals Butler, of North Carolina, and Lawson, of Virginia, who also would otherwise have been forced to march along the north bank of the Roanoke, moved the same direction with their reinforcements. See 25 February.

3-4 March (possibly 4-5 March). [skirmish] “Tarleton’s” Mistake, and Tory Cattle Drovers (location uncertain but possibly Alamance and Orange County, N.C.) Somewhere between the Haw and Deep Rivers, around midnight, a group 70 to 80 loyalists desirous of joining the British, were mistook by Tarleton’s cavalry for some rebels. Accounts often cite Tarleton himself as supervising what took place, but there is no clear evidence for this. Graham says the loyalists, as reported by a captured sergeant and some deserters, were from the Deep River area and eastern part of Rowan County. The British Legion horsemen had attacked them, killing 4, wounding 20 or 30 (these were “badly cut”) while the rest were permanently dispersed. The following day a party of militia dragoons, perhaps Malmady’s, attacked some Tory cattle drovers, and killed 23 of them. Both incidents only further discouraged any further loyalist support in the region. Greene wrote to von Steuben on the 5 March: "Yesterday morning [the 4th] a party of Tories were Fired upon by mistake. They halted and Tarleton suspecting they were Militia, rushed out with a part of the British Legion, and cut them to pieces. When the mistake was discovered great efforts were made to collect the fugitives, but the confusion was so great that all attempts proved ineffectual."

Seymour: “Colonel Tarleton…meeting a party of Tories and mistaking them for our militia, he charged on them very furiously, putting great numbers to the sword. On the other hand, they taking Colonel Tarleton for our horse and infantry, there commenced a smart skirmish, in which great numbers of the Tories were sent to the lower regions. We marched for camp which we reached about daybreak after a very fatiguing journey, having marched all night through deep swamps, morasses and thickets, which rendered our marching unpleasant and tiresome, twenty-six miles.”

4 March. Greene dismissed 1,000 militia horses from the army. Those mounted men without swords in Butler's force were directed to send their horses home. Greene believed that the prevalent and common use of horses to mount the North Carolina militia tended to lay waste the country to no purpose, and made movement of the army more difficult. On the other hand, some militia went home rather than give up their horses, and the lack of mounted men was noticed in the follow up of Cornwallis after Guilford Court House. Also by this date, Col. Charles Harrison, coming from Richmond, VA., had rejoined Greene’s army.

4 March. Col. Charles Lynch having reached Boyd's Mill on Reedy Fork with 360 riflemen from Bedford County, VA., wrote Greene requesting orders. He further stated that he needed "60 Stands" of arms, flints, and ammunition.

4 March. Lee, near William Shaffer’s on Stony Creek, N.C., wrote to Greene: "I understand a volunteer company of mounted Militia from Amelia County has joined the Army. As they will be useless, I wish they may be ordered to join me. My sole object is to make use of their apprehensions & convenience so as to get their best horses for the use of my cavalry, & permit them to return home. This could be effected in the course of one week service with proper address. The militia company now with me have furnished twelve riflemen to act with me for three months, on the condition that the remainder be discharged."

4 March. Col. William Campbell, the King’s Mountain commander, joined Greene with 60 mountain riflemen from Washington County, Virginia men, far short of the thousand Greene had anticipated. The reason for the small number was that the frontier militia were occupied with holding off the Cherokees at this time. Campbell was subsequently assigned to take Pickens command after the latter requested permission to return south.

4 March. Though Marion was now making preparations to join him, Sumter did not want to wait any longer and left Bradley’s.

4 March. Cornwallis was still at Smith’s Plantation.

“Leslie” Orderly Book: “(Lord Cornwallis) desires the Officers & Soldiers to reflect that the great object of his Majesty’s forces in this Country is to protect & Secure his Majesty’s faithfull & Loyal Subjects, & Encourage & Assist them in Arming; & opposing the Tyranny and Oppression of the Rebels. His Lordship therefore recommends it to them in the Strongest manner, to treat with kindness all those who have Sought protection in the British Army, & to believe that Altho their Ignorance & want of Skill in Military Affairs, may at present render their appearance Awkard in a veteran & Experience’d Army; When they are properly Arm’d, Appointed, & Instructed, they Will shew the same Ardour, & Courage, in the Cause of Great Britain, As their Countrymen who repair’d to the Royal Standard in the Northern Colonies.”

5 March. Cornwallis left Smith’s Plantation moving west along Alamance Creek.

5 March Greene, at Boyd’s Mill, N.C., wrote to Lee: "Major [Jesse?] Read from Hallifax County has orders to join the light Infantry with about 170 men all mounted. Part of them are equipped as light Horse Men with swords, the rest with pretty good Arms. I have desired Col. Williams to attach them to your Corps."

5 March. With Sumter having been chased out of the region Rawdon directed his attention to Marion. On March 5th, Lieut. Col. John Watson, as the first of a two-pronged attack on Marion, marched from Fort Watson down the Santee road. By afternoon he camped a few miles east of Nelson’s Ferry. With him were about 500 men. His force consisted of some companies of the Provincial light infantry, Harrison’s Provincials also known as the South Carolina Rangers (who were mounted as dragoons) and two pieces of artillery. He probably also had with him the 64th Regt. or a detachment of the 64th since that unit frequently operated in the area to the south and east of Camden, and at one of Watson’s subsequent engagements (Witherspoon’s) a Lt. George Torriano of the 64th Regt. was reported as wounded.

5-6 March. Pickens and Lee were at Rock Creek above Cedar Creek, where they were joined by Col. Joseph Williams with some 80 N.C. militiamen from Surry County. There was much desertion in Pickens ranks, particularly among those from the Salisbury district, as many of the men were reluctant to give up their horses as Greene had ordered. Pickens own men, many having already left or else wanting to return home, due to “real need” (many being without proper clothing by this time, having done some extremely hard service), Pickens, on the 5th, requested he and those South Carolina and Georgia men remaining be allowed to return to South Carolina, which Greene permission granted. Col. William Campbell was then appointed to take charge of the North Carolinians of Pickens’ command. On March 3rd, Capt. Joseph Graham’s and his men’s term of service was up, but Pickens had prevailed on Graham and 24 of his horsemen to stay a brief while longer. They finally themselves went home about the 10th.

6 March. Cornwallis camped at Alton’s House.

6 March. [skirmish] Stirrup’s Branch, also Radcliffe’s Bridge (Lee County, S.C.) On his way from Bradley’s toward Waxhaws, Maj. Thomas Fraser caught up with Sumter at Stirrup’s Branch and a running engagement ensued. Both sides claimed victory. The Americans said that Fraser was driven back, and then Sumter continued his retreat. The British, on the other hand claimed Sumter was routed, but that they did not have sufficient men to pursue him. In any case, after the engagement Sumter crossed Radcliffe's bridge and "disappeared on a circuitous route toward New Acquisition," finally reaching Waxhaws. The British report states that Sumter lost 10 killed and 40 wounded. Ripley states that one report gave Fraser’s losses as 20 killed. Sumter in his letter to Greene on 9 March said that during the course of his whole expedition he returned with “Very Inconsiderable Loss.”

Rawdon wrote to Watson on 7 March: "Fraser yesterday fell in with Sumter (who was advancing this way) between Scape Hoar and Radcliffe's Bridge. A smart action ensued in which the enemy were completely routed, leaving ten dead on the field and about forty wounded. Unfortunately none of your Dragoons had joined Fraser, so that he could not pursue his victory. Sumter fled across Lynches Creek and continued his retreat northward; he had his family with him, so that I think he has entirely abandoned the lower country."

6 March (possibly the 5 March). Captain John Postell was captured near Georgetown, while under a flag of truce for the purpose of exchanging prisoners. Capt. Saunders, in command at Georgetown accused Postell of having violated his parole. Marion later protested loudly to Balfour, but to no avail. In retaliation, Cornet Merritt was later taken and held. However, Merritt was freed when Doyle raided Snow’s Island, while Postell remained in Charleston till about the time the British left in late 1782. Postell remained a prisoner till the end of the war.

6 March. Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell with 400 Virginia Continentals passed Hillsborough on his way to High Rock Ford.

6 March. Malmady was at Woody’s Ford in the Hillsborough district with 220 men, most of them mounted. Also with him was “Baron” Glaubeck, one of Morgan’s aides at Cowpens, with 60 well equipped militia dragoons.

6 March. Although the North Carolina legislature had appointed Col. Henry Dixon to command the Salisbury militia, Dixon did not live in the district so Greene made Col. Thomas Polk as temporary militia commander there. When Dixon later refused the appointment (perhaps at Greene’s request, Dixon having been a Continental officer), Greene again asked Polk to command them. However, the North Carolina legislature finally gave the command of the Salisbury militia to Col. Francis Lock despite Greene's wishes.

6 March. [ambush] Widboo Swamp (Clarendon County, S.C.) Marion who had been preparing to join Sumter, learned of Watson’s advance and lay in wait for him at Widboo Swamp. The site was a marshy passage way located on the Santee Road between Nelson’s and Murry’s Ferry. McCrady gives Marion’s strength as 250. Watson’s advance force of some loyalist (militia) dragoons under Col. Henry Richbourg clashed with some of Marion’s cavalry under Col. Peter’s Horry, after which both fell back. When Marion tried to send forth Horry once more, Watson’s infantry and artillery held Horry back. The South Carolina Rangers (Harrison’s Corps), under Maj. Samuel Harrison, then came up once more to charge the Americans, but were arrested in their movement momentarily by one of Horry’s horsemen, Gavin James, apparently a mighty individual of the cast of Peter Francisco, who single-handedly slew three of them before retiring. Marion threw in his horsemen under Captain Daniel Conyers and Capt. John McCauley who drove the Rangers back, killing Harrison. Watson’s regulars then continued their advance and Marion retreated to Cantey’s Plantation file miles northwest of present day Greeleyville.

6 March. [battle] Weitzel's Mill, also Wetzell’s Mill, Whitesell’s Mill (Guilford County, N.C.) Cornwallis’ army left their encampment, passing over Alamance creek, and moved towards High Rock Ford. From there his advance forces under Webster and Tarleton moved to surprise and attack Otho Williams’ and Campbell’s detachments at Weitzell’s Mill, on Reedy Fork Creek (west of the Haw River), where a substantial quantity of corn was kept. Campbell recently had succeeded Pickens in command of the militia attached to the light troops and cavalry. After some sharp fighting, Williams was forced to withdraw. It was claimed the British were not able to follow up the victory due the Americans’ superiority in cavalry. Tarleton, however, later criticized Cornwallis’ not continuing and resuming the action. Col. William Preston’s and Col. Hugh Crockett’s Virginia militia left Greene’s army after the battle based on the charge that Williams deliberately exposed them to protect his Continentals. The check forced Greene: “to retire over [to] the [north side of] Haw river, and move down the north side of it, with a view to secure our stores coming to the army, and to form a junction with several considerable reinforcements of Carolina and Virginia militia, and one regiment of eighteen-months men, on the march from Hillsborough to High Rock. I effected this business, and returned to Guildford court house.” Greene to Washington, 10 March 1781. Tarleton states the Americans lost 100 men killed, wounded and taken, while the British suffered 30 killed and wounded. Joseph Graham, who was present, gave American casualties as 2 regulars killed, 3 wounded and between 20 and 25 militiamen killed or wounded. Boatner speaks of each side losing 50. Webster, as he passed over Reedy Fork with his men, almost miraculously, escaped being shot by some of Campbell’s riflemen -- who had been posted in a log hut close by -- only to be mortally wounded at Guilford Court House a few days later.

Order of battle for Weitzell’s Mill as given in Guilford Courthouse 1781: Lord Cornwallis' ruinous victory, (Osprey Books), by Angus Konstam. p. 53. While certainly an informative and useful roster, its accuracy with respect to certain units and their strength -- as is often the case with such modern constructions -- is open to question. It is unlikely for example that Washington’s cavalry numbered 100, or that the South Carolina and Georgia cavalry were even present during the fighting. Konstam’s book, incidentally, contains a very nice map of the engagement. Strengths given here are rank and file.

British:

Lieutenant-General Charles, Earl Cornwallis

Von Bose (reserve) 313

Royal Artillery, x4 three-pounders, 73 men

Tarleton

British Legion Cavalry - 174

Jager detachment - 94 men

Lt. Inf. Companies, Foot Guards - 80

Lieut. Col. Webster's Command

23rd - 258 men

33rd Foot - 322

2nd Bn., 71st - 212

Americans:

Col. Otho Williams

Maryland and Delaware Lt. Inf - 226

Major Rowland's Virginia Rifle Corps - 114

Col. Crockett’s Va. Rifle Battalion - 232

Lieut. Col. Harrisons' NC militia - 50

Col. Washington's dragoons - 100

Col. William Campbell. Pickens Brigade

Campbell's Va Rifle Corps - 54 men

Col. Preston's Va Rifle Bttn - 124

Lieut. Col. Williams NC militia - 36

Col. [William] Moore's NC militia - 45

Col. McCall's cavalry - 120

Lee's Legion - 90 cav, 90 inf

Joseph Graham: “Pickens, Lee, Williams, and Washington kept up their game of checker-moving, in the district of country between Alamance, Haw River, and Reedy Fork, continually changing their quarters, and appearing to act separately, but yet connected in their plans. Lord Cornwallis could not get intelligence of their position to come at them. Genl. Greene after his return from Virginia [i.e. re-crossing of the Dan], a little behind them, kept manoeuvering in the same manner. It was the best way of supplying the army, to march where supplies were to be had, as the means of transportation from a distance, in the existing state of incertitude was difficult and hazardous, besides the doubtfulness of where the army might be, when they should arrive. The British General discovered that if the present system was continued it must prove ruinous to him…he adopted the most eligible plan of annoyance by making a rapid and to them unexpected march. If they had any place of concentration, he would thus separate them, and pushing them beyond it, make them fight in detail, or overtake Williams, or perhaps Genl. Greene himself. He was sure there could be no hazard, at any point; for the Americans taken unawares, could not bring their united forces to bear upon him. Wit h these views, it was on the 6th or 7th of March [actually the 5th], in the night, he broke up his Camp at Hawkins’ and passed the Alamance shortly after daylight in a cloudy morning.”

Tarleton: “Early in the morning he passed the Allamance: The light troops led the column, supported by Colonel Webster's brigade: The regiment of Bose was followed by the brigade of guards; and Hamilton's corps, with the waggons, brought up the rear. The British dragoons soon pushed Colonel Lee's cavalry from their advanced situation: They retired to Wetzell's mill on the Reedy fork: Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton discovered the enemy to be in force at that place, and reported the circumstance to Earl Cornwallis, who directed Colonel Webster to form his brigade in line with the light company of the guards and the yagers. This disposition being made, the front line advanced, the rest of the King's troops remaining in column. The enemy did not oppose the right wing of the British so steadily as the left: The 23d and 71st moved forwards to the creek without any great impediment; and the ardent bravery of the 33d and the light company of the guards soon dislodged them from their strong position. The infantry mounted the hill above the creek, and dispersed the Americans so effectually, that the cavalry could only collect a few stragglers from the woods in front. The militia who guarded this pass had upwards of one hundred men killed, wounded, and taken. The killed and wounded of the British amounted to about thirty.”

Davie: "Col. Williams was reproached [presumably by Greene] for suffering so important a movement of the Enemy to take place without observing it, 'till he had scarce time to escape himself, altho' he commanded a party of observation, and the salvation of the Army depended on his vigilance."

Lee: “In this quarter, through some remissness of the guards, and concealed by the fog, Lieutenant-Colonel Webster, commanding the British van, approached close before he was discovered.

The alertness of the light troops soon recovered the momentary disadvantage; and the Legion of Lee advancing to support Campbell, the enemy’s van was held back, until Colonel Williams, undisturbed, commenced his retreat, directing the two corps above him to cover his rear. Having crossed the Reedy Fork, Williams made a disposition, with a view of opposing the enemy’s passage. Campbell following Williams, joined on the opposite banks – the infantry of the Legion proceeding in the rear of Campbell, followed by the cavalry, which corps continued close the enemy’s advancing van. During this movement, Webster made several efforts to bring the rear guard to action, having under him the British cavalry. All his endeavors were successively counter-acted by the celerity and precision with which the Legion horse manoeuvred: establishing evidently in the face of the enemy their decided superiority. As soon as Lieutenant-Colonel Lee was apprised of the rear infantry’s passage over the river, he retired by troops from before Webster in full gallop; and reaching Reedy Fork, soon united with Colonel Williams unmolested. Their being convenient fords over the creek, above and below, after Williams had safely brought over his corps, he determined no longer to continue in his position. Resuming retreat, he left the Legion supported by Colonel Campbell, with orders to retard the enemy as long as practicable, without hazarding serious injury. Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, having detached a company of Preston’s militia to guard the pass at Wetzell’s Mill, a little distance on his left, drew up his infantry in one line, with his right on the road, and its front parallel with the creek; while the riflemen under Colonels Campbell and Preston occupied a copse of heavy woods on the right of the road, with their left resting upon the right of the Legion infantry.

The horse formed a second line in a field well situated to curb the progress of the British cavalry, should it press upon the first line when retiring, and to protect the horses of the militia, tied at some distance back, agreeably to usage. On the first appearances of the enemy Colonel Williams dispatched a courier to Greene, communicating what had passed, and advising him of the course he should pursue after crossing the reedy Fork. Unwilling to approximate Greene, this officer moved slowly, waiting the disclosure of the enemy’s intention. Should he halt on the opposite side of the creek, Colonel Williams would take his night position within a few miles of Wetzell’s Mill, giving time to the troops to prepare food before dark; but should the enemy advance to the hither side, he would necessarily continue his retreat, however much opposed to his wishes. The state of suspense lasted but a little while. The British van appeared; and after a halt for a few minutes on the opposite bank, descended the hill approaching the water, where receiving a heavy fire of musketry and rifles, it fell back, and quickly reascending, was rallied on the margin of the bank. Here a field-officer [Webster] rode up, and in a loud voice addressed his soldiers, then rushed down the hill at their head, and plunged into the water, our firing pouring upon him…The stream being deep, and the bottom rugged, he advanced slowly…Strange to tell, though in a condition so perilous, himself and his horse were untouched; and having crossed the creek, he soon formed his troops, and advanced upon us. The moment that the head of his column got under cover of our banks, Lieutenant-Colonel Lee directed the line to retire from its flanks, and gain the rear of the cavalry. In the skirmish which ensued in our center, after some of the enemy ascended the bank, three or four prisoners fell into our hands. The enemy’s column being now formed, soon dislodged our center; and pushing Lee, came in front of the cavalry. Here it paused, until the British horse, which followed the infantry, passed the creek, and took post on the enemy’s right -– the nearest point to the road, which we must necessarily take. This attitude indicated a decision to interrupt our retreat; at all events, to cut off our rear.

Lee ordered [Capt. John] Rudulph to incline in an oblique direction to his left; and gaining the road, to wait the expected charge. Tarleton advanced with his cavalry, followed by Webster. The Legion infantry, close in the rear of the riflemen, had now entered the road, considerably advanced toward Colonel Williams, still waiting in his position first taken for night quarters, and afterward held to protect the rear-guard. Rudulph, with the cavalry, was drawn off, moving slowly, with orders to turn upon the British horse if they should risk a charge. It was now late in the evening, and nothing more was attempted. The British halted on the ground selected for our use, which he had abandoned. Having proceeded some miles further, he encamped on the northeast side of a range of hills covered with wood, some distance from the road…”

On March 10th, Charles Magill, a liason officer for Gov. Jefferson, serving at Greene's headquarters, wrote to Jefferson: “On the late Skirmish of which an account was given in my last, the Riflemen complained that the burthen, and heat, of the Day was entirely thrown upon them, and that they were to be made a sacrifice by the Regular Officers to screen their own Troops. Full of this Idea, the greater number left the Light Troops. Some rejoin'd their Regiments with the main Body and others thought it a plausible excuse for their return home.... Preston and Crocket soon despaired of finding and convincing any sizeable number of their Virginia riflemen to remain for the impending battle [Guilford Court House] and left the army. Colonel Preston wrote to Governor Jefferson over a month later on April 13th....we did hard duty, under Genl. Pickens, twelve or fourteen days, on the Enemy's lines, greatly straitened for provisions. Part of the men were in one action and the whole in a second; in both overpowered by numbers, and in the last broken and dispersed with the loss of their blankets. After which no arguments that could be made use of by myself, or the other officers, could induce the remaining few to remain another week; the time Genl. Green requested. After staying a few days at the Moravian Town, to have the wounded taken care of, Colo. Crocket and myself came home, accompanied by only two or three young men.....”

7 March. Capt. James Tate, with some Augusta County Virginia riflemen, arrived at Speedwell’s Iron Works to assist Greene’s army. Tate and his men were then attached to Col. William Campbell’s corps. This partly made up for most of Preston’s men then leaving at that time.

7 March. In the early morning, Marion left his bivouac at Cantey's plantation, near Murry's Ferry. By later the same day Watson had advanced and then camped there himself remaining till about the 9th or 10th.

"On the 9th of March, Col. Watson encamped at Cantey's plantation, and wrote a letter to Gen. Marion, in which he justifies (what the other had complained of by a previous communication,) the burning of houses and the hanging of those citizens who had taken paroles, and afterwards joined the Americans, upon the principles of the laws of war and nations. -- It seems the colonel had reference to the code of barbarous nations. Marion made him no reply, but gave orders to his nightly patroles, to shoot his sentinels and cut off his pickets. Such a retaliation was to be expected; and thus raged the civil warfare."

7-9 March. Cornwallis, though advised to attack and continue pushing the Americans, while cutting off their supplies and reinforcements coming from the east, decided the next day (the 7th) to withdraw instead towards the “Deep River” (so states Tarleton) to encourage the loyalist in that region. This retreat was later severely criticized. On the 8th or 9th, he marched southwest to Guilford Court House where on the 8th or 9th he destroyed a cache of arms. Lee, with his cavalry, shadowed Cornwallis’ movements and reported them to Greene.Greene himself, meanwhile, stayed north of the Haw River across from Cornwallis at (or near) High Rock Ford where he awaited the arrival of the reinforcements and supplies which joined up with him on 10 and 11 March. He wrote to Gov. Jefferson from there on the 10th: “The Object of the Enemy in this manoeuvre [at Weitzell’s Mill], I suppose, was to intercept our Stores moving in that direction, or to surprise and cut off our Light Infantry from the Main Body of the Army then advanced upwards of 7 Miles. If it was either they were disappointed and they being Sensible of the disappointment have changed their direction, and are now retiring towards Guilford Court House.”

Cornwallis, in his 17 March letter to Germain, wrote: “Our situation for the former few days had been amongst timid friends, and adjoining to inveterate rebels; between them I had been totally destitute of information, which lost me a very favourable opportunity of attacking the rebel army. General Greene fell back to Thompson's House, near Boyd's Ford, on the Reedy River, but his light troops and militia still remained near us, and, as I was informed that they were posted carelessly at separate plantations for the convenience of subsisting, I marched on the 6th to drive them in, and to attack General Greene if an opportunity offered. I succeeded completely in the first, and at Weitzell's Mill, on the Reedy Fork, where they made a stand, the Back-Mountain men and some militia suffered considerably, with little loss on our side; but a timely and precipitate retreat over the Haw prevented the latter. I knew that the Virginia reinforcements were upon their march and it was apparent that the enemy would, if possible, avoid risking an action before their arrival.

The neighborhood of the fords of the Dan in their rear, and the extreme difficulty of subsisting my troops in that exhausted country, putting it out of my power to force them, my resolution was to give our friends time to join us, by covering their country as effectually as possible consistent with the subsistence of the troops, still approaching the communication with our shipping in Cape Fear River, which I saw it would soon become indispensably necessary to open on account of the sufferings of the army from the want of supplies of every kind; at the same time I was determined to fight the rebel army if it approached me, being convinced that it would be impossible to succeed in that great object of our arduous campaign, the calling forth the numerous Loyalists of North Carolina, whilst a doubt remained on their minds of the superiority of our arms. With these views 1 had moved to the Quaker Meeting, in the forks of Deep River on the 13th and on the 14th ...”

Clinton: “[Cornwallis coming from Alamance Creek], recrossed the Reedy Fork and marched in the southwest direction for twenty-five miles toward Deep River, where he halted for one day. This unfortunately afforded General Greene an opportunity of recrossing the Haw, to meet supplies and new levies which were coming to him from Virginia and Hillsboro - which being completely effected by the 11th, he was now in a condition to face his Lordship and even bring him to action."

8 March. Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell was eight miles west of Hillsborough on his way to join Greene.

8 March. Brig. Gen. Robert Lawson (with Brig. Gen. John Butler not faraway, and who within a short time joined him) reported being at Faucett's Mill, N.C. and having 1,200 Virginia militia with him. Among Lawson’s troops was a battalion of Virginia riflemen under Col. Charles Lynch. Maj. Gen. Caswell's health was bad and prevented his continuing with Butler. He hoped to follow later with a detachment of New Bern militia which was suppose be on the march as well, but these apparently remained in the eastern half of the state.

8 March. Col. Thomas Polk, at Salisbury, wrote to Greene: "Gen. Sumter is now raising five regiments to be completed by March 16, two of which numbering 125 men each, 'will nearly be completed out of this County [Rowan.]'" Polk was father of Col. William Polk, who became one of Sumter’s regimental commanders, as possibly did later Polk himself.

8 March. At this time, Greene's army was half a mile from the Haw River, on the road from Guilford Court House to the Iron works on Troublesome Creek.

8 March. A French fleet under Admiral Charles Chevalier Destouches, carrying 1,110 chausseurs and grenadiers under Maj. Gen. Antoine-Charles du Houx, Baron de Viomenil on board, left Newport, Rhode Island on its way to Virginia. About 36 hours later, Vice Admiral Arbuthnot left Sandy Hook reached the Chesapeake before Destouches arrived.

8 March. Pickens and Maj. James Jackson formally received permission from Greene to leave to go back to South Carolina. They reached the Catawba on March 20th.

8 March. Lafayette’s troops, on their way into Virginia, left Head of Elk and was moved by water to Annapolis. Lafayette, went ahead of his troops, seeking to meet with von Steuben.

8 March. Cornwallis camped at Duffield’s.

8-9 March. [siege] PENSACOLA (Escambia County, FLA.) General Bernardo de Galvez landed some 3,000 Spanish Troops at Pensacola in west Florida and began siege of the 900 to 1,100 man British garrison there, under Brig. Gen. John Campbell. The latter included detachments of the Royal artillery, the 60th Regt. and the 16th Regt. The 16th had previously been stationed in Savannah. Despite being outnumbered two to one, the town would not fall till May 9th, and then only after a deserter had exploded a key ammunition magazine within the post.

9-10 March. Cornwallis camped at Gorrel’s Plantation about eight miles west of Guilford.

Lossing: “As soon as Greene heard of the approach of Cornwallis, he fell back across the head waters of the Haw with the main army, determined not to risk an engagement until the arrival of re-enforcements, now fast approaching. In the mean while he changed his position daily, and Cornwallis, who, unwilling to wear down his army by useless attempts to strike the Americans in detail had retired slowly to Bell’s Mills on the Deep River, about thirteen miles below the present Jamestown (N.C.), would gain no positive information concerning him. [Lossing continues in a footnote] Cornwallis first encamped, in this retrograde march, on the plantation of William Rankin, a Whig, and then proceeded to the plantation of Ralph Gorrel, another wealthy patriot. The family were turned out of doors, and sought shelter at a neighbor’s house. The soldiers plundered and destroyed until the place was made a desolation. On Sunday, the eleventh of March, the royal army proceeded to the plantation of Reverend Dr. Caldwell, one of the most ardent Whigs in North Carolina from the time of the Regulator movement. The doctor was then in Greene’s camp, at the iron-works on Troublesome Creek. His family left the house, and retired to the smoke-house, where they remained twenty-four hours without food or a bed, exposed to the abuse and profane language of the soldiery. Cornwallis occupied the home of Mr. M’Cuistin, on the great road from the Court House to Fayetteville [Cross Creek.] Everything but the buildings were destroyed ion the plantation of Dr. Caldwell….All was made desolation. Cornwallis had offered a reward of one thousand dollars to anyone who should bring Dr. Caldwell into his camp. Dr. Caruthers, in his Life of Caldwell, gives many painful descriptions of the sufferings of this good man and his faithful Rachel….”

9 March. [skirmish] Heron’s Bridge (Pender County, N.C.) Lillington, entrenched on the east side of the Northeast Cape Fear River skirmished Craig at Heron's Bridge, who made a surprise foray out of Wilmington. The Americans had one killed and two wounded, according to Lillington, though British losses were unknown to him.

9 March. Major Ichabod Burnett acting on behalf of Greene sent orders to Gen. Caswell to have 70 men assigned to assist Col. Thomas Wade who with some North Carolina was collecting supplies and overseeing a provisions depot for the army at Haley’s Ferry on the Pee Dee River. On the 3rd, Wade had delivered a drove of cattle and hogs, which he handed over to Butler, at Granville Court House and had returned to the Pee Dee.

9 March. Col. Samuel McDowell, at Pittsylvania Court House, VA., wrote Greene saying that he had 150 militia with him from Rockbridge County, and was on his way to join the army. McDowell also had with him five wagons and provisions for several days. Requesting of Greene a guide to lead him to the army, McDowell arrived in time to take part in the battle at Guilford Court House.

9 March. Greene had Williams’ corps reunited with the main army at High Rock Ford, on the north side of the Haw River, while retaining separately in the field Lee (with Col. William Campbell attached) and Col. Washington (with Kirkwood attached) as two corps of observation. Greene wrote to Lee on this date: "The light infantry is dissolved...Col. Williams will join the line. And I propose in lieu of the light infantry two parties of observation, one to be commanded by you and the other to be command by Lieut. Col. Washington. It is my intention to give Col. Washington about 70 or 80 Infantry and between three and four hundred riflemen to act with him. Col. [William] Cambell (sic) I mean shall join you with about the same number of rifflemen (sic), and you and Col. Washington either separately or conjunctively as you may agree, to give the enemy all the annoyance in your power, and each to report to Head Quarters. Cambell will have orders to join you in the morning." Campbell left Greene joined Lee on the 10th, with 300-400 riflemen.

Kirkwood: "March 10. This Day my Company & One from Virginia were ordered to remain with Col. Washington to Act as a Legion."

10 March (also possibly 9 March). [skirmishes] Mount Hope Swamp and Lower Bridge (Williamsburg County, S.C.) Marion had retired towards down the Santee Road and deployed his men at Mount Hope Swamp where he destroyed the bridge over the stream there. On the 9th or 10th, Watson again advanced and Marion’s riflemen under Lieut. Col. Hugh Horry and Capt. William McCottry attempted to dispute the passage there. But Watson cleared the way with grapeshot from his cannon and had his men wade through the stream. Marion withdrew in the direction of Georgetown expecting Watson to follow. Watson, however, pursued him a short distance but then turned and headed in the direction of Kingstree, one of the main focal points of rebel activity in the region. Desiring then to cut him off Marion sent ahead Major John James with 70 men, including 30 of McCottry’s riflemen, to seize Lower Bridge at the Black River and on the road Watson was taking to Kingstree. James, taking a short cut, reached the bridge before Watson, and removing some planks from the bridge, set his men in position. Marion, meanwhile, also came up with the main body prior to Watson’s arrival. When Watson did approach he attempted to bring his cannon to bear on Marion’s men, but due to enemy sharpshooters and the unusual terrain there was unable to do so, losing some men in the process. Watson then tried crossing at a ford not far distant. Yet when he reached the spot he was again kept back by the riflemen. By the end of the day, Watson retreated to the Witherspoon residence where he camped. The next day (probably the 11th) Marion’s men under Captains Daniel Conyers and McCottry sniped at Watson’s camp from concealed positions. Watson then removed his force that same day to Blakely’s Plantation. Although not having as much trees and foliage as there was around Witherspoon’s, Marion’s sharpshooters followed him there and continued their sniping. Despite his casualties and difficult situation, Watson remained at Blakely’s till the 28th.

Early to Mid March. [raid] Perry’s and Lumsford’s Raid (probably Guilford County, N.C.) Lossing: “Gordon relates that Sergeant-major Perry, and Quarter-master-sergeant Lumsford, of Lee’s dragoons, performed a very bold maneuver. They were separately detached, with four dragoons, to make observations. They saw sixteen or eighteen British horsemen ride into a farm-house yard in an irregular manner, and some of them dismount. The two young men joined their forces, charged the horsemen, and, in sight of Tarleton’s legion, cut every man down. They then retired without a scar! -– Gordon, iii., 172.”

10 March. Malmady on this date was at “Haw Creek” (probably south west of Hillsborough and on the south of the Haw River) with 700 N.C. militia, 60 of these being his original corps of mounted men. Also in the larger number, were 40 cavalry under a Capt. Marquis de Bretigny, though few were actually armed with sabers, and they acted instead as an independent patrol or scouting force. Malmady was short of ammunition, which he requested of Greene. Within a few days this was sent, along with instructions from Greene who told him to occupy the Rocky River area and prevent loyalists from sending provisions to Cornwallis up river. He also told Malmady to transfer American supplies from Ramsey’s Mill to the east side of the Cape Fear River.

10 March. Lee, in Guilford County, reported to Greene Cornwallis’ being camped at “Ralph Gorrells,” and that loyalists along the road to Cross Creek (from Guilford) were collecting provisions for the British army.

11 March. Lee wrote to Greene: “I informed you by a verbal message of the enemys alteration of their route yesterday. [Cornwallis’] Headquarters is in two miles ½ of Guilford Courthouse, & one mile ½ from Dillons Mill. I cannot account for this mysterious conduct in his Lordship. Inhabitants as well as their own army were convinced that they intended to pursue the direct route to Cross Creek or Bells Mill…it is exceedingly difficult to subsist troops near the enemy, such has been the devastation of their march.”

10 or 11 March. Brig. Gen. John Butler and Brig. Gen. Thomas Eaton, both now commanded the North Carolina militia on their way to Greene, and joined him (the 10th or 11th) at High Rock ford, as did also Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell with 400 Virginia Continentals the same day (or possibly a day later, the 11th or 12th.)

11 March. Malmady wrote to Greene, from Woody's Ferry on the Haw River, saying he was passing over the Haw by boat that night and maneuvering toward Cornwallis’ lines. Some 600 loyalists were reported collecting and plundering near Ramsey's Mill where the North Carolina was having difficulty containing them. Malmady also reported having a large stock of food stores at Ramsey’s Mill removed to a safer location.

11 March. Cornwallis camped at Dillon’s Mill about six miles south-southwest of Guilford.

12 March. Cornwallis camped at McCuiston’s some three and a half miles south of Guilford. He left there 5 am on the 13th.

12 March. Capt. Henry Broderick and Lieut. Col. Carrington, on behalf of Cornwallis and Greene respectively, met to discuss terms for the exchange of prisoners. A point regarding private paroles arose which Broderick was not empowered to negotiate. The two officers then arranged for a later meting at which the point in question could then be properly discussed. Articles of cartel where formed on May 3rd, by Carrington and Capt. Fredrick Cornwallis (Broderick’s substitute), and the agreement finally signed on June 22nd, by Maj. Edmund Hyrne, representing Greene, and James Frazer, representing Cornwallis.

12 March. Capt. Marquis de Bretigney commanded a detachment of 40 mounted NC militia, though very few equipped as horsemen, which acted not far from Greene's army.

12 March. [skirmish] South Buffalo Creek (Guilford County, N.C.) Early in the morning of the 12th, Lee had a brief skirmish with some of Tarleton’s men in the area to the west of Guilford. Lee, with Campbell, retreated to “Widow Donnell’s,” (about twelve and a half miles west of Guilford), to protect his communications with Greene. No losses were reported by Lee in his letter to Greene.

13 March. Field return of Greene's army gives his army's strength at 4,943.

With respect to his militia, Johnson states: "A large portion of the volunteers under Stevens, continued faithful to their engagement; but the whole number of militia who accompanied the army to Guilford, including those from both states, only amounted to two thousand seven hundred and fifty three - of which Virginia furnished sixteen hundred and ninety three - and North Carolina one thousand and sixty."

13 March. Cornwallis marched to New Garden (Quaker) Meeting House, six miles southwest of Guilford Court House. In his memoirs, Lee states that on the night of Cornwallis’ moving to the meeting house, he had tried to intercept Cornwallis’ baggage which had gotten lost on its way to the main army, but failed in the attempt. The incident is described at some length in the memoirs.

14 March. Having called in all his detachments on the 13th, Greene moved his army to Guilford Court House on the evening of the 14th. The area had been largely depleted due to the ravaging of the armies, nor was it a notably fruitful region to begin with. Greene wrote to Col. James Read directing him to collect as many cattle as he can and send 100 head to the army. Read, a Continental officer, at the time led a volunteer corps of 250 N.C. militiamen from Halifax.

14 March. Cornwallis camped near Mendelhall’s Mills, located presumably near or not far from the New Garden Meeting House.

15 March. [raid] Fanning’s Horses (Randolph County, N.C.) A Capt. Duck, with some N.C. militia surprised Capt. David Fanning’s tories and stole their horses. Both sides lost 1 killed, with an unspecified number of wounded. The following day, Fanning with his men managed to locate and recapture the horses while wounding one of the whigs.

15 March. Leaving his army in Annapolis, Lafayette, with a small escort, met with von Steuben, who was at Williamsburg with a small militia force. Von Steuben had endeavoring to contain Arnold, who remained in Portsmouth at this time.

15 March. [skirmish] Road from New Garden Meeting House (Guilford County, N.C.) Sometime after two in the morning on the 15th, Cornwallis sent off his baggage under the escort of Lieut. Col. John Hamilton’s Royal North Carolina Regiment, 20 dragoons, and probably Bryan’s N.C. Volunteers as well, to Bell’s Mill and marched with his army to attack Greene at Guilford Court House. About 9 am, and probably around six or seven miles down the road from the New Garden Meeting House, some cavalry of his advanced troops, under Tarleton, were ambushed by a party of Lee’s cavalry scouting their movements. The British were forced to retreat. “The whole of the enemy's section was dismounted,” says Lee, “and many of the some of the dragoons killed, the rest made prisoners: not a single American soldier or horse injured.” Tarleton then took a separate route forward, and Lee, with his infantry and Campbell’s riflemen, as well as his cavalry, moved to cut him off where it was expected Tarleton would next appear. A short time after, an animated and lively encounter took place at this location (probably 10 am) between Lee’s force and Tarleton’s made up of his Legion cavalry, the Hessian Jägers, and the Guards Light Infantry. Both sides acquitted themselves admirably, but Lee fell back when he saw the Cornwallis’ column with the Guards approaching. The American loss was not inconsiderable and fell heavily among Campbell’s Augusta and Rockbridge County riflemen, and who became much dispersed as well. Tarleton admits of at least 20 to 30 killed and wounded. It was in this action that Tarleton lost two fingers due to rifle or musket fire.

Tarleton: “The British had proceeded seven miles on the great Salisbury road to Guildford, when the light troops drove in a picket of the enemy. A sharp conflict ensued between the advanced parties of the two armies. In the onset, the fire of the Americans was heavy, and the charge of their cavalry was spirited: Notwithstanding their numbers and opposition, the gallantry of the light infantry of the guards, assisted by the legion, made impression upon their center, before the 23d regiment arrived to give support to the advanced troops. Colonel Lee's dragoons retreated with precipitation along the main road, and Colonel Campbell's mountaineers were dispersed with considerable loss. The pursuit was not pushed very far, as there were many proofs beside the acknowledgment of the prisoners, that General Greene was at hand. Captain Goodrick of the guards, a promising young officer, fell in this contest, and between twenty and thirty of the guards, dragoons, and yagers, were killed and wounded. The King's troops moved on till they arrived in sight of the American army. An engagement was now become inevitable, and both sides prepared for it with tranquillity and order.”

Lee: “Tarleton retired with celerity; and getting out of the lane, took an obscure way leading directly across the Salisbury road towards the British camp- while Lee, well acquainted with the country, followed the common route by the quaker meeting-house, with a view to sever the British lieutenant colonel from his army, by holding him well upon his left, and with the determination to gain his front, and then to press directly upon him with his condensed force; and thus place his horse between Tarleton and Cornwallis, presumed to be some distance behind; By endeavoring to take the whole detachment, he permitted the whole to escape; whereas, had he continued to press on the rear, he must have taken many. As Lee, with his column in full speed, got up to the meeting house, the British guards had just reached it; and displaying in a moment, gave the American cavalry a close and general tire. The sun had just risen above the trees, and shining bright, the refulgence from the British muskets, as the soldiers presented, frightened Lee's horse so as to compel him to throw himself off. Instantly remounting another, he ordered a retreat. This maneuver was speedily executed; and while the cavalry were retiring, the legion infantry came running up with trailed arms, and opened a well aimed fire upon the guards, which was followed in a few minutes by a volley from the riflemen under colonel Campbell, who had taken post on the left of the infantry. The action became very sharp, and was bravely maintained on both sides. The cavalry having formed again in column, and Lee being convinced, from the appearance of the guards, that Cornwallis was not far in the rear, drew of this infantry; and covering them from any attempt of the British horse, retired towards the American army. General Greene, being immediately advised of what had passed, prepared for battle…”

15 March. [battle] GUILFORD COURT HOUSE (Guilford County, N.C.) While Lee was skirmishing with Tarleton forward of his position up the main road, during weather which tended to be somewhat rainy, Greene at Guilford Court House deployed his army in three lines. The first line, situated as to face the initial British advance, was made up with North Carolina militia, flanked on their right by Lynch’s Virginia and North Carolina riflemen, Washington’s cavalry, and Kirkwood’s Delaware company. In the center was placed two six pounders under Capt. Singleton. The left would be soon after be occupied by Lee’s Legion, and what remained of Campbell’s riflemen (minus the losses they had taken on the New Garden Road.) Greene’s Second line, 300 yards behind (or east of) the first, consisted of the Virginia militia of Stevens, on the right (or northern flank), and that of Lawson on the left. The third line situated on an elevation in front of Guilford Court House itself, and 500 yards behind (or east of) the second line, was made up of the Maryland and Virginia regiments, and a second battery of two six pounders under Capt. Finley.

After having made his approach, Cornwallis formed his army up from column into line and with intimidating military precision. Deployed on his right was Leslie division, while Webster was placed left. O’Hara with Guards initially was formed as reserve in the center, but as the battle progressed, he soon joined his forces with Webster’s. The following will otherwise suffice as a brief description of this decisive battle, which took place in the course of upwards of two-hours. About noon, after a cannonade which lasted some twenty minutes, Cornwallis advanced to attack the North Carolina militia, many of whom took to their heels without having even fired. Even so, the British did not go unscathed and suffered some losses. Some of Brig. Gen. Thomas Eaton's North Carolina men, were among those who did not run, and managed to hold their ground for a while with Campbell’s troops. While Leslie, veering to his right, was occupied with Lee and Campbell, Cornwallis then came up on Greene’s second line. Here he encountered some serious fighting from Stevens Virginians, though according to Davie, Lawson’s did not remain long. Although Stevens was finally forced to retreat, Cornwallis suffered considerably in dislodging him. In attacking the third line, a similar situation took place. The 1st Maryland Regt. contested their ground with a fury against the redoubtable Guards, in a struggle which included the unusual sight of sword-to-sword, and bayonet-to-bayonet fighting in open battle. The 2nd Maryland, however, made up mostly of new soldiers, retreated. The Virginia Continentals under Lieut. Col. Samuel Hawes also fell back, while Greene moved those of Lieut. Col. John Green to the rear in order to protect the army’s retreat. At one point, Washington’s cavalry came up and threw the Guards into disarray. Cornwallis at this critical juncture, in order to deny the Americans their newfound momentum, fired his artillery in the intermixed cavalry and guards. This dispersed the Continentals, but also inflicted losses on some of Cornwallis’ own men. His own forces now largely disorganized, Greene ordered a retreat, though there was some brief fighting between some of Campbell’s and Tarleton’s troops before the battle finally closed.

Fortescue observes: “Never perhaps has the prowess of the British soldier been seen to greater advantage than in this obstinate and bloody combat.” Yet while Cornwallis had emerged victorious, driving the Americans from the field and capturing all their cannon, his casualties were such that, ironically, the action lost him the campaign in North Carolina, and, as many have contended, in the end paved the way to his defeat at Yorktown.

BRITISH FORCES AT GUILFORD COURT HOUSE

Lieut. Gen. Charles Lord Cornwallis

Maj. Gen. Alexander Leslie, second in command

Brig. Gen. Howard, serving as a volunteer

* Leslie Division (right wing)

1st Bttn., Guards, Lieut. Col. Chapel Norton

Thomas Baker gives the 1st Bttn., Guards rank and file strength as 200, Lumpkin as 241.

2nd Bttn., 71st Regt., probably Maj. Simon Fraser

Regiment von Bose, Lieut. Col. Johann Christian de Puis

Baker gives the combined rank and file strength of the 2/71st Regt. and von Bose as 565 officers and men, Lumpkin gives the 2/71st strength as 530, and von Bose’s as 313.

* Webster’s Division (left wing)

23rd Regt., Lieut. Col. James Webster

33rd Regt. “ “ “ “

Baker gives combined total for 23rd and 33rd as 472 rank and file. Lumpkin gives the 23rd as 258 and the 33rd as 322.

Light Infantry Company (Guards): 50, Capt. Maynard

Hesse Cassel Jager company, Capt. Ryder

Baker: 84 rank and file, Lumpkin: 97 rank and file

* Reserve, O’Hara

Brig. Gen. Charles O'Hara

2nd Battalion, Guards: Lieut. Col. James Stuart.

Baker: 240 rank and file, Lumpkin: 250 rank and file

Grenadier Company (Guards): 50, probably Capt. Maitland or else Capt. Christie

* Cavalry

British Legion Cavalry: 154-156 rank and file, Lieut. Col. Banastre Tarleton

* Royal artillery: 40-50, Lt. John McLeod (Lumpkin)

1 (or 2) six-pounders

2 three-pounders

According to the “Leslie” Orderly Book, Cornwallis had 4 six-pounders and 2 three-pounders while in North Carolina. Whether he had all of these at Guilford is not clear. Lumpkin gives his artillery at Guilford as 3 three-pounders. What would seem likely is that he had with him at the battle 2 three-pounders and 1 (possibly 2) six-pounders), while the remaining six-pounders were kept with the baggage due to lack of men to man them.

TOTAL STRENGTH OF CORNWALLIS’ ARMY

In a return made on the morning of 15 March gave his rank and file strength as 1,638, and his total effectives strength as 1,924.

His rank and file losses since 1 February were listed as 11 killed, 86 wounded and 97 missing, or 194 total. His losses for officers were 1 killed, 2 wounded, 3 missing. The combined total losses for both rank and file, and officers then was 200.

On the other hand in the return for 1 February, Cornwallis gave his rank and file strength as 2,440, though this of course includes Hamilton and the 20 dragoons assigned to the baggage. Bryan’s N.C. Volunteers were not included in Cornwallis’ official returns. If we subtract the losses since 1 February given in this morning of 15 March return, he would have had 2,246. If we allow Hamilton a strength of 200, this would then have made Cornwallis’s Guilford army 2,220 rank and file.

Lee: 2,400, both officers and rank and file. "Lord Cornwallis' army engaged is put down at one thousand four hundred and forty-nine infantry; the cavalry has generally been estimated at three hundred. Allowing the artillery to make two hundred, it will bring the British force nearly to two thousand, probably the real number at Guilford Court-House. Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton, with his own regiment, one hundred infantry of the line, and twenty dragoons, was left with the baggage sent off on the evening of the 14th to Bell's mill. The British force in toto may be put down as two thousand four hundred: one hundred less than it was when Cornwallis destroyed his baggage at Ramsour's mill, notwithstanding the companies of infantry raised while he lay at Hillsborough, and other small accessions.”

Johnson: 2,000 rank and file. Cornwallis initially claimed 1,360 rank and file as his strength at Guilford. . However, as Johnson points out, he admits a loss of 500 killed and wounded at that battle, yet in his return of 1 April gives a total of 1723. "Deduct from this number, Hamilton's loyal regiment, which does not appear to have been in the action, and there will remain more than 2000, exclusive of the artillery. It is also observable, that Colonel Tarleton admits his cavalry to have amounted to 200, and yet the whole legionary corps is set down, in Cornwallis' account, at 174. By the returns of the 1st of March, it appears that his total was 2213, which will leave 2000 after deducting Hamilton's regiment."

Lumpkin: The British force is not known with certainty, but estimated between 1,981 and 2,253, both officers and rank and file.

Hugh Rankin: 2,192 rank and file. Cornwallis claimed his strength at time of battle was 1,360, but his return of April 1, 1781 gives 1,723 rank and file fit for duty, while his casualties at Guilford were listed as 469 killed and wounded. Rankin estimates his force at "around" 2,192 exclusive of officers and non-commissioned officers.

Thomas Baker: 1,924 troops (rank and file.)

AMERICAN FORCES AT GUILFORD COURT HOUSE

Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene

Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger, second in command

CONTINENTALS

* Maryland Brigade, Col. Otho Williams

1st Maryland Regt., Col. John Gunby, Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard

2nd Maryland Regt., Lieut. Col. Benjamin Ford

Johnson gives as total effectives for the 1st and 2nd Maryland regiments together as 630. Lumpkin 632.

* Virginia Brigade, Huger

Green’s Virginia Regiment, Lieut. Col. John Green

Hawes Virginia Regiment, Lieut. Col. Samuel Hawes

Johnson and Lumpkin give the total effectives for both Virginia regiments together as 778.

* Independent Continental Units

Delaware Company: 80, Capt. Robert Kirkwood

Johnson gives 80, Rankin 110, Baker 40.

1st and 3rd Continental Light Dragoons: 90, Lieut. Col. William Washington

Johnson says not more than 90, Rankin 86.

Partizan Corps, (Lee’s Legion, cavalry and infantry), Lieut. Col. Henry Lee

Johnson: the strength of Lees Legion cavalry was not more than 75, and the infantry 82. Lumpkin lists the cavalry as 62 and the infantry at 82. Possibly Lumpkin’s lower number for the cavalry is calculating in losses suffered in the early morning skirmish. Baker echoes Johnson with 75 and 80 Respectively.

1st Continental Artillery, Capt. Anthony Singleton, Capt. Ebenezer Finley

2 batteries of 2 six-pounders

Johnson: “60 matrosses of Virginia and Maryland.” Lumpkin gives a figure of 100.

Although not mentioned in reports, Col. Charles Harrison was evidently with the army at this time, and so would have been in overall command of the artillery. He’s mentioned by Greene as having arrived at camp on March 4th, though does not come up again in Greene’s extent correspondence till March 30th. Even so, Harrison was probably not present with either of the batteries themselves., unless briefly.

NORTH CAROLINA MILITIA

Butler’s Brigade, Brig. Gen. John Butler

Eaton’s Brigade, Brig. Gen. Thomas Eaton

Johnson states that both Eaton’s and Butler’s brigades had about 500 men.

Work remains to be done as to men from what counties made up Butler’s and Eaton’s brigades, Nonetheless, going through some pension statements, I have been able to confirm that Butler’s contained men from Granville, Orange, and Guilford counties, while Eaton’s had some from Bute, Halifax, Granville, and Warren. Yet although there seems a certain demarcation here, one should not assume that Butler did not have men from say Halifax and Warren, or that Eaton did not have men from Orange or Guilford. Men from Mecklenburg, Caswell, Rowan, Surry, Martin, Edgecomb, and Stokes counties have also been identified as present, but I was not able to determine which brigade they belonged to.

North Carolina Rifle corps, Maj. Joseph Winston

Johnson gives the strength of the North Carolina riflemen who served with Lynch’s Virginians as 60, Odell McQuire speaks of their number as 150.

North Carolina cavalry: 40, Capt. Marquis de Bretigney

Most of these were actually mounted infantry.

Johnson gives the total for the North Carolina militia as 1,060.

VIRGINIA MILITIA

First Virginia brigade, Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens

Second Virginia brigade, Brig. Gen. Robert Lawson

Johnson: Both brigades had about 600, for a combined 1,200.

McQuire: “Robert Lawson's brigade on the north was drawn mainly from Virginia's southside counties: Pittsylvania, Prince Edward, Cumberland, Amelia, etc. Edward Stevens' was composed in considerable part of men from the western Virginia 'rifle counties': Rockbridge, Augusta, Rockingham, and perhaps others. Their officers and many in the ranks were experienced soldiers who had fought in earlier campaigns, mostly against Indians.”

Virginia Rifle Corps

Campbell’s Virginia Rifle Corps, Col. William Campbell

McQuire: “The rifle component was commanded by Colonel William Campbell, victor of King's Mountain. It included the sixty frontiersmen he had brought with him from the ridges and hollows of southwest Virginia…A few of Major Rowland's Botetourts remained. Of the riflemen from Augusta County, Virginia, who had recently come to the army, the companies of Thomas Smith, James Tate, and David Gwin to a total of about 130 men, all under Colonel George Moffett, were assigned to Campbell's command.” McQuire also mentions that Col. Samuel McDowell’s 150 militia from Rockbridge County should be included in the 340-350 total of Virginia Rifle Corps, see 9 March. It is not clear if these were with Campbell or Lynch.

Baker gives 250 for Campell.

Lynch’s Virginia Rifle Corps, Col. Charles Lynch

McQuire: “Colonel Charles Lynch had brought 360 men down from the mountain fastness of Bedford County, Virginia, all but 60 armed with rifles.” See also (above) North Carolina Rifle corps listed with the North Carolina militia.

Johnson gives 340 rank and file for the Virginia Rifle Corps, and 60 rank and file for the North Carolinians, or 200 under Campbell and 200 under Lynch. McQuire states that the Virginia Rifle Troops numbered 340-350 for Campbell and 360 for Lynch, with possibly 150 for the North Carolinians attached to Lynch.

TOTAL STRENGTH OF GREENE’S ARMY

Greene: In a return of 13 March, two days before the battle, Greene listed his army's strength as 4,943. However, some number of these, probably militia, would have been detached to guard the baggage.

Tarleton states Green’s army numbered 7,000.

Lee, adding up the numbers he gives, says Greene’s army amounted to 4,320. He states there were 1,670 Continentals, and, of these, 1,490 rank and file, plus (approximately) 2,830 militia. "Our field return, a few days before the action, rates Greene's army at four thousand five hundred, horse, foot and artillery, of which One thousand six hundred and seventy were Continental; the residue militia. The enemy rate us at upward of five thousand. He is mistaken: we did not reach that number, though some call us seven thousand…." Elsewhere he writes: "General Greene's veteran infantry being only the first regiment of Maryland, the company of Delaware, under Kirkwood (to whom none could be superior), and the Legion infantry; altogether making on that day not more than five hundred rank and file. The second regiment of Maryland and the two regiments of Virginia were composed of raw troops; but their officers were veteran, and the soldier is soon made fit for battle by experienced commanders. Uniting these corps to those recited, and the total (as per official return) amounted to one thousand four hundred and ninety..." If we allow the numbers based on Greene’s return, Johnson and Lumpkin, Lee is still technically correct that the army did not number 5,000, though it obviously wasn’t that far distant either.

Johnson, combining his totals of both effectives and rank and file present puts Greene’s army at 4,468 total effectives and 4,090 rank and file. He says there were 1490 Continentals (rank and file) and 2753 militia (total effectives). Consecutively adding up the specific unit strengths he lists (see above) the total strength of the Continentals would be 1,715 (taking the 60 artillerymen mentioned as total effectives.) This was why I have interpreted his particular unit strengths as total effectives rather than rank and file. But given the round numbers he uses for some of the units listed, this 1,715 figure is to be taken as an approximate total. Similarly, but reversed, the total rank and file for the consecutively summed militia would be 2,600.

Lumpkin: 4,384-4,444

CASUALTIES AND CAPTURES

BRITISH

Cornwallis' return of losses suffered, contained in his dispatch to Lord German, of March 17, 1781, gives the total British casualties, both officers and rank and file as 93 killed (75 rank and file), 413 wounded (369 rank and file), 26 missing (25 rank and file.)

Tarleton: “On the part of the British, the honourable Lieutenant-colonel Stewart [James Stuart], of the guards, two lieutenants, two ensigns, thirteen serjeants, and seventy-five rank and file, were killed: Brigadier-generals O'Hara and Howard, Lieutenant-colonels Webster and Tarleton, nine captains, four lieutenants, five ensigns, two staff officers, fifteen serjeants, five drummers, and three hundred and sixty-nine rank and file, were wounded; and twenty-five rank and file were missing.” Webster died from his wounds not many days later, as did Captains Maynard, Goodricke (or Goodricks, who was injured in the early morning skirmish), and Captain Lord Dunglass, all of the Guards. Lieut. O’Hara, of the Royal artillery and nephew to the General was among those killed.

Brig. Gen. Charles O'Hara, shortly after the battle, in a letter to a friend wrote: "nearly one Half of our best soldiers and Officers and Soldiers, were either killed or wounded, and what remains are so completely worn out."

Greene wrote to Samuel Huntington, President of Congress, on March 30, 1781: "I have it from good authority that the Enemy suffered in the Battle of Guilford 633 exclusive of Officers, and most of their principal officers were killed or wounded...Since we have recrossed the Dan River we have taken at different times upwards of a hundred and twenty prisoners and several Officers."

AMERICAN

Taken from Otho Williams' return:

Continentals

Key: rank and file/total effectives

Brig. Gen Huger wounded slightly in the hand

Brigade of Virginia regulars: 23/29 killed, 35/39 wounded, 39/39 missing

Brigade of Maryland regulars: 11/15 killed, 36/42 wounded, 88/97 missing.

Delaware battalion: 7/7 killed, 11/13 wounded, 13/15 missing.

Washington's 1st and 3rd regiments of cavalry: 3/3 killed, 4/8 wounded (also accounted as prisoners of war), 3/3 missing.

Partizan Legion (Lee's legion): 3/3 killed, 7/9 wounded, 7/7 missing.

Total Continental losses: 290/330 casualties.

Virginia Militia:

Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens wounded.

First brigade, Virginia militia (Stevens): 9/11 killed, 30/35 wounded, 133/141 missing.

Second brigade Virginia militia (Lawson): 1/1 killed, 13/16 wounded, 83/87 missing.

Rifle regiments, commanded by Colonels Campbell and Lynch': 1/3 killed, 13/16 wounded, 78/94 missing.

Total casualties for the Virginia militia: 361/415.

North Carolina Militia:

Two brigades commanded by Brigadier-generals Butler and Eaton: 6 killed (all rank and file), 5 (3) wounded, missing: 552/563.

Total casualties for North Carolina militia: 561/574.

Also:

North Carolina cavalry [militia] lost 1 man killed and 1 wounded.

Johnson: “The American killed and wounded could never be ascertained with any degree of precision. The returns of the day could furnish no correct ideas on the subject; for one half of the North Carolina militia, and a large number of the Virginians, never halted after separating from their officers, but pushed on to their own homes. Neither do those returns exhibit a correct view of the loss sustained by the regular troops, for they are dated on the 17th; and in a number of those who are marked missing, afterward rejoined their corps. This inference is drawn from a return now before us, made two days after, in which the Virginia brigade is set down at 752, and the Maryland brigade at 660. Admitting that those two corps went into battle with 1490 men, this will reduce their loss to 188, instead of 261, as represented in the returns of the 17th. This error was to be expected from the confusion in which the 2d Maryland regiment abandoned the field. Reducing the whole loss in the same proportion, it will barely exceed 200…The loss of the militia brigades and rifle corps, were surprisingly small, not exceeding in the whole eighty men, killed and wounded…But, these corps were reduced by desertion to one half the numbers they reckoned before the battle. The Virginians now amounted to only 1021, including Lynch’s riflemen – and the North Carolinians to 556. The whole army, including men of all arms, amounted on the 19th to 3115.”

CAPTURES

On 19 March, Maj. Charles Magill reported to Gov. Jefferson that Cornwallis had taken custody of 75 wounded Americans.

“Return of ordnance, ammunition, and arms, taken at the battle of Guildford, March 15, 1781.

Brass Ordnance

Mounted on travelling carriages, with limbers and boxes complete, 4 six-pounders. Shot, round, fixed with powder, 160 six-pounders. Case, fixed with ditto, 50 six-pounders; 2 ammunition waggons, 1300 stands of arms distributed among the militia, and destroyed in the field.”

Cornwallis to Lord Germain, dated from Guilford, March 17, 1781: “The neighborhood of the Fords of the Dan in their rear, and the extreme difficulty of subsisting my troops in that exhausted country putting it out of my power to force them, my resolution was to give our friends time to join us, by covering their country; ...at the same time I was determined to fight the rebel army. With these views, I moved to the Quaker Meetting (house), in the forks of Deep River, on the 13th; and on the 14th I received the information which occasioned the movement which brought about the action at Guildford..."

Kirkwood: "15th. This day commenced the Action at Guilford Court House between Genls. Green and Cornwallis, in which many were Killed and wounded on both sides, Genl. Green Drew off his Army, with the loss of his artillery. Marched this day ......16" [miles].

Pension statement of James Roper, of Caswell County, N.C. “In his 3rd campaign he served under Capt. Edward Dickerson and marched from the Court House to meet the brigade of Gen. Butler and marched to Ravin Town to Gen. Green's army across the Haw River along with Gen. Eaton's brigade marched to Guilford Courthouse to engage the British Army under Lord Cornwallis. The first line up to battle consisted of the North Carolina Militia under Gen. Butler & Eaton. About the time Gen. Green had his army arrayed for battle Cornwallis came up with his troops, and a desparate battle ensued. This affiant states as well as he can now recollect that it was about one or two oclock of the day P.M. when the battle began between Gen. Green & Cornwallis. The battle lasted for some time with various success on both sides and at last Gen. Green had to retreat & leave the battle ground.”

Davie (who was present at the battle): "[Gordon] speaks true to be sure of the No Carolian militia as they deserved, but it is justice to observe they were never so wretchedly officered as they were that day – but he attributes the glory acquired by Stevens brigade to the whole Virginia Militia, when the truth is Lawson's brigade fought as illy as the No Carolinians The only difference was they did not run entirely home...the fact is the whole battle was fought by Stevens brigade and the first Maryland regiment.:." Referring, in a different writing, to the clash between the Guards and the 1st Maryland Regt., Davie says: “[Capt. John] Smith and his men were in a throng, killing the Guards and Grenadiers like so many Furies. Colonel Stewart [James Stuart], seeing the mischief Smith was doing, made a lunge at him with his small sword…It would have run through his body but for the haste of the Colonel, and happening to set his foot on the arm of the man Smith had just cut down, his unsteady step, his violent lunge, and missing his aim brought him down to one knee on the dead man. The Guards came rushing up very strong. Smith had no alternative but to wheel around and give Stewart a back-handed blow over or across the head, on which he fell.”

Seymour: "Colonel Washington, with his cavalry, in this action deserved the highest praise, who meeting with the Third Regiment of Foot Guards, and charged them so furiously that they either killed or wounded almost every man in the regiment, charging through them and breaking their ranks three or four times. This action began about nine o' clock in the morning and continued about the space of an hour and a half, in which the enemy lost in killed and wounded fifteen hundred men, our loss not exceeding one hundred and fifty in killed and wounded, of which twenty-seven belonged to Col. Washington's Light Infantry, of which Captain Kirkwood had the command."

Tarleton: “The thickness of the woods where these conflicts happened prevented the cavalry making a charge upon the Americans on their retreat to the continentals, and impeded the British infantry moving forwards in a well-connected line. Some corps meeting with less opposition and embarrassment than others, arrived sooner in presence of the continentals, who received them with resolution and firmness.

At this period the event of the action was doubtful, and victory alternately presided over each army. On the left of the British Colonel Webster carried on the yagers, the light company of the guards, and the 33d regiment, after two severe struggles, to the right of the continentals, whose superiority of numbers and weight of fire obliged him to recross a ravine, and take ground upon the opposite bank. This manoeuvre was planned with great judgement, and, being executed with coolness and precision, gave Webster an excellent position till he could hear of the progress of the King's troops upon his right. In the center the 2d battalion of the guards, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Stewart, supported by the grenadiers, made a spirited and successful attack on the enemy's six pounders, which they took from the Delaware regiment; but the Maryland brigade, followed by Washington's cavalry, moving upon them before they could receive assistance, retook the cannon, and repulsed the guards with great slaughter. The ground being open, Colonel Washington's dragoons killed Colonel Stewart and several of his men, and pursued the remainder into the wood. General O'Hara, though wounded, rallied the remainder of the 2d battalion of the guards to the 23d and 71st regiments, who had inclined from the divisions on the right and left, and were now approaching the open ground. The grenadiers, after all their officers were wounded, attached themselves to the artillery and the cavalry, who were advancing upon the main road. At this crisis, the judicious use of the three pounders, the firm countenance of the British infantry, and the appearance of the cavalry, obliged the enemy to retreat, leaving their cannon and ammunition waggons behind them. Colonel Webster soon after connected his corps with the main body, and the action on the left and in the center was finished.

Earl Cornwallis did not think it advisable for the British cavalry to charge the enemy, who were retreating in good order, but directed Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton to proceed with a squadron of dragoons to the assistance of Major-general Leslie on the right, where, by the constant fire which was yet maintained, the affair seemed not to be determined. The right wing, from the thickness of the woods and a jealousy for its flank, had imperceptibly inclined to the right, by which movement it had a kind of separate action after the front line of the Americans gave way, and was now engaged with several bodies of militia and riflemen above a mile distant from the center of the British army. The 1st battalion of the guards, commanded by Lieutenant-colonel Norton, and the regiment of Bose, under Major De Buy [de Puis], had their share of the difficulties of the day, and, owing to the nature of the light troops opposed to them, could never make any decisive impression: As they advanced, the Americans gave ground in front, and inclined to their flanks: This sort of conflict had continued some time, when the British cavalry, on their way to join them, found officers and men of both corps wounded, and in possession of the enemy: The prisoners were quickly rescued from the hands of their captors, and the dragoons reached General Leslie without delay. As soon as the cavalry arrived, the guards and the Hessians were directed to fire a volley upon the largest party of the militia, and, under the cover of the smoke, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton doubled round the right flank of the guards, and charged the Americans with considerable effect. The enemy gave way on all sides, and were routed with confusion and loss. Thus ended a general, and, in the main, a well-contested action, which had lasted upwards of two hours. General Leslie soon afterwards joined Earl Cornwallis, who had advanced a short distance on the Reedy-fork road, with the 23d and 71st regiments, to support the other squadron of the British legion, who followed the rear of the continentals.”

Sgt. Roger Lamb of the 23rd Regt.: “[After the battle] Every assistance was furnished to them [the wounded of both sides], that in the then circumstances of the army could be afforded; but, unfortunately the army was destitute of tents, nor was there a sufficient number of houses near the field of battle to receive the wounded. The British army had marched several miles on the morning of the day on which they came to action. They had no provisions of any kind whatever on that day, nor until between three and four in the afternoon of the succeeding day, and then but a scanty allowance, not exceeding one quarter of a pond of flower, and the same quantity of very lean beef. The night of the day on which the action happened was remarkable for its darkness, accompanied by rain which fell in torrents. Near fifty of the wounded, it is said, sinking under their aggravated miseries, expired before morning. The cries of the wounded, and dying who remained on the field of action during the night, exceeded all description. Such a complicated scene of horror and distress, it is hoped, for the sake of humanity, rarely occurs, even in a military life.”

15-16 March. Rather slowed by the rain while collecting stragglers, Greene retreated towards Reedy Fork, crossing the ford there about three miles from the Guilford battlefield. By next morning, he had moved further on another seven miles distance to Speedwell’s Iron works on Troublesome Creek, where he then camped. Cornwallis meanwhile remained at Guilford.

Greene, in his letter to Samuel Huntington of 16 March, wrote: “We retreated in good order to the Reedy Fork River, and crossed at the ford about 3 Miles from the field of Action, and there halted and drew up the Troops untill we collected most of our Stragglers.”

Pension statement of John Chumbley of Amelia County, VA: “The army halted 2 or 3 miles from the battleground to take refreshment, and called stragglers, which being done, the proceeded through muddy roads a day and night and cold driving rain 8 to 10 miles, to the draw works on what was called Cobblestone Creek. Declarant well recollects that the horrors of that night were equally appalling to him with the thunders of the recent battle.”

Johnson: “The depth of the road, and the precautions indispensable on a retreat, protracted the march until the approach of morning. The distance from the field of battle to the [Speedwell] iron works on Troublesome Creek, is estimated at ten miles, yet the army did not reach this place until near daylight…It happened that a corps of about three hundred militia, who had arrived [at Speedwell’s Iron Works] in advance of the army, had established their camp, and kindled their fires in that quarter by which the legion [Lee's Legion] approached. Seeing these red cloaks through the woods, the militiamen thinking the whole British army was upon them, broke away and returned no more."

Sam Houston, of the Rockbridge VA. militia, wrote in his diary: “Friday, 16th --As soon as day appeared (being wet) we decamped, and marched through the rain to Speedwell furnace, where Green had retreated from Guilfordtown, where the battle was fought, sixteen miles distant; there we met many of our company with great joy, in particular Colonel M'Dowell; where we learned that we lost four pieces of cannon after having retaken them, also the 71st regiment we had captured. After visiting the tents we eat and hung about in the tents and rain, when frequently we were rejoiced by men coming in we had given out for lost. In the evening we struck tents and encamped on the left, when the orders were read to draw provisions and ammunition, which order struck a panic in the minds of many. Our march five miles.”

Mid March. After a dispute in which Campbell claimed Lee unnecessarily put Campbell’s in harm’s way in order to protect his own at Guilford Court House, Col. William Campbell resigned his commission, and left service with Greene. He was, however, back in the field in his home state by summer, having been promoted to Brigadier General.

Mid March. Cornwallis had Rawdon at Camden send Lieut. Col. John Watson to root out Marion. Watson left Camden moving to the fortified the post at Nelson's ferry [Fort Watson?], then marched towards Georgetown in an effort to try to bring Marion out.

16 March. [naval battle] First Battle of the Virginia Capes, also Cape Henry, Chesapeake Bay. The British fleet, under Vice Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot, and the French fleet, under Admiral Charles Chevalier Destouches fought the first battle of the Virginia Capes. Although inconclusive tactically and no ships were lost by either side, the naval engagement prevented the French from landing Viomenil to support Lafayette in Virginia, and reasserted British control of the Chesapeake. Destouches afterwards returned to Rhode Island.

Ships Engaged:

BRITISH

Vice Admiral Marriot Arbuthnot

(all coppered)

London, 98 guns

Royal Oak, 74 guns

Bedford, 74 guns

Robust, 74 guns

America, 64 guns

Prudent, 64 guns

Europe, 64 guns

Adamant, 50 guns

Europe, 64 guns

FRENCH

Admiral Charles Chevalier Destouches

Duc de Bourgogne, coppered, 84 guns

Le Neptune, coppered, 74 guns

Conquerant, 74 guns

Provence, 64 guns

Ardent, 64 guns

Jason, 64 guns

Eveillé, coppered, 64 guns

Romulus, 44 guns

17 March. Cornwallis, still camped at Guilford Court House, wrote to Lord Germain: "This part of the country is so totally destitute of subsistence, that forage is not nearer than nine miles, and the soldiers have been two days without bread; the shall therefore leave about seventy of the worst wounded cases at the New-Garden Quaker meeting-house, with proper assistance, and move the remainder with the army to-morrow morning to Bell's-mill." By this time many of his men were without shoes and worn down with fatigue.

18 March. Col. Thomas Wade, at Haley’s Ferry on the Pee Dee received the additional detachment of North Carolina militia he had requested of Greene and, indirectly, Maj. Gen. Caswell. On 2 April, Wade wrote Greene that his orders to Caswell to send Wade some men to protect cattle and stores was not complied with till March 18th. As it turned out most of the men sent were poor soldiers and did not meet Wade’s expectations in a subsequent engagement. See 2 April.

18 March. Having camped two days at Guilford, Cornwallis retreated to Bell’s Mill, sixteen miles south of Guilford, and on the south bank of the Deep River, where he gave his men two days rest. He remained there till the 20th. Counting those taken at Guilford, Cornwallis’ artillery now had 8 six-pounders and 2 three-pounders.

19 March. The day before Greene began his pursuit of Cornwallis, Charles Magill, Jefferson's liason officer, wrote his Governor Jefferson: ...I am sorry to inform your Excellency that a number of the Virginia Militia have sully'd the Laurels reap'd in the Action by making one frivolous pretence and another to return home. A number have left the Army very precipitately. The best Men from Augusta and Rockbridge have been foremost on this occasion...”

20 March. Cornwallis left Bell’s Mill, moving east, and by the 22nd arrived at (possibly) Walcher’s Plantation. (See 22 March.) On the same day he left Bell’s Mill, Greene began his pursuit of him. On April 18th, at Wilmington, Cornwallis wrote to Germain: “I marched from Guildford on the morning of the 18th of March, and the next day arrived at Bell’s mill, where I gave the troops two days rest, and procured a small supply of provisions. From thence I proceeded slowly towards Cross-creek, attending to the convenience of subsistence, and the movement of our wounded. On my may I issued the enclosed proclamation, and took every means in my power to reconcile enemies , and to encourage our friends to join us.”

20 March. Following his return to South Carolina, Pickens reached the Catawba River.

20 March. Clinton dispatched Maj. Gen. William Phillips to Virginia with 2,000 men to provide security for Arnold's force, and to support Cornwallis by interrupting supplies coming to Greene's army from Virginia. Transports carrying Phillips troops left New York March 20th and arrived at Portsmouth on March 26th.

21 March. Greene's army encamped at Thom's Mill, on South Buffalo Creek. Greene wrote Lee that his men had been without bread for two days. He consequently, had to allow provisions to come up, and the army was sorely lacking cartridges which, meanwhile, were being made "as fast as possible." When Greene was ready he sent Lee, and some Virginia riflemen to hang on Cornwallis' rear.

Lee: "Without money to purchase, the subsistence of the troops depended upon the compulsory collection from the country through which the army marched; and Colonel Davie could with difficulty procure within one day enough for that; so that the general would be often obliged to extend or contract his march to correspond with the fluctuating supply of provisions. To settlements which had from their distance escaped the British foraging parties, it became necessary for our commissary general to resort; and the conveyance of supply, when collected, devolved upon the quartermaster-general. [Lieut. Col. Edward Carrington.]"…[Such maneuvering to accommodate foraging] "sometimes menaced the necessity of temporary separation of his (Greene's) troops, by detaching them to different districts for the procurement of food."

22 March. Cornwallis arrived at Walcher’s Plantation, six miles west of the Haw River, and twenty-three miles southwest of Hillsborough. From there he subsequently marched south along the Haw to Ramsey’s Mill, on Rocky River which flows into the Deep River. From Walcher’s, Cornwallis subsequently moved to Ramsey’s Mill on the Deep River. See 25 March.

22 March. Greene wrote Malmady stating that he lacked 30 or 40 wagon horses, without which the army could not move. Malmady was ordered to collect and forward horses as soon as possible.

23 March (also given as 21 March, and 24 March). [battle] Beattie’s Mill (Abbeville or McCormick County, S.C.) Col. Elijah Clark (who had recently recovered from the wound he had received in December 1780) was retreating from Long Canes, where he had again apparently had been trying to enlist recruits On the 23rd, Clark, with 180, fought a skirmish at Beattie’s Mill against 90 loyalists, under Maj. James Dunlop, who were out foraging. Both sides were mounted, though Dunlop had some regular cavalry. Though Clark’s force was twice as large as Dunlop’s, many of his men were without arms. In any case, Dunlop’s men were thoroughly defeated and himself captured. Pickens, who subsequently met up with Clark, reported the casualties to Greene as 34 killed and 42 captured. A few days later, while being held prisoner in Gilbertown, Dunlop was murdered by a guard or someone connected with the person(s) guarding him. Infuriated, Pickens offered a reward for the apprehension of the perpetrator, but the slayer was never found.

Johnson: “Pickens very soon succeeded in breaking up the Tory settlements so effectually, that they were obliged to take refuge under the guns of Ninety-Six, and embody themselves for mutual protection under the command of [Brig.] General [Robert] Cunningham. Even here they were not permitted to rest, but were pursued and attacked by night; and but for the unfortunate mistake of a guide, would have been destroyed in the midst of fancied security. M’Call [Lieut. Col. James McCall], who possessed greatly the confidence of the Georgians, was joined by many of the Whigs from that state, and falling upon a party commanded by a Major Dunlap, a tory officer, who had rendered himself infamous by his barbarity, succeeded in capturing the whole party. Clark, Twiggs, Jackson and a number of distinguished Georgians, now returned into action, and such a change was produced in the face of things, as to extort from Major [actually Lieut. Col. John Harris] Cruger the commander at Ninety-Six, in a letter to Colonel Balfour which was intercepted, the following exclamation : -- "the exertions of the rebels have been very great -- they have stolen most of our new-made subjects in Long-Cane, and many to the southward of us, whose treachery exceeds every idea I ever had of the most faithless men. It will soon be a matter of little consequence who has this part of the country, as nothing is like to be planted this season, every man being either in arms or hid in the swamps, and a great consumption of last year's crops."

23 March. Von Steuben, at Williamsburg, wrote to Greene saying he was sending 4 six-pounders from Virginia to replace those Greene lost at Guilford Court House. Ammunition re-supply was not readily available however. Capt. Anthony Singleton, Greene’s artillery commander, had been sent north after Guilford to Prince Edward Court House to obtain cartridges needed for the army. Although he apparently did not get much in the way of cartridges, Singleton did, however, pick up the artillery at “Hood's” [Point], near Williamsburg, which von Steuben had written of. Also about this same time, Greene sent for two cannon that had been earlier removed from the army for repairs and stored at Oliphant’s Mill, at the headwaters of the Catawba. These two guns were with Greene by the time of Hobkirk’s Hill, and one of them (subsequently commanded by Finley) was that which was dispatched to assist Marion and Lee.

24-25 March. [raid] Road to Ramsey’s Mill (Chatham County, N.C.) Since Greene was at Rigdon’s Ford on the 26th, Cornwallis probably arrived at Ramsey’s Mill, N.C., (situated on the north bank of the Deep River) on the 25th , or else the 26th.. On the day then previous to Cornwallis’ halting at Ramsay’s, some of his Jägers were surprised in their encampment by 20 of Col. Marquis de Malmady’s militia horsemen (probably his cavalry), and three of the Jägers were taken prisoner. That Cornwallis felt the need to mention the incident in a letter to Clinton (of April 10th) speaks to the bravery and cleverness of the raid. The British remained at Ramsey’s for a few days, during which time Cornwallis built an impressive bridge for his troops over the Deep River. A effort was made by an advanced party of Lee’s Legion and some riflemen to destroy the bridge, but this expedition was called off when the detachment guarding the structure was reinforced.

Tarleton: “The day before the King's troops arrived at Ramsey's, the Americans insulted the yagers in their encampment: The royalists remained a few days at Ramsey's, for the benefit of the wounded, and to complete a bridge over Deep river, when the light troops of the Americans again disturbed the pickets, and the army were ordered under arms. “

Pension statement of John Chumbley of Amelia County, VA.: “We remained a few days in Green's army at the draw works [Speedwell’s Iron Works] till the retreat of the enemy commenced, and Green began to hurry. He recollects that they overtook the enemy at the bridge at Ramsay's [Mill] by evening of a forced march, but they escaped without injury. He distinctly recollects the bridge the enemy had thrown across Deep River at [Ramsey’s] Mills. At this place large rocks rise in several places in the river and the enemy had taken the trunks of the largest trees and placed them along on these rocks so as to form a bridge. He recollects he was astonished to conjecture how human strength could have placed so large trees in that position across the river.”

25 March. Hearing of the French naval defeat, and resultant loss of the anticipated reinforcements under de Viomenil, and after meeting with von Steuben at Williamsburg, Lafayette returned overland to Annapolis, and there considered marching back with his army to rejoin Washington.

26 March. On this date Greene, "On the March to Regdon's [Rigdon's] Ford,” N.C., wrote to Captain Pleasant Henderson of Granville County, N.C., and directed Henderson to move with his mounted infantry to Cross Creek to remove public stores there in advance of Cornwallis. "The supply of provisions of provisions should be sent eight or ten miles into the country on the east side of the Cape Fear River is wagons are available. If wagons cannot be collected, the provisions should be left at different points along the river, and all boats within 15 or 20 miles of Cross Creek should be collected and put under guard." Most valuable stores should be secured first, and those which cannot move should be destroyed." The editor of the Nathanael Greene Papers, citing the Journal of the Von Bose Regiment, states: "Cornwallis's troops found '500 rebels' at Cross Creek, who 'withdrew' after having 'partly burnt their stores and partly carried them off. The remaining stores of provisions was collected together and distributed amongst the [British] troops.' (Von Bose Journal, p. 52.)”

27 March (also given as 26 March). British Maj. Gen. William Phillips, having left New York on the 20th, landed at Portsmouth, VA. with about 2,000 troops. He had with him two battalions of light infantry, the 76th Regt., the Prince Hereditaire Regt., and a detachment of artillery. Before leaving New York, he had been instructed by Clinton to continue what Arnold started, namely destroying bases in Virginia (particularly St. Petersburg and those on the James River) and to support Cornwallis by interrupting the flow of supplies to Greene's army.

27 March (possibly 26 March). On the 27th, Greene had the opportunity to attack Cornwallis, who was camped at Ramsey’s Mill. Though Cornwallis was encumbered with many wounded, Greene nonetheless, declined to engage, probably because he was now without artillery and because most of his militia were now gone. The gamble then, given the circumstances, was not worth hazarding. The next morning (the 28th), Cornwallis departed Ramsey’s over the bridge he had constructed. Greene followed him and then occupied the mill. American accounts make it sound as if Cornwallis’ fleeing prevented the battle, but this perhaps was reading too much into Cornwallis’ retreat, while ignoring other factors present. Probably the real truth is, neither was in much of a condition to fight.

In a letter to Samuel Huntington of March 30th, Greene reported: "I wrote your Excellency on the 23d from Buffalo Creek. Since which we have been in pursuit of the Enemy, and tho' without Cannon I was determined to bring them to Action again. As most of the Inhabitants between Pedee and Haw River are disaffected we found the greatest difficulty in procuring supplies and obtaining intelligence. Our reconnoitering parties were frequently shot down by the Tories, while they furnished the Enemy with a plenty of every thing, and doubtless gave them good intelligence. On the 27th we arrived at Rigdens ford twelve Miles above this, expecting the Enemy would have crossed the Day before and that we should have found the River fordable, and that we could have fallen in with the Enemy at the junction of the Roads 12 Miles beyond the ford. But on my arrival there I found the Enemy had not crossed but still lay at Ramsays Mill, from which I expected they meant to wait an attack. I left our Baggage on the ground and put the Army in motion without loss of time. But we found the Enemy had crossed some Hours before our arrival, and with such precipitation that they left their dead unburied on the ground. The want of provision and the greater part of the Virginia Militia's time of service being out prevented our further pursuit. Our Men had suffered so much for the want of provisions that many of them fainted on the march. The Enemy was on the route to Cross Creek, and Wilmington."

Tarleton: “Before the end of the month, the British crossed the river, and the same day General Greene reached Ramsey's with an intention to attack them. The halt of the King's troops at that place nearly occasioned an action, which would not probably have been advantageous to the royal forces, on account of the badness of the position, and the disheartening circumstance of their being encumbered with so many wounded officers and men since the action at Guildford. Deep river, over which the rear guard broke the bridge, the want of provisions, and the desert country through which the King's troops now commenced their march, impeded the immediate advance of General Greene, and Earl Cornwallis, without any material occurrence, entered Cross creek.”

28 March. Greene set up headquarters at Ramsey’s Mill where he remained till 6 April. Cornwallis meanwhile, who had left there that morning marched on to Cross Creek, which he reached by either March 30th or 31st.

Kirkwood: "28th Marched and Crossed Deep River at Ramseys Mill, on the bridge the British made for themselves. This day we expected a Genl. Action to have commenced but his Lordship thought it most prudent to decline it, by a speedy march to Cross Creek....14 [miles].”

Seymour: "On the twentieth March our army encamped on Deep River at Ramsey's Mill after a march of a hundred and twenty miles. On our march hither we came through a very barren part of the country, the inhabitants being for the most part Tories, which rendered our march the more unpleasant. Here the enemy built a bridge over the river, which they left standing, they not having time to pull it down, so close did we pursue them. From this place was Colonel Lee dispatched with his Horse and Infantry, Captain Oldham,of the Fourth Maryland regiment, with his company, and one six-pounder."

Pension statement of Benjamin Williams of Chatham County, N.C.: "(T)hey went in pursuit of Cornwallis, whom they followed, to ... on Deep River, here they offered the British ... and Cornwallis sent a reply that he would fight them in the morning, but during the night had built a bridge over the river and Col. Green [Nathanel Greene] now returned to [Ramsey’s Mill?]... where the army stayed .."

Lee: “Lord Cornwallis, conceiving it probable that the American army was not far in the rear, seeking battle, which his situation now made him anxious to avoid. At length he reached Ramsay's mill, on Deep river, where he halted a few days to renew his humane exertions for the comfort of his wounded, and to collect, if possible, provisions; the country between this place and Cross creek being sterile and sparsely settled. During this delay his lordship threw a bridge over the river, by which he might readily pass as he moved down on its northern bank. Nothing material occurred between the adverse van and rear corps; nor did the British general even make any serious attempt to drive from his neighborhood the corps of Lee; so sorely did he continue to feel the effects of his dear bought victory.

General Greene lost a moment in moving from his camp on the Troublesome, after the arrival of his military stores; and notwithstanding the inclemency of the weather and the deepness of the roads, he pressed forward from day to day by forced marches; but interruptions, unavoidable, occasionally delayed his progress. When the quarter master general assumed the duties of his station at Guilford court house, as has been before remarked, all that department of the army was entirely deranged; and such had been the rapid succession of keen and active service, that with all his laborious application, he had not been able to introduce into full operation his own system, although he had contrived to afford the means of prompt motion to the army. New duties became, from the necessity of the case, connected with his department. Without money to purchase, the subsistence of the troops depended upon compulsory collection form the country through which the army marched; and colonel Davie could with difficulty procure within one day enough for that day; so that the general would be often obliged to extend or contract his march to correspond with the fluctuating supply of provisions. Our difficulties in this line were considerably increased, as the British army had preceded us; and nothing but the gleanings of an exhausted country were left for our subsistence. To settlements which had form their distance escaped the British foraging parties, it became necessary for our commissary general to resort; and the conveyance to camp of supply when collected, devolved upon the quarter master general… Equally affectionate and equally provident, he [Greene] could not present to his much-loved troops refitments (sic) and refreshments so much wanted. No magazines were opened for our accommodation; rest to our weary limbs was the only boon within his grasp. The meager beef of the pine barrens, with corn-ash cake was our food, and water our drink; yet we were content; we were more than content - we were happy.”

28 March. Watson left Blakely’s on the afternoon of the 28th and headed for Georgetown with Marion on his heels taking occasional stragglers. His passage was blocked by fallen trees at Ox Swamp, seven miles below Blakely’s, the swamp itself an uninviting obstacle. Watson then turned south and crossing the pine barrens made for the Santee Road, some of Marion’s sniping at his column along the way.

Bass: “Ox Swamp, not to be confused with Ox Swamp in Clarendon County, runs into the Black river about twelve miles below Kingstree.”

29 March (or within a day or two). [skirmish] Sampit Bridge (Georgetown County, S.C.) Marion sent Peter Horry’s horsemen ahead of Watson, and they destroyed the Sampit Bridge in Watson’s path as he continued down the road toward Georgetown. Horry’s were then set to receive Watson, but he drove forward on them with the bayonet. At the same time, however, Marion attacked Watson’s rear. His own horse shot out from under him, Watson then opened up his cannon on them on Marion and drove him back. Leaving twenty dead behind him, Watson then proceeded to Trapier’s Plantation where he camped. The next day, with a reported two wagon loads of wounded Watson made it to Georgetown. Although there is apparently no accurate count of Watson’s losses during his expedition against Marion during this month, the total was reportedly not inconsiderable, 40 being both a reasonable and conservative estimate. Marion casualties, on the other hand, appear to have been negligible.

29 March (or 28 March) [raid] Snow’s Island (Florence County, S.C.) While Marion had been dealing with Watson, Col. Welbore Ellis Doyle, with the New York Volunteers, had been sent from Camden by Rawdon as the second prong of the plan to catch Marion. The date Doyle set out is not clear but sometime near the end of the month he attacked Marion's base at Snow's Island. The island was defended by Col. Hugh Ervin and a small detachment. Of this force, 7 were killed and 15 were captured, most of these were reportedly too ill to flee, while a remainder escaped. In the process Doyle liberated some prisoners including Cornet Merrit of the Queen's Rangers and 25 other men, while suffering 2 wounded. Ervin’s men did, however, have enough advanced notice to be able to throw supplies and ammunition in the river.

29 March. Greene, at Ramsey’s Mill, wrote to Gen. Washington: "In this critical and distressing situation I am determined to carry the War immediately into South Carolina. The Enemy will be obliged to follow us or give up the posts in that State. If the former takes place it will draw the War out of this State and give it an opportunity to raise its proportion of Men. If they leave their posts to fall they must lose more than they can gain here. If we continue in this State the Enemy will hold their possessions in both." By April 6th, Greene subsequently left Ramsey’s Mill to go south towards Camden.

After the war ended, Cornwallis wrote: "The march of General Greene into South Carolina, and Lord Rawdon's danger, made my situation very critical. Having heard of the arrival of a pacquet from Europe, without any certain accounts of the failing of the reinforcements, I thought it too hazardous to remain inactive; and, as it was impossible to receive in any time any orders or opinions from Sir Henry Clinton to direct me, it became my duty to act from my own judgment and experience; I therefore upon mature deliberation, decided to march into Virginia, as the safest and most effectual means of employing the small corps, under my command, in contributing towards the general success of the war. I came to this resolution principally for the following reasons, -- I could not remain at Wilmington, lest General Greene should succeed against Lord Rawdon, and, by returning to North Carolina, have it in his power to cut off every means of saving my small corps, except that disgraceful one of an embarkation, with the loss of the cavalry and every horse of the army: From the shortness of Lord Rawdon's stock of provisions, and the great distance from Wilmington to Camden, it appeared impossible that any direct move of mine could afford him the least prospect of relief: in the attempt, in case of a misfortune to him, the safety of my own corps might have been endangered; or if he extricated himself, the force in South Carolina, when assembled, was, in my opinion, sufficient to secure what was valuable to us, and capable of defence in that province. I was likewise influenced by having just received an account from Charles-town of the arrival of a frigate with disptaches from the Commander in Chief, the substance of which, then transmitted to me, was, that General Phillips had been detached to the Chesapeake and put under my orders; which induced me to hope, that solid operations might be adopted in that quarter: and I was firmly persuaded that until Virginia was reduced, we could not hold the southern provinces; and that, after its reduction, they would fall without much resistance, and be retained without much difficulty."

Tarleton: “The aspect of public affairs at this juncture presented various and opposite designs to the noble earl at Wilmington. Upon the different investigations of the subject, it was too successfully described, that the country between Cape-fear river and Camden was barren, and intersected with creeks and rivers; that the road to George town was replete with the same difficulties; that an embarkation for Charles town was disgraceful, and would occasion delay whilst the transports were coming round; and that Virginia was more accessible, where General Phillips commanded a respectable force. Happy would it have been, as far as general probability can determine, had Earl Cornwallis directed his chief attention to the critical state of South Carolina, and commenced his return by any route to secure it: But it was represented, that the plan of carrying the war into so opulent a province as Virginia, would recall General Greene from the southward as soon as he had information of Lord Cornwallis's design; and that his Lordship would have the advantage of an early movement, to form a powerful army, by joining the corps at Wilmington to the troops under Major-general Phillips, on the banks of James river. This large scale of operations coinciding with Earl Cornwallis's present views, he determined to make an instant attempt upon Virginia. For this purpose, orders were given to the principal officers to prepare their troops as well as they could for a long march, and Lieutenant-colonel Balfour was directed to send transports from Charles town to Cape-fear river, to be in readiness to receive them, in case the expedition was frustrated.”

30 March. At Ramsey’s Mill, Greene formally discharged the vast majority of the North Carolina and Virginia militia, though most of these had already left (without their term of service having expired). Greene, in effect, was officially acknowledging then what was pretty much already a fact. In defense of the militia, some have pointed out that it was planting season and many of them were very much needed at home. Virginia militia had been enlisted for six weeks, but many returned home sooner to help plant crops. A small corps of North Carolina militia did, however, remain with Greene, while other militia from that stayed in the field elsewhere. After Greene left Ramsey’s Mill on the 6th, a force of N.C. militia under Brig. Gen. Butler remained there to recruit volunteers, and to also collect supplies for Greene’s army. The Virginia militia were dismissed to their homes by Brig. Gen. Lawson on April 2nd. In a letter to Samuel Huntington, President of Congress, of March 30th, Greene wrote: “Since we recrossed the Dan river we have taken at different times upwards of one hundred and twenty Prisoners and several Officers."

Johnson: “The fatigues of the marches and the scantiness of the supplies, had overcome the constancy of the militia, and they demanded their discharge. The volunteers had engaged for six weeks, and the drafted militia had been called out for the same term…The cares of agriculture called the men to their farms. Every step of pursuit was a step further from their homes. A dreary country, affording but small quantities of the necessaries of life, was before them; and what it did afford would be consumed by the necessities of the enemy. Almost to a man they refused to proceed; and on the 30th , he [Greene] was under the necessity of granting them a discharge. His chagrin on the occasion, did not withhold from the Virginians a well merited compliment on their gallantry and zeal. Nor did the North Carolinians, who still adhered to him, depart without the warmest thanks for their perseverance in adhering to the army under many painful and discouraging circumstances.”

31 March. Greene ordered Col. Malmady and his mounted militia to join Gen. Alexander Lillington's force outside Wilmington. Capt. Pleasant Henderson's company was with Malmady, and when Cornwallis evacuated Cross Creek (April 1), Malmady left Henderson with Col. James Emmett at Stewarts' Creek.

31 March. Having been reinforced with Innes' South Carolina Royalists, Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger, on the 31st, with 300 Provincials and 200 loyalist militia marched to Harrison's Store on Fair Forest Creek to establish a garrison. When Pickens collected some South Carolina and Georgia men to attack him, Cruger retreated to Ft. Williams. Even so, Pickens, had a difficult time keeping his men together for lack of provisions, and wrote Sumter for assistance.

31 March (or 30 March). As a modern local source in Fayetteville says Cornwallis only stayed the night in Cross Creek (the previous name of Fayetteville), and since he is known to have left there on April 1st, he apparently reached the town on March 31st, or possibly the 30th. At Cross Creek, the loyalists there showed support for British army, and brought them many needed supplies. With these Cornwallis' troops were somewhat refreshed, and some wagons loaded with much needed provisions. Cornwallis had earlier hoped to stay at Cross Creek but the difficulty of receiving supplies from Wilmington due to the river's being too narrow at some points for certain crafts, and the hostility of inhabitants along its course, forbade it. And as far as actual recruits, Cornwallis was unable to get even a hundred of the local loyalists to join him. In a letter to Germain of April 18th, dated Wilmington, he wrote:: "For all my information I intended to have halted at Cross-Creek, as a proper place to refresh and refit the troops; and I was much disappointed, on my arrival there, to find it totally impossible: provisions were scarce, not four days forage within twnty miles, and to us the navigation of the Cape Fear river to Wilmington impracticable; for the distance of the water is upwards of one hundred miles, the bredth seldom above one hundred yards, the banks high, and the inhabitants on each side generally hostile..."

Late March (possibly early April). [ambush] Witherspoon’s Ferry (Florence County, S.C.) After the raid on Snow’s Island, Doyle retraced his steps six or seven miles to Witherspoon's Ferry where he camped on the north bank of Lynches River. When Marion returned he camped at Indiantown, at which time his force had dropped down to about 70 men. Even so, he sent out Lieut. Col. Hugh Horry and Capt. William McCottry who ambushed some of Doyle’s men foraging near the plantations on Lynches River, and then attacked another party who were engaged in sinking the boat at the ferry. Doyle is said to have lost 9 killed or wounded, and 15 or 16 taken prisoner in the encounter. Either just before or after this event, Marion was joined by a reinforcement under Col. Able Kolb to assist against Doyle The latter, however, made haste to withdraw, destroyed his heavy baggage, and retired to Camden.

Late March or early April. A "small detachment" of 1,000 reinforcements for Phillips and Arnold was sent from New York to Portsmouth. This group was separate from that of Phillips which had arrived on March 27th.

April. Col. Alured Clarke took a portion of the Savannah garrison to St. Augustine, FLA to help protect that post from possible Spanish invasion, while Lieut. Col. Friedrich von Porbeck remained in Savannah as the senior British officer in Georgia. Clarke returned with his troops to Savannah by June 7th.

April. [skirmish] Hammond's Mill. (Edgefield County, S.C.) Following the action as Horner’s Corner, a company of loyalists at Hammond’s Mill on the Savannah River, was attacked and defeated by Capt. Thomas McKee. Some loyalists were taken prisoner. In addition, Ripley speaks of provisions being captured and the mill destroyed. However, if the mill belonged to the Edgefield family of Samuel and LeRoy Hammond, as it may have been, it seems strange why it would have been destroyed by McKee.

Tarleton Brown: “On the 1st day of April, 1780 (sic), I left General Marion on the Big Peedee River, in company with eighty others, forming a detachment under the command of Colonel Harden and Baker, and Major John (sic) Cooper. The two last mentioned officers were from Midway settlement, Georgia. There were also several other brave and energetic men who rendered themselves conspicuous in the war in our detachment, Fountin Stewart, Robert Salley, the Sharpes and Goldings, from Georgia. Our route lay by the ‘Four Holes'. Crossing the Edisto at Givham's Ferry, we fell in with a man who assisted Brown in hanging the five brace fellows at "Wiggin's Hill". We have him his due, and left his body at the disposal of the birds and wild beasts. Pursuing our march, we came to "Red Hill", within about two miles of Patterson's Bridge, Salkahachie, It was now in the night, but the moon being full strength, and not a cloud to darken her rays, it was most as bright as day. Near this place were stationed a body of Tories, commanded by Captain Baron [John Barton]. They were desperate fellows, killing, plundering and robbing the inhabitants without mercy or feeling, A company of men, commanded by Major Cooper, were now sent to see what they could do with those murders. In a few minutes after their departure we heard them fighting, which continued for nearly one hours, when Major Cooper returned and told us he bad killed the greater part of them, with but the loss of one man, John Steward, from Georgia.”

Early April (possibly January 1781). [skirmish] Wiggin's Hill (Barnwell County, S.C.) Col. Thomas Brown with 570, including some Cherokees (or else 170 plus 500 Indians), went out from Augusta on an expedition to catch Col. William Harden, who by one account had only 76 rangers. The two forces skirmished at Wiggins' Hill, and Harden, outnumbered, was beaten off. Harden possibly tried to attack again next day, yet, if so it is assumed he was repulsed. Harden lost 7 killed and 11 wounded, and Brown’s losses are not known.

Tarleton Brown: “This atrocious deed of the sanguinary McGeart [McGirth] and his band was shortly succeeded by another equally cruel, nay, doubly cruel. The British Colonel Brown marched down from Augusta with an overwhelming force of Tories and Indians, and taking their stand at ‘Wiggins' Hill’, commenced a slaughter of the inhabitants. The news of which reached the ears of those brave and dauntless officers, Colonels. McCoy and Harden, who soon hastened to the defense of the terrified Whigs, and coming upon the enemy, charged upon them and killed and routed them to a man, Colonel Brown escaping to the woods. Colonels McCoy and Harden, having accomplished all that was required of them, retired from the field of action, after which Brown returned with the residue of his force and retook the ‘Hill’, at which he remained until he hung five or our brave fellows --- Briton Williams, Charles Blunt, and Abraham Smith, the names of the other two not recollected -- then he decamped for Augusta.”

April. [skirmish] Hanging Tree (Randolph County, N.C.) Sometime in the Spring of 1781, probably April, and the location not clear, but probably in Randolph County, Capt. David Fanning and his men were surrounded at a house of a friend by 14 whig militia under a Capt. Hinds, with both sides losing a man killed. Fanning and most of his men apparently were forced to retreat and made their escape. One of the Fanning’s men was captured by Hinds, and says Fanning in his Narrrative, hanged "on the spot where we had killed the man [a whig] a few days before".

April. [skirmish] McPherson’s Plantation (East side of the Pee Dee River in S.C.)

1 April. [skirmish} Bear Bluff (Horry, County, S.C.)

1 April. On this date the North Carolina legislature passed a law that those who were deemed deserters (with a mind to those that fled at Guilford Court House) were potentially subject to be drafted into the North Carolina Continentals. Collecting points for the draftees were established at Edenton, Smithfield, Duplin Court House, Halifax, Hillsborough and Salisbury. Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner for a time remained at Hillsborough collecting provisions to feed these prospective Continental troops he would be commanding. By this time, Brig. Gen. Butler had already collected 240 of the men who fled at Guilford for this twelve-month service.

Davie: "After the battle of Guilford Genl [Allen] Jones w[I]t[h] a board of officers turned over about 400 men into the Contal service for 12 months for desertion from the army at and before the battle."

1 April. Cornwallis left Cross Creek, and moved his army to Wilmington. See 7 April. Along the march, Lieut. Col. James Webster, died of the wounds he had received at Guilford.

1 April.

Forces under Cornwallis,

Rank and file:

Brigade of Guards: 411

23rd Regt.: 182

33rd Regt.: 229

2nd Bttn., 71st Regt. : 161

Hessian von Bose Regt.: 245

Hessian Jägers: 97

North Carolina Volunteers: 224

British Legion (cavalry only): 174

Total: 1,723.

2 April. After being assembled at Ramsey’s Mill, the Virginia militia under Brig. Gen. Lawson were assembled and then dismissed to their homes. Elsewhere, 100 Virginia militia, at “Camp Wm Daniels,” N.C., previously under Col. Charles Lynch went for home with out officers. At the same time, they left behind their muskets which were then sent to Greene. In a letter to Greene of this date, Lynch excused is men saying they were “Poor” and anxious to get home.

April 1 (possibly 31 March). [skirmish] Cole’s Bridge (Scotland County, N.C.) In a letter of April 2nd, Col. Thomas Wade, at Haley’s Ferry on the Pee Dee, wrote to Greene that he had conveyed stores from Cross Creek to Haley's Ferry down river. He had tried to move his men quickly by forced marches. Nevertheless, his 95 North Carolina militia were attacked near Cole's Bridge, on Drowning Creek, by 300 loyalists and 100 British soldiers (all of whom were presumably mounted) who had pursued them. Wade’s column was routed. Some of his men, who were captured and paroled, reported that Wade's casualties were three killed, two wounded, and seven taken prisoner, and, in addition slaves, wagons, and all of the horses were taken. Wade was now left with only 20 militia. The British casualties were 4 killed. Some meal, much of it damaged, and some of the boats Greene had Kosciuszko build earlier were at Haley's Ferry, where they were being guarded by some locals. In the same letter, Wade requested wagons to send the meal to Greene, which Greene sent on his approach to Camden. Wade later complained that the men Caswell had sent him were poor soldiers and he asked for better in future if the supplies and provisions in his charge were to be kept secure. See 18 April.

2 April [skirmish] Georgetown (Georgetown County, S.C.) 60 militia under Major Lemuel Benson of Marion's Brigade skirmished 20 mounted Queen’s Rangers, under Lt. John Wilson and some loyalist militia out foraging. Losses are not known, but Wilson, who was wounded in the action, received a commendation from Balfour.

Capt. John Saunders in Simcoe’s Journal: “Lt. [John] Wilson was sent on the 2d of April, with twenty men, attended by a galley, to cover a party sent to load some flats with forage, at a plantation on Black river: he debarked and remained on shore several hours before he saw a single rebel; but when he had nearly completed his business, he was attacked by about sixty of them, under the command of a Major [Lemuel] Benson: he repulsed them in two attempts that they made to get within the place where he had posted himself; he then charged and drove them off.

3 April. Lafayette rejoined his troops at Annapolis, and began marching his men back north.

3 April. Brig. Gen. Butler was ordered by Greene to remain at Ramsey's Mill to collect militia, and to forward supplies to Greene’s army which was soon to be heading south towards Camden. See 6 April.

5 April. Greene wrote Brig. Gen. Lillington, ordering him to stay away from British troops at Cross Creek, and avoid being surprised (by Tarleton.)

6 April. Lee, with his Legion and a Maryland light company under Capt. Edward Oldham -- together totaling about 300 men -- left Ramsey’s Mill to join Marion.

7 April. Greene left his Ramsay's Mill encampment, and moved towards Camden. Camden and the area through which he would be marching was largely barren, "the produce of its soil scanty, and the inhabitants disaffected," but especially so due to the devastation wrought by the war. Lee gives Greene’s strength at this time as 1,800 effectives, (including in the count Lee's Legion and Oldham's Maryland company.) Greene's force when he arrived just north of Camden was about 1,500, exclusive of a small body of North Carolina militia. He hoped a substantial number of Virginia militia would be joining him, but these stayed in that state to contend with Phillips and later Cornwallis, despite Greene’s continued expectations of their joining him.

7 April. Cornwallis arrived at Wilmington.

Tarleton: “Brigadier-general O'Hara, by great strength of constitution and the skill of his surgeons, surmounted two painful wounds, which he had borne with singular fortitude, and was restored to the command he had filled with such distinguished reputation: Many officers and men daily recovered and joined their regiments: Captains Lord Dunglass and Maynard of the guards were unfortunately attacked by fevers, and died, sincerely lamented by their numerous friends throughout the army.”

7 April. Greene, moving west from Ramsey’s Mill, reached Evans’ Mill on Rocky River where he made additional supply preparations for his journey south.

7 April. Sumter, at his camp on the Catawba River, wrote to Greene explaining to him what was to informally to become known as "Sumter's Law." It was an edict Sumter himself promulgated which provided that slaves taken from loyalists were to be used as pay for those who served in his Brigade for ten months. He said he expected 500 men within the week, and 600 to 700 before 20th Pickens forces at this date were scattered, while Marion probably had 400 to 400. Marion, as his biographer has put it, refused to have anything to do with Sumter’s Law. Pickens, on the other hand, raised a regiment of ten months men under its plan. Yet it was not without some difficult, since, although a Brigadier General, he had to compete with Sumter’s officers engaged in the same activity.

As outlined in Bass, the pay scale according to Sumter’s law was as follows:

Colonel: three and one half slaves per annum

Captain: two

Lieutenant: one and a half

Private one slave per 10 month enlistment

In addition to pay each soldier would share two-thirds of plunder, except for slaves and military stores. Dragoons with family would receive a half-bushel of salt.

Although decried by many for various reasons, Marion, for example, refused to have anything to do with it, the plan did bring out men, and others felt that under the circumstances and as a temporary policy Sumter was justified. In March, Col. William Polk had begun recruiting in Rowan and other nearby North Carolina counties; Col. William Hill in New Acquisition; Col. John Thomas, Jr. at the headwaters of Enoree and the Pacelot Rivers; and Col. Charles Myddleton (with Richard Hampton as his Major) between Congaree and Wateree. Col. Henry Hampton dismissed his volunteer riflemen and began enlisting dragoons along Broad River. At a later time, Pickens also used it to bring men together. In the same letter to Greene of this same date, Sumter reported that the British had abandoned their “fort’ at Belleville (Col. Thompson’s Plantation). They did, however, subsequently established a substitute at the Motte residence about a mile away. Sumter wrote that he expected to have 600 or 700 men (ten months men) by the 20th, “(b)ut it at present appears that I Shall be Obliged to Move to the Westward for a few days…Genl Pickens Men are Much Scattered. He will have but few Out that is in any Short Time.”

Joseph Graham: “It may be further remembered that the Brigade of State troops raised by the State of South Carolina in the Spring of 1781, when each man furnished his own horse and Military equipments –- the Regiments commanded by Colos. Polk, Hampton and Hill were mostly raised in the Counties aforesaid [i.e. the then counties of Mecklenburg and Rowan].”

7 April. Having left Georgetown a day or so earlier, and crossed the Pee Dee at Britton's Ferry, Lieut. Col. John Watson arrived on the 7th at "Widow Jenkins," where he bivouacked. With him were 500 men, including some Provincial Light Infantry, the 64th Regt., Harrison Provincials, some loyalist militia, and 2 field pieces.

William Dobein James: "Col. Watson, having refreshed and reinforced his party, and received a fresh supply of military stores and provisions at Georgetown, proceeded again towards the Pedee. On his march he had nothing to impede him but a few bridges broken down. He took the nearest route across Black river at Wragg's ferry, and crossing the Pedee at Euhany, and the little Pedee at Potato bed ferry, he halted at Catfish creek, a mile from where Marion court house now stands. -- Here Ganey's party flocked in to him in such numbers that he was soon nine hundred strong.”

7-8 April. [ambush-surrender] Four Holes, also Red Hill, and Barton's Post (Colleton County, S.C) Harden, in the Four Holes Swamp area, with 70 (to possibly a 100) mounted men surprised and captured 26 loyalists under Capt. John Barton. The next day, Harden’s subordinate Major George Cooper (formerly one of Marion’s men), assaulted Barton’s post Some firing was exchanged, and Barton, having lost three men and himself wounded, finally surrendered. McCrady lists the whig losses as 1 killed and 2 wounded. He gives the loyalist losses as 1 killed, 3 wounded and 3 prisoners.

8 April. [skirmish] Pocotaligo Road, also Patterson's Bridge, Saltketcher Bridge. (Colleton County, S.C.) Lieut. Col. Edward Fenwick and 35 South Carolina Light Dragoons, a recently formed loyalist cavalry troop, repulsed Maj. George Cooper (Cooper was with Harden, or again perhaps Harden, versions differ) who had attempted to surprise them. The sabers apparently proved too much for Harden’s mounted men, they were scattered. He lost 2 wounded and one taken prisoner. Harden reported Fenwick’s losses as 1 killed and 7 wounded. In all three of these engagements with Barton and Fenwick, McCrady lists the American commander as “Cooper,” rather than Harden.

Tarleton Brown: “We then proceeded on for Pocataligo. Soon after we left Red Hill we entered upon a long, high causeway; a man came meeting us and told us Colonel Fenwick, with the British horse, were marching on just behind. We paid no attention to him not knowing who he was, but went ahead; however, we did not go many rods before the advance parties met and hailed each other - a charge now ordered on both sides, and we directly came together on the causeway, so a fight was inevitable, and at it we went like bull dogs. The British at length made their way through, though they found it tough work in doing so. We put one of their men to his final sleep on the causeway, and wounded eight more badly, one of whom they had to leave on the road. They wounded one of our men, Captain James Moore, in thirteen places, though very slightly, and two others who never laid up for their wounds.”

8 April. Lafayette, at Head of Elk, received instructions from Washington telling him to return to Virginia. As many had expected the expedition was to have been fro a much shorter period, some desertion among his troops resulted, such that he was down from 1,200 to about 900 to 1,100 men, plus a company of artillery. For units specifically with him see 29 April.

8 April. Greene's army halted briefly at Wilcox's Iron Works, N.C. near the Deep River.

8 April. Pickens camped at the Enoree River, after having just linked up with Col. Elijah Clark at Broad River. Clark had just retreated from the area of Beattie's Mill near the Savannah River.

9 April. Watson camped at Rae's Hill across the Pee Dee from Snow's Island. On the 10th with Ganey having joined him, he marched to Wahee and camped on Catfish Creek. The move north was prompted as possible protection to Cornwallis and Tarleton should they return to South Carolina.

9 April. (or thereabouts) [raid] Waxhaws Church (Lancaster County, S.C.): The Waxhaws settlement was raided, and the meeting house there, and several homes, burned by a mounted party of 150 Provincials and loyalists under Capt. John Coffin. An unknown number of whigs were killed, wounded and 14 were captured. Sumter’s men, under Col. Thomas Taylor and Col. Henry Hampton, were unable catch Coffin in pursuit. Sumter, then afterward, retaliated by raiding the loyalists of the Mobley and Sandy Run settlements.

On 13 April, Sumter, from his camp on the Catawba wrote to Greene: "On Tuesday night a party of horse & foot to the Number of about one hundred & fifty men from Camden appeard in the Waxsaws, they Marched with Great precipitation as far as the Meeting House, Which they burnt together with Some other houses Barns &C. They have Kild Wound[ed] & Taken Several persons Carried off all Kinds of horses, plundered the Settlement of as much as they Could Carry. As Soon as I Received Intelligence of Their approach, I Detached Cols Hampton and Taylor after them, but as they began to Retreat on Wednesday Night, Don't expect they will be overtaken. By accounts Just Received from Genl Pickens Who Wrote me about ten days ago that he had Collected Men of his Brigade, and also a few Georgians, but was unable to attempt anything against the Enemy. I give orders to the Cols Commanding four Regemnts in My Brigade Westward of Broad River to Join Genl Pickens, Which has been Done accordingly. I Requested Genl Pickens to Move Down & Take a position upon Tyger River Near the Fish Dam Ford to indeavor to Cover the Country and Collect Provisions..."

9 April. Lillington camped at Rutherford's Mill after returning the not inconsiderable distance from Heron’s Bridge on the North East Cape Fear river, just to the north of Wilmington. He had sent "light horse" to run off cattle near Wilmington, they brought off 150 head, though lost 10 men when some of the enemy attacked. Lillington had 400-500, but could not keep them long due to scarce provisions. A pro-American observer described Lillington's force as a "confused rabble."

9 April. Watson camped at Rae’s Hill across the Pee Dee from Snow’s Island. On the 10th with Ganey having joined him, he marched to Wahee and camped on Catfish Creek, where numerous loyalist came in to join him.

9 April. Marion camped in the Wahees with some 500 men. With him were Col. Peter Horry, Lieut. Col. Hugh Horry, Col. John Ervin, Col. James Postell, Major John James, Major John Baxter, Major Alexander Swinton, Capt Gavin Witherspoon. Marion contemplated a withdrawal in the face of Watson’s advance, but his officer’s voted against it. Their confidence was no doubt soon bolstered by the news of the approach of Lee and Oldham to reinforce them.

William Dobein James: “Gen. Marion returning from the pursuit of Doyle, and hearing of the approach of Watson, crossed the Pedee and encamped at the Warhees, five miles from him. At this place he consulted with his field officers then in camp, and informed them that although his force was now recruited to five hundred men, that yet he had no more ammunition than about two rounds to each man, and asked them 'if he should retreat into the upper parts of North Carolina, or if necessary to the mountains, whether they would follow him.' With a firm and unanimous voice the resolution to follow him was adopted. These field officers, whose names should be engraved on tablets of brass, were Cols. Peter Horry, Hugh Horry, James Postell and John Ervin, and Majors John James, John Baxter and Alexander Swinton."

10 April. Lee, at the Pee Dee River on his way south to join Marion, reported to Greene that the British garrison at Georgetown was only 50 men, and the King’s American Regiment posted there earlier had moved to Camden. Lee said Rawdon had 400 men, though Johnson states 500 would be more correct.

10 April Cornwallis, at Wilmington, wrote to Clinton: “I am very anxious to receive your Excellency's commands, being yet totally in the dark as to the intended operations of the summer. I cannot help expressing my wishes that the Chesapeake may become the seat of war, even (if necessary) at the expense of abandoning New York. Until Virginia is in a manner subdued, our hold of the Carolinas must be difficult if not precarious. The rivers in Virginia are advantageous to an invading army; but North Carolina is of all the provinces in America the most difficult to attack (unless material assistance could be got from the inhabitants, the contrary of which I have sufficiently experienced), on account of its great extent, of the numberless rivers and creeks, and the total want of interior navigation.”

10 April. [raid] Hulin’s Mill, also Hulen’s Mill (Dillon County, S.C.) At Hulin’s Mill on Caftish Creek, Col. Abel Kolb with a group of his men under Maj. Lemuel Benson and Capt. Joseph Dabbs, surprised some loyalists under John Deer and Osborne Lane, killing Deer and wounding Osborne who escaped into Catfish swamp. Another loyalist, Caleb Williams, Kolb hanged. Deer, Williams, and Lane were reputed to be notorious marauders by their enemies, but, as is often the case in war, notorious can be a matter of the eyes of the beholder. Lane lived on for many years and was looked upon as a respected citizen in his community. It was forays like this which no doubt fomented Kolb’s own murder, which took place on the night of 27 April. While this incident is of minimal military significance, it is nevertheless representative of numerous like occurrences, many unrecorded, which took place during the war in the south.

11 April. Greene's army encamped at the Little River (N.C.), a tributary of the Pee Dee. The location was only a few miles north of Mask’s and Haley’s Ferries on the Pee Dee.

12 April. Major Pinkertham Eaton marched from Ramsey's Mill with 200 N.C. Continentals, to replace Col. James Read's North Carolina militia, numbering 400, already with Greene. Eaton's men though not well-armed or equipped were to take up the weapons of Read's men before the latter returned home. By the 17th, however, Eaton was down to 140 men. Many of the men having been forced to serve due to alleged cowardice at Guilford Court House, and not given a trial, deserted. Nevertheless, Eaton and those that remained with him subsequently served with distinction.

12 April. Lafayette arrived at the Susquehanna Rive in his continued march into Virginia.

13-14 April. Greene's army was camped at Colston's (also Colson’s) Mill, west of the Pee Dee, and just north of Rocky River.

14 April. Lee, going by way of Port's Ferry, linked up with Marion at Benbow’s Ferry on the Black River. Marion collected boats on the Pee Dee, north of Mars' ferry, to facilitate Lee's crossing and transport. By this time Marion's force had dwindled to some 80 men, but when Marion received word of Greene's approach he brought together a force of nearly 380 to 400. By the next day, the two went to invest Ft. Watson.

14 April. On this date, Malmady was with his North Carolina militia at Rutherford's Mill. Malmady wrote Greene saying that his men would be discharged on April 26. He added that he was is unwilling to serve with a two-months corps again, and desired a command of 200 mounted troops raised "upon a regular Establishment" for nine months.

15 April. A return of this date gives Cornwallis’ strength in Wilmington as:

Officers, (also Chaplains and Surgeons)….127

Sgts, Drummers, and Privates………………..2059

TOTAL: 2186, Of these, Rank and File, 1829.

On command, in and out of the district... 544

Prisoners of war………………………………………..694

Sick.…………………………………………………………. 436

Wounded…………………………….…………………... 397

Detached…………………………………………………. 214

Including Officers.…………………………………. 2273

Bearing in mind that his army now included the regulars and loyalists that had been under Maj. James Craig prior to his arrival.

15 April. Greene arrived at May’s Mill, N.C. (in Anson County) on his march toward Camden. At this time he had 400 North Carolina militia with him led by Col. James Read. Yet these soon dwindled to about 150. Guilford Dudley: “Lieutenant Colonel Webb's battalion of militia, which with my own constituted the command of Colonel Read, nsisted on their discharge, alleging that their term of service had expired. This was at first refused and the allegation denied, when Webbs Btnn left ironworks and their subsequent training. My battalion, with Colonel Read still at its head, were now the only militia in the southern army, and they were soon to experience the reality of uncommon active service and hard fighting. There was General Greene, in a moment, and that one of danger and difficulty too, deprived of 250 of his efficient force -- men who, though but militia, he had considerable hopes from their services since the change of field officers [at Ramsey’s Mill].…”

15 April (also possibly 16 April). [raid] Wolf's Den, also Big Glades, Riddle's Knob (Ashe County, N.C.) Tory Capt. William Riddle, Zachariah Wells and 5 or 7 others captured Col. Benjamin Cleveland with a view to taking him to Ninety-Six to receive a reward. They already had a Capt. Ross, a whig militia officer, with them as captive for the same purpose. According to one version Cleveland was captured while resting under a tree at Old Fields, which was twenty miles northwest of Wilkesboro, NC. Another says that Riddle stole some horses with a view to setting a trap. Cleveland and a few others followed Riddle’s trail, and were ambushed. Cleveland’s men ran and Cleveland himself was taken prisoner after attempting t o seek shelter in a nearby house with his pistol. Riddle took him up to New River, then to Wolf’s Den or Elk Knob, on Elk Creek ten miles distant from Old Fields, where the Tories kept their camp. Capt. Robert Cleveland and some of Cleveland’s men from King’s Mountain soon received word of what had transpired and formed a party of 20 to 30 to go after Riddle. On April 15th or 16th(possibly in the night between the two days), 9 men in advance of the others, following the Tories trail, surprised and dispersed Riddle’s camp, rescuing Cleveland and Capt. Ross in the process.

“Shortly after this occurrence,” says Draper, Riddle and a band of followers captured two of Cleveland’s soldiers, David and John Witherspoon prisoner at their home near King’s Creek, several miles from Wilkesboro. The two were taken into the Watauga area many miles away and made to join the loyalists, to which they agreed. Possibly Riddle had reason, as he thought, to suspect their loyalty to the Whigs, and despite the abduction had treated them otherwise in a friendly manner. When the Witherspoon brothers returned home, David Witherspoon contacted Col. Benjamin Herndon and reported what happened. Herndon soon gathered a party together. Guided by the Witherspoons, he and his men waylaid Riddle’s camp, capturing Riddle, two others, and killing or routing the rest. Riddle and his two followers were taken back to Wilkesboro where they were subsequently hanged under the oversight of Cleveland.”

15 April (also given as the 16th) to 23 April. [siege] Fort Watson (Clarendon County, S.C.) On the evening of the 15th (Bass says the 16th), Marion and Lee, the latter formally under the command of Marion, laid siege to Fort Watson. Earlier in the same day (or else the day before), Lee sent Capt. John Rudulph, with the Legion cavalry, down the Santee to watch Watson’s movements. This left Lee’s own corps with his Legion infantry and the Maryland company of 100 under Capt. Edward Oldham. Marion, during the Siege, was reinforced by a few men from Col. Abel Kolb, and by is end had 300. As well, Capt. Ebenezer Finley, with a six-pounder, and Maj. Pinkertham Eaton, with 140 N.C. Continentals, had been sent by Greene on the 24th to join Lee and Marion at Ft. Watson, but did not join up with Lee in time to participate. Ft. Watson itself was defended by Lieut. James McKay, of the King’s American Regt., with 5 officers, 73 Provincials and 36 loyalists, with one cannon. One source speaks of some of the South Carolina Rangers and some of Lieut. Col. Watson’s Provincial Light infantry as being present. Marion cut off the forts water supply, but McKay was able to dig a well in the fort on the 18th. Smallpox broke out among some of Marion's men, and a number deserted. By means of a Maham tower, an oblong tower of logs, suggested by one of Marion’s lieutenants Maj. Hezekiah Maham, Marion’s sharpshooters, under Capt. William McCottry, were able to fire down into the fort. After a siege of seven or eight days McKay was forced to surrender on the 23rd. The editor to the Greene Papers notes: “According to a journal that one of the posts British officer’s kept during the siege, it was ‘"the cowardly and mutinous behavior of a majority of men, having grounded their arms and refused to defend the post any longer’” that forced the surrender. The officers and Provincials soldiers were paroled, while the “irregulars” (loyalist militia) were taken prisoner. A large quantity of stores and ammunition were captured also. The ammunition was particularly welcome to Marion who was frequently short of it. Marion reported losing 2 killed, and Lee lost 2 wounded. Lossing says the Americans lost 2 killed, three Continentals and 3 militia wounded, while McCrady gives the total casualties as 2 killed and 6 wounded. After the surrender, the fort was dismantled.

Marion on the day of Watson’s surrender (the 23rd), wrote Greene: “Lieutenant-colonel Lee joined me on the Santee the 14th instant, after a rapid march from Ramsey's mills on Deep river, which he finished in eight days. The 15th we marched to this place, and invested it: Our chief hope was to cut off the water: Some riflemen and continentals were, for this purpose, posted between the fort and the lake. The fort lies on a rising ground, about forty feet high, surrounded by three rows of abbatis. There were no trees near enough to cover us from the enemy's fire. The third day after we had begun the siege, we perceived that the enemy had dug a well near the abbatis without meeting with any opposition from us, which was for want of several very necessary implements, without which we could not make trenches in order to make our approach to the fort; we therefore resolved immediately to erect a work as high as the fort, and it was finished this morning by Major Maham; we then made a lodgement on the side of the eminence near the abbatis; this was accomplished with great spirit and address by Ensign Robinson and Mr. R. Lee, a volunteer in Colonel Lee's regiment, who, surmounting every difficulty, got up to the abbatis, and pulled it away: By this the commander of the fort found himself obliged to hoist a white flag. I enclose the capitulation, which I hope will meet with your approbation. Our loss was only two militiamen killed, and three continentals wounded. I shall demolish the fort without loss of time, and then proceed to the heights of Santee, and shall halt at Captain Richardson's plantation to wait for farther orders.”

16 April. [siege] Augusta (Richmond County, GA.) A reported 1,300 (though Boatner’s number here seems rather high) Georgia and South Carolina militiamen under Col. Elijah Clark, Col. Micajah Williamson, Col. John Baker, Maj. Samuel Hammond, and Maj. James Jackson, placed Augusta under siege, a siege that would continue into June. Defending Augusta was Lieut. Col. Thomas Brown with 330 Provincials and loyalist militia, and 300 Cherokees. After the siege began, Clark fell ill with small pox, returning with some additional men by late April or mid May.

17 April (also given as 18 April). [ambush-surrender] Fort Balfour, also Vanbibber’s Tavern (Beaufort County, S.C.) Ft. Balfour, which was situated above a bridge on the Pocotaligo River, was garrisoned by about 100 men, made up of some loyalist militia, under Col. Fletcher Kelsell, and about 25 to 30 of the South Carolina Light Dragoons under Col. Edward Fenwick. Col. William Harden with about 100 (possibly up to 200) managed to surprise and capture Fenwick, Col. Nicholas Lechmere and 7 dragoons when they were outside the fort visiting an adjacent hospital. Kelsell then became the fort’s commander, replacing Lechmere. Kelsell, when threatened with being stormed, after a brief refusal, was threatened a second time, and then surrendered. McCrady gives the loyalists losses as 91 captured. Ripley states “one colonel, a major, three captains, three lieutenants, 60 privates of the regular garrison, plus a lieutenant and 22 dragoons…” were taken and paroled. The dragoon horses and supplies in the fort were also captured, the supplies being transported from the area during the night or else destroyed. Charleston area loyalist Lieut. Col. Robert Ballingall with 130 Provincials (70 of these mounted), plus 40 militia, who was some sixty miles away, attempted to pursue Harden, who lingered in the area momentarily, but Harden escaped. Bass gives the date as being the 17th or 18th, and states the loyalist lost 8 officers and 82 men captured. On the 18th, Harden wrote Marion requesting commissions from him as an incentive to keep his (Harden’s) men with him.

Harden, at Camp on Saltketcher, wrote Marion, on 17 April: (extract) “I marched on, and got within sight of Fort Balfour, at Pocotaligo, at twelve o'clock in the day; I placed my men, and sent ten of the best horses to draw them out, but luckily Cols. Fenwick and Letchmere were at Vanberst, and were taken with seven of the dragoons, and brought to me; the rest were in the fort. I then sent Capt. [William Jr., i.e. his son] Harden with a flag, to demand a surrender of the fort and the men in it; they sent for answer, they would not give it up. I sent the second time, and told them that if I was obliged to storm the fort, that I would give no quarter. Col. Kelsel then desired half an hour to consider. I gave him twenty minutes: they then agreed to give up the fort on terms which I granted; and in two hours, the fort with one militia colonel, one major, three captains, three lieutenants and sixty privates of Col. Fenwick's, one lieutenant and twenty-two dragoons with their horses, gave up to me, and they marched out and piled their arms without the abbatis; and I marched in and took possession of it; and during that night and the next day had it destroyed.”

Tarleton Brown: “We now lay by for two or three days, and then marched for the fort at Pocataligo. When we came in sight of it, I took thirteen of the best mounted men to survey the premise, and to lead them out if possible. When we had got within about two hundred yards of Bambifer's [Vanbibber’s] house, where the British had deposited their wounded, I saw a negro run in the house, and immediately I saw several men running for the fort; we struck spurs to our horses, and soon came up with them and took them prisoners. When we had gotten them to our company, we found them to be Colonels Fennick [Fenwick] and Leachmore [Col. Nicholas Lechmere], who had been out to see their wounded. When we arrived at the fort, we had not the smallest hope of taking it, but now finding we had two of their most efficient officers, (Major Andrew Devo the only one in the fort), Colonels Harden and [John] Baker sent a flag in form them to give up the fort. When the flag was passing by Colonel Fennick, he asked what that meant. On being told it was for them to surrender the fort, he ripped and swore, and hoped ‘that if they did surrender it, they might all be in hell before the morrow,’ After deliberation in the fort for the space of two hours, they all marched out, well armed, tied their horses to what was then called "Abatis", advanced some little distance from the fort, and formed a line. We then marched between them and the fort and took them prisoners - they having one hundred and ten men and we eighty. If all the men in the fort had been brace and true to their cause, I don't think one thousand men could have taken them, for the fort was advantageously located and well fortified, approachable only at three points, all of which were well guarded by a deep creek and cannons. Part of the men in the fort were as good Whigs as we had - Colonel Stafford, Colonel Davis, Captains Felts and Green, whose son was with us, also others. We now paroled the prisoners and sent them to Charleston, then burnt the house and leveled the fort with the ground…”

17 April. Greene camped at “Widow Shoemakers” near Lynches Creek.

17 April. Maj. Pinkertham Eaton, at Little River, N.C. having marched from Chatham Court House, with 180 North Carolina Continentals (twelve months men, mostly from Halifax County), wrote to Greene saying he was on his way to join him. Eaton had only one officer with him, Lt. John Campbell, though another Capt. Robert Smith (of the old 4th N.C. Regt.) was sent later. By the time Eaton reached Greene, his forced numbered only 140.

17 April. Col. Thomas Wade wrote Greene from Haley's ferry saying that Lieut. Col. Watson was camped on the east side of the Pee Dee River, about thirty miles below Cheraw with 200 Loyalists. He also mentioned that two large companies of Col. Kolb's regiment were serving with Marion.

17-18 April. Lafayette and his troops arrived at Baltimore. He had with him three battalions of Continental light infantry, numbering about 900 to 1,100.

18 April. Cornwallis, still at Wilmington, wrote to Lord Germain, stating that after all this while in North Carolina, not more than 200 loyalists "have been prevailed upon to follow us, either as provincials or militia."

18-20 April. [raid] Burwell’s Ferry (Charles City County, VA.) Having completed the fortifications at Portsmouth, which Arnold had begun, Maj. Gen. William Phillips embarked with about 2,300 rank and file troops and sailed up the James River as far as Burwell's ferry, which he reached on the 19th or 20th. A brief skirmish took place at that location with some militia.

Arnold, at Petersburg, wrote to Clinton on May 12th: “On the 18th of April, the light infantry, part of the 76th and 80th regiments, the Queen's rangers, yagers, and American legion, embarked at Portsmouth, and fell down to Hampton road: on the 19th, proceeded up James river to Burwell's ferry; on the 20th, Lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie, with the light infantry, proceeded up the Chickahomany in boats; Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, with a detachment, to York; Lieutenant-colonel Dundass [Thomas Dundas], with another detachment, landed at the mouth of the Chickahomany; and Major-general Phillips and myself landed with part of the army at Williamsburg, where about five hundred militia were posted, who retired upon our approach. The militia at York crossed the river before the arrival of Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe, who made a few prisoners, spiked and destroyed some cannon, and next day returned to Williamsburgh.”

19 April. Leaving behind his heavy cannon, baggage and sick to follow when they could, Lafayette left Baltimore, and proceeded by forced marched to Richmond.

19-21 April. [skirmishes] Logtown (Kershaw County, S.C.) On the 19th, Greene's army marched to "Sands Hills," (Hobkirk’s Hill), within a two miles, of Camden where he camped. By evening, his light troops then skirmished some of Rawdon’s forces, including some of the New York Volunteers, and the Volunteers of Ireland, outside the Camden fortifications (i.e. Logtown.) for the next couple days.

Greene wrote to Lee on this date: “We are within two Miles of Camden and shall march to LogTown in the morning which is within half a mile of their advance works.” On the 24th, He wrote Huntington: “We began our march from Deep River the 7th, and arrived in the neighborhood of Camden the 19th. All the Country through which we past is disaffected, and the same Guides and escorts were necessary to collect Provisions and forage, as if in an open and avowed Enemies Country. On our arrival at Camden we took post at Logtown, about half a mile, in front of their Works, which upon reconnoitering were found to be much stronger that had been represented, and the garrison much larger…Our force was too small either to invest or storm the Works, which obliged us to take a position a little distance from it.”

Kirkwood: "19 [April] Marched within 4 miles of Camden, took Eleven of the Enemy prisoners....15 [miles]

This evening Genl. Green gave me orders if possible to take possession of Logtown, which was in full view of Camden & if I could take it, to mentain (sic) it until (sic) further orders, Leaving Camp about 8 at night, arrived before the town between 9 & 10 and about 12 Oclock got full possession of the place, A scattered firing was kept up all night, And at sun rise next morning , had a sharp schirmage, Beat in the Enemy, About two hours afterwards had the Very agreeable Sight of the advance of the Army

20th. This day Col. Washington with my Infantry went Westerly round Camden, Burnt a house in one of the Enemys Redoubts on the Wateree River; took 40 horses and fifty Head of cattle and returned to Camp....4 [miles].”"

Seymour: "On the nineteenth April, 1781, we encamped before Campden, after a march of one hundred and sixty-four miles. We took this day eleven of the enemy prisoners, who were straggling through the country. The same night Captain Kirkwood, being detached off with his infantry, in order to take post before Campden, accordingly having arrived there about ten o'clock, drove in their picquets and took his post near the town till morning."

"(T)the twentieth, General Greene with the main army arrived, and encamped before Camden."

"On the twenty-first the horse and infantry under Colonel Washington marched to the Wateree, there destroying a house and fortification, marched towards camp and brought away three hundred and fifty horses and cattle belonging to the enemy."

19 April. Watson, who had been in a position to threaten Haley's Ferry, where an American provision magazine was located, fell back in the direction of Georgetown when he learned of the approach of Lee, and, for all he knew, of Greene’s entire army. In the retreat, many of his militia, under Ganey, either deserted or were discharged. So precipitate was Watson’s movement that, along the way, he burned his heavy baggage and abandoned his artillery in the swamp.

William Dobein James: “About the same time, Capt. John Brockington, of the tories, had been up to his plantation at Cashway, and hearing the same news with Baker Johnson [concerning the appearance of Lee in the region], pushed over the river, and gave Watson the like information. He [Watson] lost no time, but immediately rolled his two field pieces into Catfish creek, destroyed all his heavy baggage, re-crossed the little Pedee, and not venturing by Euhany, he passed the Waccamaw at Greene's ferry, and retreating through the neck, between that river and the sea, crossed Winyaw bay, three miles wide, and thus arrived in Georgetown.”

20 April. Lieut. Col. John Small commanded a British detachment at Monck’s Corner of 250 men (or possibly only 100-150), which probably consisted of troops from Small's own Regiment, the 84th, plus some militia. Lee, in a letter to Greene of April 20, speaks of Small and Watson's potential combined force as numbering 600.

20 April. Brig. Gen. Robert Lawson, at Prince Edward Court House, wrote Greene saying that he expected to come south with a force of Virginia militia to join the Southern army. However, about May 18, Lafayette countermanded the order and Lawson remained with the militia in Virginia.

20 April. Balfour at Charleston, wrote to Cornwallis, stating that Fannings Corps (the King’s American Regt.) was at Camden, and that the Provincial Light infantry were with Watson who was unable to arrive at Camden. He also said that Major Archibald McArthur had been moved, with "the debris of the British to Pocotaligo, in order to cover that country." However, Balfour intended to have him move to Dorchester to establish a post to protect Charleston. Consequently, after Fenwick’s defeat at Fort Balfour, McArthur was sent to Dorchester where he and his men assisted in the construction of fortifications there.

Mid to late April. [raid] Mobley and Sandy Run Settlements (Fairfield County, S.C.) Sumter got revenge on Coffin’s raid of the Waxhaws (April 9th) by sending men to burn and kill in the Mobley and Sandy Run settlements. About this same time, Sumter gave Pickens Col. Flagg’s regiment to suppress loyalist around Ninety-Six.

On April 25th, Sumter, from Davis' on the Broad River, wrote to Greene: "As I found some delay unavoidable, I marched into Mobley's and Sandy River [Chester County] settlements, with a view to harass the enemy, which has been effectually done, and will, I hope, in a great Measure relieve our friends in that part of the country from the unnatural cruelties that were daily exercised over them. Some small skirmishes have happened, I have lost no men. Several of the enemy have fallen; and many others taken prisoners...Genl Pickens joined me to-day. He has none of his brigade with him. Many men belonging to mine gone after Col. [James] McCall, who is in the neighborhood of Ninety-Six with a considerable number of men with him. Genl Pickens will set off to-morrow with Col. Hay's [Hayes’] regiment of my Brigade to take command of the troops in that quarter. The Georgians have gone into that State, and are joined, I am informed, by almost every man in the Upper Country. The enemy have burnt what works they had at Williams', and moving toward the Congarees. Numbers of Tories hiding out until they Know what terms may be offered. I find the country stripped very bare of provision, and stripped of chief of the Negroes and horses."

21 April. [raid] Williamsburg (James City County, VA.) Phillips marched to Williamsburg where he forced the Virginia militia there under Maj. James Innes to retreat. At the same time Simcoe moved to scout Yorktown

21 April. In a letter to Greene, Marion estimated the enemy detachments and garrisons around Charleston to number fewer than 500 men.

21 April. Greene wrote Brig. Gen. John Butler, who was at Ramsey's Mill, saying he should join his N,C. militia forces with those of Lillington outside of Wilmington, which Butler then did.

21 April. Marion, at Fort Watson, reported to Greene having Marion had 300 men. He expected, at this time, reinforcements, but was in want of ammunition. Marion also mentioned capturing a boat-load of corn destined for Camden.

21 April. Having passed the Potomac River, Lafayette entered Alexandria, VA.

22 April. [raid] Chickahominy (Charles City County, VA.) As part of his newly launched raiding expedition, Phillips and Arnold sent Simcoe with a detachment was sent to the Chickahominy shipyard where Simcoe burned the Thetis. and some other smaller craft. Thereafter Phillips and Simcoe again embarked and continued moving up the James River.

Arnold in his letter to Clinton of May 12th: “On the 22d, the troops marched to Chickahomany. We were met on the road, five miles from the mouth of the river, by Lieutenant-colonel Dundass [Thomas Dundas] with his detachment: This evening the troops, cavalry, artillery, &c. were re-embarked.”

22 April. In expectation of Phillips and Arnold’s raids, the Americans moved their munitions and stores from Petersburg to Point of Fork.

22 April. [skirmish] Camden Mill (Kershaw County, S.C.) Fearing that Watson might enter Camden, Greene moved his camp from two miles north of Camden to a location to the lower side of Camden (presumably somewhat east or southeast of it). At the same time, he sent Lieut. Col. Carrington with the baggage and artillery "to the strong country north of Lynch's Creek." The next day, however, he moved back to his former camp ground, which presumably was at Hobkirk’s Hill. While there, he had ordered that Sumter would come and join him, but Sumter refused. Greene later blamed the defeat at Hobkirk’s Hill on Sumter, and indeed was so indignant at the latter’s thinly disguised disobedience that he would have had Sumter arrested “but from considerations arising from the state of the country at the time.”

Seymour: "On the twenty-second we moved our encampment quite round Campden, the horse and infantry being sent about three miles down the Wateree there to procure forage, which having done, we returned to camp without anything of consequence happening. The same day happened a skirmish between a detachment of Colonel Campbell's Regiment and a picquet of the enemy's at a mill near Campden, in which the enemy were obliged to abandon their post. Of our men were slightly wounded one Lieutenant and one private. Of the enemy were four killed and five wounded."

22 April (possibly 21 April). A detachment of the South Carolina Royalist regiment, under Major Thomas Fraser, probably mounted, managed to reach Camden from Ninety-Six to reinforce Rawdon, despite efforts by Sumter to intercept them. Earlier, Fraser had recruited from settlements between Broad and Saluda enlisting dragoons from Robert Cunningham’s loyalist militia, and survivors of Ferguson corps. Bass says he arrived on the 21st. The Greene Papers editor says the 22nd, basing this apparently on Greene’s saying in a letter (to Sumter) that it was on the 22nd that he learned of the fact.

23 April. Greene, finding there was no threat from Lieut. Col. Watson, returned to a position north of Camden, camping at Hobkirk’s Hill.

Seymour: "The twenty-third we moved our encampment to the same ground from whence we came the day before."

23 April. (See 15 April) Fort Watson surrendered. The prisoners were sent across Black River towards Greene's depot at Rugeley's. The same day (the 23rd) Marion and Lee removed to Richardson's plantation in the High Hills of the Santee. By the 25th, Lee's cavalry under Capt. John Rudulph which had been keeping an eye on Watson had, re-joined Marion and Lee at Richardson's plantation. While at Richardson’s, Marion, who had been reinforced by men sent by Col. Abel Kolb during the siege, sent Col. Hugh Ervin and 80 men to Rafting Creek to prevent the loyalists from driving cattle.

24 April. Lieut. Col. Edward Carrington, with the army baggage at Upton's Mill (located eight miles north of Little Lynches Creek Bridge), wrote to Greene saying that Maj. Pinkertham Eaton's North Carolina, and Capt. Smith’s detachments had arrived there and totaled 220 men. Carrington said they would march with the artillery to Greene. Both the artillery and Smith may have been with Greene at the time of Hobkirk’s Hill.

24 April. Cornwallis, at Wilmington, wrote to Maj. Gen. William Phillips: "By a direct move toward Camden I cannot get enough time to relieve Lord Rawdon. And, should he have fallen, my army would be exposed to the utmost danger from the great rivers. I should have to pass, the exhausted state of the country, the numerous militia, the almost universal spirit of revolt which prevails in South Carolina, and the strength of Green's army (whose Continentals alone are at least as numerous as I am); and I could be of no use on my arrival at Charleston, there being nothing to apprehend for that post. I shall, therefore, immediately march up the country by Duplin Court House, pointing toward Hillsborough, in hopes to withdraw Greene."

24 April. Greene, at Hobkirk’s Hill, to Lee: "Last night I got intelligence that Watson had gone to George town, the moment I received it, I sent an Express to Col. [Edward] Carrington who is with the baggage, to send you a field piece, and 100 wt powder & 400 wt lead for the use of General Marian's Corps."

25 April. [battle] HOBKIRK’S HILL, also Hobkirk Hill, Camden, Hobkick’s Hill (Kershaw County, S.C.) Sometime after 9am, Rawdon marched with his 800 to 950 man Camden garrison, and taking an indirect route, moved to attack Greene’s 1,200 to 1,400 army camped on an eminence some two miles north of Camden called Hobkirk’s Hill. While the degree to which Greene’s main army was surprised has been somewhat exaggerated, it is nevertheless fair to say that they did not have that much time form up and prepare to receive the Loyalist assault -– for in point of fact almost all of Rawdon’s troops were Loyalists. The American pickets under Capt. Simon Morgan of Virginia and Captain Perry Benson of Maryland, and reinforced by Kirkwood, managed to stay Rawdon for a space, while the rest of Greene’s army quickly left their breakfasts to form up.

The battle commenced about 11 am, with the two sides keeping up a steady fire on each other. Rawdon having come up on a narrow front was for the most part engaged with Greene’s left made up of the Maryland Regiment, while to Greene’s right the 2nd Maryland, under Col. Benjamin Ford, and the two Virginia Regiments maneuvered forward to attempt a flanking movement. In response, Rawdon extended his lines to meet the threat of envelopment. The 1st Maryland Regiment came forward to deliver a bayonet charge, but due reportedly to an ill-advised order on the part of Col. John Gunby hesitated, and became disorganized. The disorganization became panic, and the Marylanders fled, followed by the 2nd Maryland Regiment. The Volunteers of Ireland then moved forward and followed them up. The Virginians became disordered by the flight of the Marylanders, and were able to rally, “but not,” wrote Greene afterward, “in such spirit as to recover the fortunes of the day.” Elsewhere, Washington’s dragoons, sent by Greene, had swooped behind Rawdon’s lines and took some prisoners. Yet his absence from the main action may have cost the Continentals the battle. But for the gallant exertions of Capt. John Smith, followed up by some of Washington’s late arriving cavalry, Rawdon would have captured the artillery. “The action,” Lossing writes, “continued at intervals until about four o’clock in the afternoon, when the Americans had retreated four or five miles, closely pursued by parties of the enemy. Washington, with cavalry and infantry, then turned upon the pursuers, and charging the mounted New York Volunteers with great intrepidity, killed nine and dispersed the rest.” The same day as the battle, Greene retreated and crossed Saunders Creek, about four miles northwest of the battlefield. There he stayed the night. Guilford Dudley states that initially only the American left wing moved to Saunder’s Creek, and that the troops on the right, including the North Carolina militia, did not know what had happened to them. The right wing, however, found out soon enough and followed.

Hobkirk’s Hill, while really not of great strategic importance, must stand as one of the most embarrassing American defeats of the war. Rawdon and the Loyalists cannot be too highly commended for their conduct on the field, though Greene’s pickets who held them off for some time, and the efforts of Capt. Smith and his men to save the guns are also deserving of high praise. Yet despite the failure overall, Greene did not come away completely empty-handed either. He did manage to capture a large number of prisoners. Further it should be noted, the reason Greene was without Lee’s Legion and 100 Marylanders -- troops who would have proven decisive in the fight -- was because, along with Marion, they were elsewhere making significant inroads on the British defenses in South Carolina.

BRITISH FORCES AT HOBKIRK HILL

Col. Francis Lord Rawdon

63rd Regt., probably Maj. Alexander Campbell

King's American Regiment, Lieut. Col. George Campbell

New York Volunteers, Capt. Bernard Kane

Volunteers of Ireland, Maj. John Doyle

South Carolina Provincial Regiment, Maj. Thomas Fraser

South Carolina Loyalist dragoons: 60, Brevet Maj. John Coffin

Some histories have referred to this unit as the New York Dragoons, but this may be an error as this appears to have been a cavalry unit, and the New York Volunteers acted in the battle as infantry. True, Coffin was from the N.Y. Volunteers, but he is also known, shortly after this battle, to have commanded a troop of cavalry made up of South Carolina loyalists. It is correct, on the other hand, that Coffin had operated earlier with a mounted detachment of the N.Y. Volunteers. So conceivably then that detachment was converted to cavalry. Yet, given Coffin’s subsequent command, that this Hobkirk’s Hill troop unit was made up of men from the South Carolina Royalists seems the more likely.

Royal Artillery: 40-50, Lieutenant Laye

2 six-pounders

Note. Rawdon had some loyalist riflemen, who operated effectively on his flanks.

TOTAL STRENGTH OF RAWDON’S ARMY

Lieut. Col. Nisbit Balfour in a letter to Lord Germain dated 1 May, Charleston speaks of Rawdon’s strength at Camden as “about 800,” to which Fortescue and Boatner concur.

Gordon, Johnson, Lossing and Ward give Rawdon’s strength as 900, presumably rank and file.

Carrington gives Rawdon with 950, Lumpkin 900 to 950.

AMERICAN FORCES AT HOBKIRK HILL

Maj. Gen. Nathanael Greene

Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger, second in command

CONTINENTALS

* Maryland Brigade, Col. Otho Williams

1st Maryland Regt., Col. John Gunby, Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard

2nd Maryland Regt., Lieut. Col. Benjamin Ford

A detachment of Maryland troops under Capt. John Smith was serving with the artillery, while another with Capt. Oldham was away with Lee and Marion.

* Virginia Brigade, Huger

1st Virginia Regt. [of 1781], Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell

2nd Virginia Regt. [of 1781], Lieut. Col. Samuel Hawes

Johnson: "The Virginia line then under Greene, numbered about seven hundred, and there were about five hundred recruits in the depot at Chesterfield. Baron Steuben had written to General Greene that he could calculate on no more re-enforcements in that quarter: and no more ever joined him, not even the recruits then in depot, with the exception of about two hundred near the close of the war."

Delaware Company, Capt. Robert Kirkwood

1st and 3rd Continental Light Dragoons: 87 (only 56 mounted however), Lieut. Col. William Washington

Apparently the reason not all of Col. Washington's men were mounted was the suddenness of Rawdon's attack, which did not allow of all the horses being saddled in time for battle. Johnson, on the other hand, speaks at length about Greene lacking horses. He also states: "(O)ne half of Washington's cavalry consisted of recruits lately taken from the Virginia line."

1st Continental Artillery: 40, Capt. Anthony Singleton, (Col. Charles Harrison)

3 six-pounders

Johnson: The whole regular infantry of the American army, at the battle of Hobkirk’s Hill, was eight hundred and forty-three present fit for duty.

MILITIA

North Carolina militia: 250 to 254, Col. James Read

150 of these "under Col. Reid [Read], had joined Greene soon after he crossed the Dan, and had faithfully adhered to him from that time." The remainder of the N.C. militia were men who had escorted supplies and were sent to Greene by Davie. According to Seymour, Singleton was at Camden, therefore Eaton with his 140 N.C. Continentals must have been as well, so that these were included in the 254 figure. The militia did not engage and acted as a reserve.

TOTAL STRENGTH OF GREENE’S ARMY

Johnson: 1,220, evidently rank and file. That is: 843 Continental infantry fit for duty, with the approach towards Camden having increased desertions. 87 in Washington’s Cavalry (only 56 mounted), 250 with the N.C. militia, and 40 artillerymen. Lumpkin similarly gives 1,200-1,224.

Lossing: 1,500.

Carrington: 1,446. He also notes that the after battle return of 26 April had Greene with 1,184 men fit for duty.

Ward: 1,551, that is 1,174 Continentals, 87 in Washington’s Cavalry (only 56 mounted), 250 with the N.C. militia, and 40 artillerymen.

CASULATIES AND CAPTURES

In his report to Cornwallis of April 26, Rawdon said he lost 220, of which at least 38 were killed. His official return lists 258 total casualties.

Balfour in his letter to Germain of 1 May wrote: “[Rawdon’s casualties did not exceed] one hundred, in which is included one officer killed and eleven wounded.”

Tarleton: “The loss on the British side, however moderate in other respects, was much greater than they could afford, and exceeded one fourth of their whole number: It amounted, in killed, and wounded, and missing to two hundred and fifty-eight: Of these, only thirty-eight were slain; but the wounded were equally a detraction from immediate strength, and in the present circumstances, a very heavy incumbrance. Only one officer fell; but twelve were wounded, and most of them were discharged upon parole. The spirit and judgement shewn by the young commander of the British forces, deserves great commendation. He was most gallantly seconded by his officers and troops.”

AMERICAN

Williams reported 270 casualties after the battle, nearly half of whom were listed as missing. "Many of these, according to Williams, 'had not understood the order to rally at Saunders Creek;' a third of the missing had since 'been heard of' and would soon rejoin the army, he hoped...It is not known how many returned, but Rawdon reported that a large number, whose retreat had been cut off, went into Camden and 'claimed protection as Deserters.'"

Tarleton: “The enemy’s killed and wounded were scattered over such an extent of ground, that their loss could not be ascertained. Lord Rawdon thinks the estimate would be low if it were rated at five hundred; Greene’s account makes it too low to be credited. About an hundred prisoners were taken; besides that, a number of men, finding their retreat cut off, went into Camden, and claimed protection, under pretence of being deserters.”

Balfour in his letter to Germain of 1 May wrote: ”My Lord Rawdon states the loss of the enemy on this occasion as upwards of one hundred made prisoners, and four hundred killed and wounded; his own not exceeding one hundred, in which is included one officer killed and eleven wounded.”

Lossing: “The dead, alone, occupied the battle-field. So well was the retreat conducted, that most of the American wounded (including six commissioned officers), and all of their artillery and baggage, with Washington’s fifty prisoners, were carried off. The loss of the Americans in killed, wounded, and missing, according to Greene’s return to the Board of War, was two hundred and sixty-six; that of the enemy, according to Rawdon’s statement, two hundred and fifty-eight. The killed were not very numerous. Greene estimates his number at eighteen, among whom were Ford and Beatty, of the Maryland line.”

Col. Benjamin Ford was so badly wounded that his arm had to be amputated, and he died within a few days.

Capt. John Smith of the 1st Maryland Regt. was wounded and taken prisoner, but was left on parole at Camden when Rawdon evacuated the town.

Kirkwood: "25th. The Enemy sallied out and drove us back.....7 [miles]."

Greene, in a letter to Sumter of May 5th, wrote: “Nothing can be more unfortunate than our repulse the other day, which was owing entirely to an order of Col Gunbies [Gunby’s], ordering the first Maryland Regiment to take a new position in the rear. This impressed the Regiment with the idea of retreat, and drew off the second regiment with it. The Enemy were all in confusion and retiring at the same time. Victory was ours if the troops had stood their ground one Minute longer, and the defeat would have given us full possession of Camden, as the enemy would not have got back into town.”

Samuel Mathis, of Camden, to William R, Davie, written on 26 June 1813: “[Greene] galloped up to Capt. John Smith and ordered him to fall into the rear and save the cannon. Smith instantly came and found the artillery men hauling off the pieces with the drag-ropes; he and his men laid hold and off they went in a trot, but had not gone far until he discovered that the British cavalry were in pursuit. He formed his men across the road, gave them a full fire at a short distance and fled with the guns as before. The volley checked the horses and threw many of the riders; but they after some time remounted and pushed on again. Smith formed his men, gave them another fire with the same effect, and proceeded as before. This he repeated several times until they had got two or three miles from the field of action. Here one of Smith’s men fired or his gun went off by accident before the word was given, which produced a scattering fire, on which the cavalry rushed in among them and cut all to pieces. They fought like-bulldogs and all were killed or taken. This took up some time, during which the artillery escaped.”

Balfour in his letter to Germain of 1 May: “Judging it necessary to strike a blow before this junction could take place, and learning that General Greene had detached to bring up his baggage and provisions, Lord Rawdon, with the most marked decision, on the morning of the 25th, marched with the greater part of his force to meet him, and about ten o'clock attacked the rebels in their camp at Hobkirk's with that spirit, which, prevailing over superior numbers and an obstinate resistance, compelled them to give way, and the pursuit was continued for three miles. To accident only they were indebted for saving their guns, which being drawn into a hollow, out of the road, were overlooked by our troops in the flush of victory and pursuit, so that their cavalry, in which they greatly exceeded us, had an opportunity of taking them off…After this defeat, General Greene retired to Rugeley's mills, twelve miles from Camden, in order to call in his troops, and receive the reinforcements; but as Lieutenant-colonel Watson, of the guards, who had been for some time detached by Lord Rawdon, with a corps of five hundred men, to cover the eastern frontiers of the province, is directed by me to join his lordship, I am in hopes he will be able speedily to accomplish this.”

25 April. Lafayette reached Fredericksburg, VA.

25-26 April. [skirmish] Petersburg, also City Point (Petersburg City County, VA.) Phillips, with Arnold, Simcoe, on the 24th landed at City Point, Virginia. The next day he marched for Petersburg, where Steuben and Muhlenberg were posted with 1,000 militia. Steuben took a position at Brandon. Losing only 20 killed and wounded, he managed to re-cross the river and avoid a direct engagement. Arnold, on the other hand, reported Steuben's losses as 100 men killed and wounded, with the British only losing one killed and ten wounded. He further reported 4,000 hogsheads of tobacco, one ships, and a number of smaller vessels on the stocks and in the river destroyed.

Arnold to Clinton, May 12th: “The next morning [the 23rd]we were joined by Lieutenant-colonel Abercrombie with the light infantry, who had been ten or twelve miles up the Chickahomany, and destroyed several armed ships, the state ship yards, warehouses, &c. &c. At ten o'clock the fleet weighed, and proceeded up the James river within four miles of Westover. The 24th, weighed anchor at eleven o'clock, and run up to City points, where the troops, &c. were all landed at six o'clock in the evening. The 25th, marched at ten o'clock for Petersburg, where we arrived about five o'clock P. M. We were opposed about one mile from town by a body of militia, under the orders of Brigadier-general Muhlenburg, supposed to be about one thousand men, who were soon obliged to retire over the bridge with the loss of near one hundred men killed and wounded, as we have since been informed; our loss only one man killed, and ten wounded. The enemy took up the bridge, which prevented our pursuing them. 26th, destroyed at Petersburg four thousand hogsheads of tobacco, one ship, and a number of small vessels on the stocks and in the river.”

25-26 April. With 1,435 rank and file, Cornwallis left Wilmington and marched north to Virginia. It took a few days before his army and baggage had fully left. Craig then was left at Wilmington with a garrison of about 394 rank and file regulars.

On April 23rd, Cornwallis wrote to Lord Germain: “The distance from hence to Camden, the want of forage and subsistence on the greatest part of the road, and the difficulty of passing the Pedee when opposed by an enemy, render it utterly impossible for me to give immediate assistance, and I apprehend a possibility of the utmost hazard to this little corps, without the chance of a benefit in the attempt; for if we are so unlucky as to suffer a severe blow in South Carolina, the spirit of revolt in that province would become very general, and the numerous rebels in this province be encouraged to be more than ever active and violent. This might enable General Greene to hem me in among the great rivers, and by cutting off our subsistence, render our arms useless; and to remain here for transports to carry us off, would be a work of time, would lose our cavalry, and be otherwise as ruinous and disgraceful to Britain as most events could be. I have, therefore, under so many embarrassing circumstances, (but looking upon Charles town as safe from any immediate attack from the rebels) resolved to take advantage of General Greene's having left the back part of Virginia open, and march immediately into that province, to attempt a junction with General Phillips. I have more readily decided upon this measure, because if General Greene fails in the object of his march, his retreat will relieve South Carolina; and my force being very insufficient for offensive operations in this province, may be employed usefully in Virginia, in conjunction with the corps under the command of General Phillips.”

Tarleton: “Before the end of April, Earl Cornwallis prepared to leave Wilmington, having decided upon his plan of operation, and given his orders to Major Craig, to embark his garrison and the sick for Charles town as soon as he heard that the King's troops had passed the Roanoke. A corps of about one thousand six hundred men, consisting of a detachment of royal artillery, with four pieces of cannon, the brigade of guards, the 23d, the 33d, the second battalion of the 71st, the regiment of Bose, a company of pioneers, the British legion, and the 82d and Hamilton's light companies, received orders to be in readiness to march as soon as the quarter-master-general's waggons were loaded with an ample supply of rum, salt, and flour. This being ably and expeditiously completed under the inspection of Major England, deputy quarter-master general, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with the advanced guard, was directed to seize as many boats as possible on the north-east branch of Cape-fear river, and collect them at a place about fifteen miles above Wilmington. Some boats were secured, and Captain Ingles, of the royal navy, dispatched others from the King's ships, to protect and expedite the passage of the army. The advanced guard crossed without loss of time, and took post on the opposite bank, till the stores, waggons, cannon, and troops, were brought over. As many rivers and creeks intersected the country between this place and Virginia, it was thought expedient to mount two boats upon carriages, which could proceed with the army, and might facilitate the passage of any waters.”

MacKenzie: “[Despite statements made by Tarleton] it is from the most careful inquiry, and the best information that I am enabled to declare, that General [Alexander] Leslie's health, however bad, prevented him not from a zealous performance of his duty, as second in command, during the whole of this very fatiguing march; nor was he all that time nearer to the sea than Wilmington, and in general upwards of one hundred miles from it, though so much benefited by the visionary voyage which our author represents him to have made.” While Leslie did not then go to New York from Wilmington, he did sail there, however, about mid August, but from Virginia, after having been with Cornwallis’ forces up to that time. By December 1781, he came back to Charleston to command British forces in the southern department in December 1781.

26 April. [skirmish] Ambush of Coffin (Kershaw County, S.C.) Rawdon having withdrawn into Camden with most of his army, Col. William Washington was sent to scout area. He found and lured Maj. John Coffin and a force of mounted infantry and dragoons into an ambush, in which Coffin lost 20 men. Coffin was then compelled to retire into to Camden. Rawdon, meanwhile, was making plans to abandon Camden.

Seymour: "On the 26th Colonel Washington's horse and a detachment from line went to reconnoiter the lines."

Rawdon, in his letter of 24 May, wrote to Cornwallis: “After the action of the 25th of April, (an account of which I had the honour of transmitting to your lordship) Major General Greene remained for some days behind the farthest branch of Granby's Quarter Creek. A second attempt upon his army could not, in that situation, be undertaken upon the principle which advised the former. In the first instance, I made so short an excursion from my works, that I could venture, without hazard, to leave them very slightly guarded; and I had the confidence, that, had fortune proved unfavorable, we should easily have made good our retreat, and our loss, in all probability, would not have disabled us from the farther defence of the place. To get at General Greene in his retired situation, I must have made a very extensive circuit, in order to head the creek, which would have presented to him the fairest opportunity of slipping by me to Camden; and he was still so superior to me in numbers, that, had I left such a garrison at my post as might enable it to stand an assault, my force in the field would have been totally unequal to cope with the enemy's army. I had much to hope from the arrival of reinforcements to me, and little to fear from any probable addition to my antagonist's force.”

26 April. From Saunders Creek, Greene marched rapidly and made his camp at a location a mile and a half above Rugeley’s Mill.

Pension statement of Guilford Dudley of Halifax County, N.C.: "On the twenty-sixth (the day after the battle), Colonel [James] Read of the militia (who was a Continental major) was sent back into North Carolina to attend to some matters there, when I became commandant of the remaining militia and continued so until expiration of our tour, as may be seen by my discharge from the southern army. On the twenty-sixth also, General Greene fell back from Saunder's Creek and by a rapid march passed by Rugeley's Mill and took post that night about one and a half miles higher up the Waxhaw Road, thirteen miles above Camden. "

27 April. From Richardson’s, Marion wrote to Greene on this date that Watson (now moving south) had crossed the Santee on the 24th Monck’s Corner where Lieut. Col. Welbore Ellis Doyle was with 300 men. Within a few days, Watson, refreshed and refitted, began a march back towards Camden, though apparently without Small. Marion also stated that Balfour ‘came out’ of Charleston with 200. This detachment, under McArthur, later moved to Dorchester. It was commanded by McArthur, and consisted of about 100 to 200 infantry, and 100 cavalry. The infantry was made of men left behind by assorted British, Provincial (such as the Prince of Wales Regt.) and loyalist detachments, recruits and invalids. The cavalry had been created from drafts from the Hessian regiments and local loyalists.

27 April. At Greene’s camp just north of Rugeley’s a trial was held for 20 to 25 men captured in the battle of Hobkirk’s Hill, and who were accused of desertion.

Dudley : "(O)n the twenty-seventh, General Greene directed a court-martial to convene near headquarters for the trial of twenty or twenty-five deserters whom we had taken in battle on Hobkirk's Hill on the twenty-fifth. They were all equally guilty as to matter of fact, but some of them were more notorious offenders than the rest. The general therefore was pleased to order the execution of five of them only. The rest were pardoned and returned to their duty in their respective companies in the Maryland line."

Seymour: "The 27th were parties sent to bury our dead. Same day the enemy marched and encamped at Rugeley's mill. Ten miles."

27 April. [raid] Chesterfield Court House (Chesterfield County, VA.) Phillips marched to Chesterfield Court House burned barracks for 2,000 men and destroyed 300 barrels of flour.

Arnold to Clinton, May 12th: “27th, Major-general Phillips, with the light infantry, part of the cavalry of the Queen's rangers, and part of the yagers, marched to Chesterfield court house, where they burnt a range of barracks for two thousand men, and three hundred barrels of flour, &c.”

27 April. [raid] Osbourne’s, also Osborne’s (Chesterfield County, VA.) Arnold marched to Osborne's, below the James River, some fifteen miles south of Richmond. After routing some militia, he destroyed: two ships, five brigantines, five sloops, one schooner loaded with tobacco, cordage flour, etcs., fell into British hands. Four ships, five brigantines, and a number of the smaller vessels were sunk and burnt. On board the whole fleet were 2,000 hogsheads of tobacco which was also destroyed. Arnold afterward returned to join Phillips. Lafayette, in the meantime had reached Hanover Court House on his way to Richmond.

Arnold to Clinton, May 12th: “The same day I marched to Osborn's, with the 76th and 80th regiments, Queen's rangers, part of the yagers, and American legion, where we arrived about noon. Finding the enemy had very considerable force of ships four miles above Osborn's, drawn up in a line to oppose us, I sent a flag to the commodore, proposing to treat with him for the surrender of his fleet, which he refused, with this answer, "That he was determined to defend it to the last extremity." I immediately ordered down two six and two three-pounders, brass field pieces, to a bank of the river, nearly level with the water, and within one hundred yards of the Tempest, a twenty-gun state ship, which began immediately to fire upon us, as did the Renown, of twenty-six guns, the Jefferson, a state brigantine of fourteen guns, and several other armed ships and brigantines; about two or three hundred militia on the opposite shore at the same time kept up a heavy fire of musketry upon us: Notwithstanding which, the fire of the artillery, under the direction of Captain Fage and Lieutenant Rogers, took such place, that the ships were soon obliged to strike their colours, and the militia drove from the opposite shore. Want of boats, and the wind blowing hard, prevented our capturing many of the seamen, who took to their boats, and escaped on shore; but not without first scuttling and setting fire to some of their ships, which could not be saved. Two ships, three brigantines, five sloops, and two schooners, loaded with tobacco, cordage, flour, &c. fell into our hands. Four ships, five brigantines, and a number of small vessels, were sunk and burnt: On board the whole fleet (none of which escaped) were taken and destroyed about two thousand hogsheads of tobacco, &c. &c., and very fortunately we had not a man killed or wounded this day; but have reason to believe the enemy suffered considerably. About five o'clock we were joined by Major-general Phillips with the light infantry. 28th, the troops remained at Osborn's, waiting for boats from the fleet; part of them were employed in securing the prizes, and carrying them to Osborn's as a place of safety.”

27 April. Sumter, at Boyley's Ferry on the Broad River, wrote to Greene: "I am just informed that the Tories which have fled from above are embodying West of Saluda River. I have prepaired a proper party to Send after them, Which if Dispersed will leave all the Back Country open and Secoure, quite to 96. So that the Inhabitants Can have No Good excuse for Not Turning out. Genl Pickens set out yesterday for 96 Where there is a Number of men emboyed [i.e. embodied] under Col. [James] McCall." As it turned out, the Loyalists retreated into Ninety-Six before Pickens could attack them.

27 April. Their movement having been interrupted by the battle of Hobkirk’s Hill, Eaton and Finley had now marched to join Marion and Lee, and by this date were at the Black River. However, they soon reversed their march, thus causing a delay in forming a junction with Marion and Lee. See 29 April.

27-28 April. [raid] The Death of Abel Kolb (Marlboro County, S.C.) On the night of 27-28 April, South Carolina militia leader Col. Abel Kolb, known for his relentless suppression of the loyalists around Drowning Creek and the upper Pee Dee, was captured at his home, by 50 North Carolina loyalists. The latter had gathered on Catfish Creek and were led by Capt. Joseph Jones. In the course of what took place, Kolb was shot by one of the loyalists and his home burned down. The action was probably in retaliation for Kolb’s killing of John Deer and hanging of Caleb Williams at Hulin’s Mill a few days earlier. Afterward, Kolb's death seemed to have emboldened many of the loyalists in the Drowning Creek region. Although Kolb may correctly be seen to have been at times ruthless himself in his methods, nevertheless, he was a formidable militia leader and was of significant assistance in reinforcing Marion after Doyle’s raid on Snow’s Island, sending men to Marion when the latter was before Fort Watson, and in keeping down the loyalists to the north of Marion’s operations generally.

28 April. Greene, crossing the Wateree River, about nine miles above, Camden marched down the River to the ferry opposite and just below it. It was in a letter to Chevalier de La Luzerne on this date that he wrote. “We fight get beat rise and fight again. The whole Country is one continued scene of blood and slaughter.”

Pension statement of Guilford Dudley of Halifax, N.C.: "This [the trial execution of the deserters on the 27th) and some other transaction which took place in our camp above Rugeley's being finished, and General Sumter not yet joining as was expected when we first sat down before Camden on the nineteenth, General Greene became restless for want of employment and from his too-remote position from the garrison in Camden. He therefore determined to change his position once more, from the eastern to the western side of the Wateree, and accordingly, on the twenty-eighth, broke up from that camp, and passing down by Rugeley's a mile or two, filed off from the Camden Road to the right, and soon reached the Wateree at a very rocky ford about nine miles above that town, four or five hundred yards wide, which we forded, horse, foot, and artillery, as we had done before at Colson's on Big Pee Dee, and, keeping out from the river a mile or two until we entered the main road leading down from Rocky Mount, etc., to the ferry below Camden, pitched our tents opposite to that village, in an open plain covered with pine about two miles from us and with the river interposed. This movement was made for the double purpose of more effectually cutting off the supplies coming down on that side or from Ninety-Six, if that should be attempted, as well as to intercept Colonel Watson on his return to the garrison, should he evade Marion and Lee on Santee and then, crossing Congaree at Fort Motte or elsewhere, force his way to Camden on the upper road, on the west side of the Wateree..."

28 April. By this date Marion and Lee had left Richardson’s and moved to Long Branch, a tributary of the Pocotaglio River in Sumter County.

29 April. Lafayette with a full total of 900 to 1,100 rank and file Continental light infantry (3 battalions), made up of New England and New Jersey troops, reached Richmond, where Brig. General Thomas Nelson was with a small force of militia. With Lafayette were: Col. Joseph Vose's Battalion of 8 Massachusetts light companies; Col. Jean-Joseph Sourbader de Gimat's battalion of the 5th Connecticut Regt., the 2nd Massachusetts Regt., a light company of the 1st Rhode Island Regt., five Connecticut light companies; and Lieut. Col. Francis Barber's battalion made up of the 5th New Hampshire Regt., 1st New Jersey Regt., and a light company from the 1st Canadian Regt. Added to these were (at this time) under 100 Virginia riflemen, plus a company of artillery with 6 small guns. As well, the remnants of Armand's Legion and the 1st Continental Lt. Dragoons would soon reinforce him. Continental officers Muhlenberg and Weedon, who subsequently joined Lafayette, were already in the field in Virginia commanding small detachments of Virginia militia, (together numbering 1,200 to 2,000) as was Brig. General Thomas Nelson. Von Steuben, meanwhile, was collecting and forming 18 month Virginia Continental regiments, originally intended for Greene's army.

29 April. Seymour: "On the 29th, at night, happened an alarm occasioned by a wagon coming our of Campden (sic) with one of our captains, wounded, which our light horse took for cannon; upon which our infantry and a party of horse were sent to observe their motion, when, meeting with said wagon, we discovered the mistake and returned to camp. Six miles."

29 April. Due either to Greene changing orders or Capt. James Conyers getting lost in reaching them, Eaton and Finley had moved back from Black River, and were within five miles of Rugeley’s on this date. This caused a delay in the detachment’s reaching Marion and Lee, which Johnson blames for the escape of Watson. Eaton and Finley afterward resumed their march south to join Marion and Lee and were with them by the evening of May 2nd. See 2-3 May.

30 April. Having come down to the Congaree from the Broad River, Sumter, with 500 men (300 of which were ten months men), camped at Ancrum’s Plantation, which lay just across the river from Granby.

30 April. Marion and Lee by this date had moved to Salem or what Lee refers to in his letters as “Swamps of the Black River.” Their movement to this area was in order to get the prisoners taken at Fort Watson and to available to help quell the agitation arising from renewed loyalist activity ion Drowning Creek. Watson, meanwhile, with 500 to 600 men and four field pieces, remained at Monck’s Corner, while a force of 200 occupied Dorchester. Col. John Small’s detachment was with Watson at this time, but did not join him on the subsequent march to Camden. Johnson, on the other, hand states that he did.

30 April. Greene, at the camp north of Rugeley’s, wrote to Sumter, asking him to send information regarding Watson's and McArthur's movements, "the latter of whom with Hessian horse, I fear got into Camden last evening. However, this is not certain." On May 2nd, Sumter, at Ancrum’s (“Camp at Congrees”), said he would keep an eye on McArthur and believed he could keep him from reaching Camden. Watson, however, in May, did pass into Camden safely. In order to create a cavalry force, the British, earlier in the month, drafted men from the three Hessian Regiments stationed in South Carolina. Some of these were with the ones mentioned as being with McArthur. McArthur did not go to Camden, but about this time or somewhat earlier end up moving towards Nelson’s Ferry. He moved from Dorchester to the south side of Nelson’s Ferry where he acted as a screen to Watson, and where also he again was engaged in establishing minor fortifications, as he had at Dorchester the previous month. These fortifications were intended to facilitate Rawdon’s retreat, while giving his own men protection. Sumter, in a letter to Greene, reported McArthur’s presence at Nelson’s Ferry on May 4th , while making reference to the fact that McArthur had already been there a few days. McArthur’s force, originally reported as 200 by Marion (see 27 April) may have been augmented by 100 men from Lieut. Col. John Small’s detachment and or the garrison at Dorchester garrison because McArthur is later spoken of by Balfour, on 17 May in a letter to Clinton, as having 300 infantry and 100 cavalry. One source states that about the time of McArthur being in the vicinity of Dorchester there was already a garrison of 150 infantry and 60 cavalry there. Whether this was separate, or to some extent added, to McArthur’s own force is not clear. If they were added than this would explain how McArthur’s original 200 became 400. This would seem to assume, however, that Dorchester was thereby abandoned, or at least left much diminished. See 21 May. Also should be noted, was the fact that Nelson’s Ferry already had a small garrison, which included some Hessians. See Early May and 21 May.

Chesney: "I then returned to Charles Town [May] and at the wish of Col. Balfour, raised a troop of horse and was stationed at Dorchester, a strong British post, and moved my wife and child thither. "

30 April. [raid] Manchester (Chesterfield County, VA.) Phillips, in an advance on Richmond, marched to Manchester and destroyed 1,200 hogsheads of tobacco there. Believing, however, that Lafayette, across the river in Richmond, would be reinforced by von Steuben and Muhlenberg (who were just upriver), he withdrew to Osborne’s by nightfall. Lafayette, in the mean time, moved Brig. Gen. Nelson and his militia to Williamsburg, at while ordering Brig. Gen. Weedon with his corps of militia corps to Fredericksburg.

Arnold to Clinton, May 12th: “29th, the boats having arrived, the troops were put in motion. Major-general Phillips marched with the main body; at the same time I proceeded up the river with a detachment in boats, and met him between Cary's mills and Warwick. 30th, the troops marched to Manchester, and destroyed twelve hundred hogsheads of tobacco. The Marquis de la Fayette having arrived with his army at Richmond, opposite to Manchester, the day before, and being joined by the militia drove from Petersburg and Williamsburgh, they were spectators of the conflagration without attempting to molest us. The same evening we returned to Warwick, where we destroyed a magazine of five hundred barrels of flour, and Colonel Cary's fine mills were destroyed in burning the magazine of flour. We also burnt several warehouses, with one hundred and fifty hogsheads of tobacco, a large ship and a brigantine afloat, and three vessels on the stocks, a large range of public rope walks and storehouses, and some tan and bark houses full of hides and bark.”

Late April (18 April and sometime thereafter) [raids] Alexandria, VA., Cedar, MD. A small detachment of troops carried by a flotilla of six frigates and brigs, and the same number of smaller craft, were sent by Phillips raiding up the Chesapeake Bay to the Potomac River and Tidewater area. Their mission was also to interfere with or prevent reinforcements and supplies reaching Lafayette. They briefly took Alexandria, and moved on to destroyed tobacco and free plantation slaves in Cedar Maryland. At one point Capt. Graves of the Acteon menaced Washington’s home Mount Vernon with burning (though his orders actually forbade it.) Washington’s nephew, Lund Washington, in order to save the estate paid a ransom and even went so far as serving up drinks and refreshments to the British officers on one of their ships. Washington was later indignant by his nephew’s appeasement and later wrote him saying (writes Lossing) “he would rather have had the buildings destroyed, than saved by such ‘a pernicious example.’"

Davie: "These troops never made a junction and were too feeble to oppose the progress of the Enemy."

Late April (possibly mid May). [skirmish] Briar Creek (Screven County, GA.) Not long after Clark, with 100 recruits, re-joined the besieging forces at Augusta, a loyalist relief force under Maj. Dill, on its way to relieve that town, was defeated at Briar Creek (a southern tributary of the Savannah River) by a whig force made up of over-mountain men under Col. Isaac Shelby and Georgians under Patrick Carr. Though Lossing mentions Shelby this may well be an error since Shelby, at this time, is elsewhere assumed to have been occupied in dealing with the Cherokee threat on the “North Carolina” frontier. On the other hand, there were close ties between the Watauga people and those of northwest Georgia, so the case for presence of Shelby in Georgia has something to support it. Lossing (and Boatner, going by him) states this action took place in mid May, while Coleman says “in April.” Coleman’s date is given preference here based on the mere assumption that he had the greater opportunity for hindsight, compared to Lossing –- though this, of itself, of course, doesn’t necessarily prove anything. In fact Coleman, doesn’t give a reference, and may have been drawing on the even older source. Coleman also, incidentally, says Dill’s losses were 40 killed.

Lossing: “The British remained in possession of Augusta until the spring and summer of 1781, when their repose was disturbed. After the battle at Guilford Court House, and when the determination of Greene to march into South Carolina was made known, Clark and M'Call proceeded to co-operate with him by annoying the British posts in Georgia. M'Call soon afterward died of the small-pox, and Clark suffered from the same disease. After his recovery, he, with several other partisans, was actively engaged at various points between Savannah and Augusta, and had frequent skirmishes with the British and Tory scouts. In an engagement near Coosawhatchie, in Beaufort District, South Carolina, where Colonel Brown then commanded, the Americans were defeated; and several who were taken prisoners were hanged, and their bodies given to the Indians to scalp and otherwise mutilate. This was Brown's common practice, and made his name as hateful at the South as that of ‘Bloody Bill Cunningham.’

On the sixteenth of April [1781], the Georgia militia, under Colonels Williams [Micajah Williamson], [John] Baker, and [Samuel] Hammond, Major James Jackson (afterward governor of the state), and other officers, assembled near Augusta, and placed the garrison in a state of siege. Williams, who had the general command during Clark's sickness, encamped within twelve hundred yards of Forts Cornwallis and Grierson, and fortified his camp. Colonel Brown, who was again in command at Augusta, deceived respecting the numbers of the Americans, dared not attack them; and in this position the respective forces remained until the middle of May, when Clark came with one hundred new recruits and resumed the command. About that time, Major Dill approached Augusta with a party of Loyalists to force the Americans to raise the siege. A detachment of Carolina mountaineers and Georgians, under [Isaac] Shelby and [Patrick] Carr, sent by Clark, met them at Walker's bridge, on Brier Creek, killed and wounded several, and dispersed the rest. Other little successes made the Americans at Augusta feel so strong that Clark determined to attempt an assault. An old iron five pounder, which he had picked up, was mounted within four hundred yards of Fort Grierson, and other dispositions for an attack were made. Powder was scarce, and he sent a message to Colonel Pickens, 18 who was maneuvering between Augusta and Fort Ninety-Six, asking for a supply, and also a re-enforcement of men.”

Late April or first week of May. Lieut. Col. James McCall died of smallpox. See Pickens to Greene 3 May.

May. Admiral de Destouches, in Newport, R.I., was succeeded by Admiral de Barras.

Early May. Watson left Monck’s Corner and marched towards Nelson’s Ferry on his way to Camden. He, however, ended up passing the Santee at the lesser known and used crossing, Buchanan’s Ferry. See 5 May.

Early May. Capt. William Cunningham, later known as “Bloody Bill,” and who succeeded Maj. James Dunlop, was operating with a small detachment of mounted loyalists around Ninety-Six.

1 May. [skirmish] Friday’s Ferry (Lexington County, S.C.) Some loyalists guarding Friday's Ferry, near Ft. Granby, were surprised by a group of dragoons under Col. Wade Hampton. Bass says Henry Hampton, while Sumter’s report to Greene of May 2nd says merely “Col Hampton.” 13 loyalists were killed. As well, Hampton attacked another small detachment on their way to the fort and another 5 were killed. Numbers of men involved on both side s is not recorded but he number was probably few. Before openly taking side with the whigs, Wade Hampton owned and ran a “store” in the area, which the British subsequently confiscated. In the same letter reporting this skirmish, Sumter said: “The Hessian horse is Gone Downwards Except Twenty five that Crosed from the fort at Motts & Went in to Camden With Majr Doyl [John Doyle].”

1 May. [ambush] Bush River (Newberry County, S.C.) Col. John Thomas, Jr. acting for Sumter, ambuscaded a group of loyalists. Thomas killed 3, while taking 12 prisoners, and capturing 4 wagons.

1 May.

Forces under Cornwallis,

Rank and File:

Guards: 387

23rd Regt.: 194

33rd Regt.: 209

82nd Regt., Light Company: 36

2nd Bttn, 71st Regt.: 175

Hessian von Bose Regt.: 228

Lt. Company of North Carolina Volunteers: 33

British Legion (cavalry only): 173

Total: 1,435.

1 May. Greene, at Rugeley’s, directed Lafayette to take command of military operations in Virginia. Before Lafayette had arrived there von Steuben was in charge of the army there. Yet despite an admirable job of getting the Continental forces organized and on a proper footing there he incurred the displeasure of some state officials for what they saw as his too strenuous demands. Also, Lafayette, both in his person and as a symbol of the French alliance, was a more popular figure and to that extent could more easily generate support and receive cooperation.

2 May. Court martial proceedings were held for Col. John Gunby, based on claim he gave improper orders at Hobkirk’s Hill. Gunby was acquitted. The day before (the 1st) five men, taken prisoner at Hobkirk, were executed at Greene’s camp for desertion. Sometime no later than July, Gunby came down with dysentery, and was placed in Charlotte to oversee the post and hospital there. By late August he was so ill that Greene, with kindness and stated regret, granted him leave to go home to Maryland.

2 May. From Osborne’s, Phillips embarked for Westover, which he reached on the 3rd. Following him, Lafayette moved, across the Chickahominy River at Bottom's Bridge (16 miles from Richmond), to a position in the vicinity of Jamestown, where within a few days after Phillips’ expedition halted. On the 7th, near Hog’s Island, Phillips received instructions from Cornwallis to meet him at Petersburg.

Arnold to Clinton, May 12th: “May 1st, marched to Osborn's, and dispatched our prizes and boats down the river; and in the evening marched to Bermuda hundreds, opposite City point. May 2d, embarked the troops, &c. &c. May 3d, fell down the river to Westover. May 4th, proceeded down to Tappahannock. 5th and 6th, part of the fleet fell down to Hog island.”

2-3 May. Maj. Pinkertham Eaton with 140 North Carolina Continentals, and Capt. Ebenezer Finley with a six-pounder joined Marion and Lee at Benbow’s Ferry, on the Black River, after nightfall on of May 2nd. Marion, who was formally in charge of the whole force, moved the next day to attempt intercepting Watson's force headed toward Camden. The effort, however, proved unsuccessful. Respecting others matters, Marion’s force, at the time, suffered from desertion. Also 25 of Eaton's men were detached to Lee's Legion infantry, with whom they served the remainder of their terms under Lieut. Andrew Manning of the Legion. Eaton was short of officers and the measure ostensibly was adopted both to augment the Legion, while training some of the North Carolina men.

Johnson: "The time of the year, (being the height of planting,) the unfortunate affair of the 25th [Hobkirk's Hill], the rising of the tories on the Peedee, and the detaching of eighty men, under Colonel Irvine, to Rafting Creek, to cut off supplies from Camden, all had combined to cause a great reduction of Marion's force."

2-14 May (also 3 May is given as starting date). [siege] Initial siege of Fort Granby, also Congaree Fort (Lexington County, S.C.) With about 400 to 500 men, Sumter laid siege to Ft. Granby, commanded by Maj. Maxwell, of the Prince of Wales Regt. Maxwell had 340 men, including 60 regulars (mostly Provincials, and including soldiers from Maxwell’s own regiment the Prince of Wales Volunteers). As well with him were some loyalists, including a militia unit from the Orangeburg area, under Capt. Samuel Tolless. Maxwell’s artillery at the fort consisted of 2 twelve-pounders, and 3 or 4 smaller cannon. Sumter had written Greene on May 2nd requesting a field piece and ammunition from Greene, and a six-pounder was immediately sent. He sent Greene 10 wagons of meal, and in a few days received back ammunition in those same wagons, plus the cannon. Sumter then took his main force, and the cannon, and moved against Orangeburg, while, at the same time, leaving a detachment, under Col. Thomas Taylor to besiege the fort.

3 May. Pickens, at "Camp Near McEl[roees?] Mill," wrote to Greene saying that after the Tories escaped into Ninety-Six, Pickens crossed the Saluda River and united with Col. Robert Anderson and a force that Anderson and the “late” Lieut. Col. James McCall had collected Learning that the Georgians were besieging Augusta, Pickens sent Maj. Samuel Hammond to assist them on the north side of the Savannah River. Sumter added there was a general disposition of people to join "us," but a lack of arms prevented it.

3-4 May. On May 3rd, Greene’s army left its camp north of Rugleyes and crossed over to the west side of the Wateree River. They then moved north to Sawney Creek, where they halted briefly. The next day, Greene marched further down river and camped at the more formidable defensive position at Twenty Five Mile Creek, “7 Miles above Camden.” It is not entirely clear exactly what crossing Greene took in making it over the Wateree. “The river Wateree,” Tarleton remarked (with respect to an earlier occasion), “… abounded with public ferrys and private boats, besides being fordable in many places.” As Rawdon had ensconced himself in Camden.

Kirkwood:”3rd. Marched and crossed the Wateree….11 [miles]

4th. March’d to the Ferry and took the Redoubt, and burn’d the Block House on the South side of the Wateree, then Return’d to the Army at the 25 mile Creek……..9 [miles].”

Seymour; “On the third we marched from this place and crossed the Wateree without anything of consequence happening. Marched this day eleven miles.

On the fourth we marched six miles from this place. The horse and infantry marched to the Wateree, there destroyed a house and fortification, and returned to camp. Sixteen miles.”

5 May. Watson, coming from the direction of Nelson’s Ferry crossed the Santee at Buchanan’s (referred to by Sumter as “Buckenhams”) Ferry, a small ferry "about ten miles below the confluence of the Congaree and Wateree Rivers." Although it was rough going, having to pass a number of creeks and swamps, he made it to Camden on the 7th. On May 4, Marion with Lee, coming from the Black River, and passing Wright’s Bluff, tried without success to cut off Watson off, but apparently had been deceived as to his crossing. Subsequently, there was dispute and blame as to whether they could have intercepted him. In a letter of the 6th to Greene, Marion reported the crossing at Buchanan’s Ferry, and said Watson had 200 men and 2 cannon, though we know from a letter of Balfour’s to Germain of 1 May, he had 500.

6 May. Sumter, still at Granby, wrote to Greene, stating that he now had 500, men and officers included, 150 of whom came from Mecklenburg County. 300 of his men have enlisted at 10 months men. At this point, he expected to have 800 by the end of the week. "But this number may not be lasting as the Distresses of the people Generally are excessive..." In a letter of 9 May to Greene, Col. Thomas Polk, at Charlotte, reported that 150 Mecklenburg, County, N.C. men were with Sumter.

6 May. Doctor James Brown, at the General Hospital located at Col. Perkins in Pittsylvania, Virginia, wrote to Greene saying that since the establishment of the hospital more than 200 soldiers have returned to Greene's army. Brown said he anticipated sending 60 or 70 more, many of whom were wounded at Guilford Court House. Even though it had been difficult to acquire provisions, only three men died of their wounds. In compliance with Greene's order, 3 doctors had been sent to Charlotte.

6-12 May. (also given as 8 May) [siege] Fort Motte (Calhoun County, S.C.) In March 1781, Ft. Motte was established as a post after the British abandoned Thompson Plantation, at Belleville, about a mile from Motte’s. Like Thompson’s, Motte’s served as a sanctuary for convoys of supplies coming from Charleston on their way to Camden and Ninety-Six. Defending the post was Lieut. Donald McPherson, of the 71st Regt., with 140 men, 120 of which were Provincials (Greene states British) and Hessians, plus 7 or 8 officers. In his letter to Huntington of 14 May, Greene reported that a carronade was taken at the fort. However, a footnote by the editor of the Greene papers states that the fort was defended with an enlarged firelock mounted as a swivel, but no had artillery. Possibly then the carronade was not actually in use.

Marion and Lee arrived before the fort on the 6th. Initially, there was some uncertainty whether Lee would continue with Marion, but by the 8th it had been decided that he would do so. Marion had 150 men, while Lee had 300 regulars including the Legion infantry, Oldham’s Maryland Company, and 140 North Carolina Continentals under Maj. Pinkertham Eaton. The Legion cavalry was elsewhere keeping an eye on Watson. With them also was a six-pounder (or possibly a four-pounder) under Capt. Ebenezer Finley. After a stalemate of almost a week, the besiegers hit upon the idea of setting the roof of the house, which occupied most of the area within the fortifications. This was done with an incendiary sent by a projectile. Lee states that the projectile was a bow shot arrow, which arrow and bow had been provided by Mrs. Motte herself the owner of the residence. According to William Dobein James account the roof was set alight by one of Marion’s men using a ball of rosin and brimstone thrown by a sling. Bass suggests it was both. In any case, the tactic succeeded, and when McPherson men tried to climb on the roof to put out the fire they were shot at by Marion’s riflemen. Presumably the same day (the 12th) McPherson surrendered, and the fire was put out. McPherson and his garrison were made prisoners, and 140 stand of arms, a quantity of salt, provisions and other stores were taken. The editor to the Greene papers notes that the regulars surrendered to Lee, and the loyalist militia to Marion suggesting there may have been some friction between the two officers. On the other hand the measure may have been devised to avoid McPherson have to report that he surrendered to militia, even though Marion had overall command of the Americans. In terms of casualties, Marion lost 2 killed at Fort Motte, the British none. While Marion was away with Lee against Ft. Motte, Ganey, who had been called out again by Balfour, rose up with his men at Drowning Creek.

Lossing: “The prisoners were treated with great humanity, notwithstanding some of them were Tories of a most obnoxious stamp. As soon as paroled, they were sent off to Lord Rawdon, then crossing the Santee at Nelson's Ferry, near Eutaw Springs. The fall of Fort Motte greatly alarmed that officer, and two days afterward [May 14.], he blew up the fortifications at Nelson's Ferry, and hastened toward Charleston. During the day of the capitulation, Greene arrived with a small troop of cavalry, being anxious to know the result of the siege, for he was aware Rawdon was hastening to the relief of the garrison. Finding every thing secure, he returned to his camp, then on the north side of the Congaree, after ordering Marion to proceed against Georgetown, toward the head of Winyaw Bay, near the coast, and directing Lee with his legion, and Captain Finley with his six pounder, to attack Fort Granby, thirty-two miles above Fort Motte, near the present city of Columbia.”

William Dobein James: "On the night of the 10th, the fires of Lord Rawdon's camp were seen on the Santee hills, in his retreat from Camden, and encouraged the garrison for a while; but on the 12th the house was set on fire, and the commander Lieut. M`Pherson, and one hundred and sixty-five men, surrendered. This deed of Mrs. Motte has been deservedly celebrated. Her intention to sacrifice her valuable property was patriotic; but the house was not burnt, as is stated by historians, nor was it fired by an arrow from an African bow, as sung by the poet. -- Nathan Savage, a private in Marion's brigade, made up a ball of rosin and brimstone, to which he set fire, slung it on the roof of the house. The British surrendered before much mischief was done to it, and Marion had the fire put out.”

Rawdon, on 24 May, wrote Cornwallis: “My first news, upon landing at Nelson's, was, that the post at Motte's house had fallen. It was a simple redoubt, and had been attacked formally by sap. Lieut. M'Pherson had maintained it gallantly till the house in the centre of it was set in flames by fire arrows, which obliged his men to throw themselves into the ditch, and surrender at discretion.”

6 May. [skirmish] Peacock's Bridge (Wilson County, N.C.) After crossing the Neuse River, Tarleton advance column came upon a force of 400 Pitt County, N.C. militia waiting for him at Peacock’s Bridge. The bridge passed over Contentnea Creek near Stantonsburg. Tarleton dispersed the militia, but reportedly not without receiving losses himself. There is little documentation on this engagement so it may actually be the same engagement as Tarboro, 6 May, though this is purely speculation.

6 May (also possibly 5 May). [skirmish] Tarboro (Edgecombe County, N.C.) Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner, at Halifax, N.C., wrote to Greene on May 6th saying that by the best accounts the British were near Tarboro. Their cavalry routed a party of militia near that place before the main body of Lord Cornwallis's army "was in view." Sumner expected that most of the stores at Halifax would be removed before they arrived. As it turned out while some were retrieved, much was subsequently captured or destroyed. Sumner added he had been able to arm only a 100 of the N. C. Continental draftees. Brig. Gen. Allen Jones was with Sumner at Halifax with 80 N.C. militiamen, and expected another 200 from Edgecomb County.

Tarleton: “In the beginning of May, Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton, with one hundred and eighty dragoons, and the light companies of the 82d and of Hamilton's North-Carolina regiment, both mounted on horses, advanced in front of the army, crossed the Nahunta and Coteckney creeks, and soon reached the Tarr river. On his route he ordered the inhabitants to collect great quantities of provisions for the King's troops, whose numbers he magnified in order to awe the militia, and secure a retreat for his detachment, in case the Roanoke could not be passed. When Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton had proceeded over the Tarr, he received instructions, if the country beyond that river could afford a tolerable supply of flour and meal for the army, to make every possible effort to procure information of General Phillips: Upon finding the districts more fruitful as he advanced, he determined, by a rapid march, to make an attempt upon Halifax, where the militia were assembling, and by that measure open a passage across the Roanoke, for some of the emissaries, who had been dispatched into Virginia, to return to the King's troops in North Carolina.”

6 May. Lieut. Col. Nisbit Balfour, in Charleston to Clinton: "I must inform Your Excellency that the general state of the country is most distressing [and] that the enemy's parties are everywhere. The communication by land with Savannah no longer exists; Col. Brown is invested at Augusta, and Colonel Cruger in the most critical situation at Ninety-six. Indeed, I should betray the duty I owe Your Excellency did I not represent the defection of this province [as] so universal that I know of no mode short of depopulation to retain it."

6-7 May [skirmishes] Swift Creek, Fishing Creek, and Halifax {three separate actions}, (Nash County, and Halifax County, N.C.) Cornwallis in making his way from Wilmington toward Virginia found the middle and eastern districts of North Carolina were more barren than described, and provisions very difficult to obtain. Since his leaving Wilmington on the 25th or 26th of April some of the Bladen County militia did broke down some bridges over creeks to retard his progress. Otherwise Cornwallis encountered no opposition till the 7th (possibly the 6th) when his advance parties of cavalry and light troops skirmished some N.C. militia at Swift Creek, and afterward the same day at Fishing Creek. In both instances, the N.C. militia were dispersed. Later in the day (presumably), the advance guard entered Halifax in which the British lost 3 wounded and a few horses killed, but again the Americans were routed, and 15 of Sumner’s draftees were taken. Some Continental supplies, including provisions and clothing were captured in Halifax, which had been the site of a relatively important American depot for the southern army. Active efforts to remove the supplies had not taken place till the 5th, and by then it was too late. Cornwallis himself did not reach Halifax till the 10th, and the rear of his column did not arrive till the 12th.

Tarleton: “On this move the Americans at Swift creek, and afterwards at Fishing creek, attempted to stop the progress of the advanced guard; but their efforts were baffled, and they were dispersed with some loss. The British took the shortest road to Halifax, to prevent the militia receiving reinforcements, and recovering from the consternation probably diffused throughout that place by the fugitives from the creeks. The event answered the expectation: The Americans were charge and defeated in detached parties, in the environs and in the town, before they had settled any regular plan of operation: The ground about half a mile in front of Halifax afforded a strong position, of which they did not avail themselves; but they were surprised whilst assembling on the wrong side of the bridge over a deep ravine, and were routed with confusion and loss: The only useful expedient which they had adopted was the securing a number of the boats belonging to the inhabitants of the place on the other side of the river, where a party began to intrench themselves, and from whence they fired upon the British when they approached the bank: This circumstance, however, could only be a temporary inconvenience to the King's troops, because the Americans would be obliged to abandon that post on the arrival of the cannon, the eminence on the side of Halifax so perfectly commanded the opposite shore.

The damage sustained by the light troops in taking possession of Halifax amounted only to three men wounded, and a few horses killed and wounded. Some stores of continental cloathing and other supplies were found in the place. Without loss of time, guards were placed on all the avenues to the post, and spies were dispatched over the river above and below the town, to gain intelligence of General Phillips. These precautions and necessary proceedings were speedily completed, owing to the assistance of Lieutenant-colonel Hamilton, who had formerly been connected with that quarter of North Carolina, and was a volunteer on this expedition.”

7 May. Watson, his force "much reduced through casualties, sickness, and a reinforcement which he had left to strengthen the garrison at Georgetown," now totaled some 500 men, and two to four cannon. The units likely to have been included in Watson’s detachment were the 64th Regt. and his own Provincial Light Infantry. He joined Rawdon in Camden on the 7th. Col. John Small's detachment may have accompanied Watson, which apparently was incorrect. While there were additional mounted men with Marion and Sumter, the cavalry Rawdon had with him now outnumbered those with Greene. The same day, early in the evening, Greene moved from his Twenty Five Mile Creek position upriver to Sawney Creek.

Johnson: "...Watson managed to elude all this preparation to cut him off. Major M'Arthur appears on this occasion, to have exhibited the character of an active and intelligent soldier. He commanded a corps of indifferent cavalry, formed on a drafty from the Hessian troops, at this time in Charleston. Scouring the country in front of Watson, he appears to have completely masked his advance; and after throwing a detachment of twenty-five of his command under Colonel [John] Doyle into Camden, to have returned down to Motte, and succeeded in throwing into that place a wall-piece with stores belonging to it."

8 May. [skirmish] Sawney’s Creek, also Sandy Creek (Kershaw County, S.C.) On the night of the 7th, Rawdon crossed the Wateree Ferry and moved to attack what he thought was the main American force at Sawney Creek, but which, as it turned out, was only the light infantry and cavalry pickets of the American army. Finding Greene’s position too strong, Rawdon withdrew back to Camden.

Kirkwood: “7th. Marched this day…..9[miles[

8th. The Enemy moved over the River and was within two miles of us before we knew them being out when our Vadet Came in and inform’d us. We then Drew up in order of battle and lay their in Sight of [each] other until Evening when both Armys Drew off and we marched….4 [miles].”

Seymour: “On the seventh we moved our encampment nine miles. On the eighth the enemy made a movement out of Campden and were within a little distance of us before discovered, when immediately our horse and infantry was formed in front and waited their motion, the main army having retreated to an advantageous piece of ground, but the enemy not advancing, we kept our own ground.”

Rawdon, in his letter of May 24th to Cornwallis wrote: “Whilst, upon that principle, I waited for my expected succours, Gen. Greene retired from our front, and, crossing the Wateree, took a position behind Twenty-five Mile Creek. On the 7th of May, Lieutenant-colonel Watson joined me with his detachment, much reduced in number through casualties, sickness, and a reinforcement which he had left to strengthen the garrison at George Town. He had crossed the Santee near its mouth, and had recrossed it a little below the entrance of the Congaree. On the night of the 7th, I crossed the Wateree at Camden ferry, proposing to turn the flank and attack the rear of Greene's army, where the ground was not strong, though it was very much so in front. The troops had scarcely crossed the river, when I received notice that Greene had moved early in the evening, upon getting information of my being reinforced, I followed him by the direct road, and found him posted behind Sawney's creek. Having driven in his pickets, I examined every point of his situation; I found it every where so strong, that I could not hope to force it without suffering such loss as must have crippled my force for any future enterprise; and the retreat lay so open for him, I could not hope that victory would give us any advantage sufficiently decisive to counterbalance the loss. The creek (though slightly marked in the maps) runs very high into the country. Had I attempted to get round him, he would have evaded me with ease; for, as his numbers still exceeded mine, I could not separate my force to fix him in any point, and time (at this juncture most important to me) would have been thus unprofitably wasted. I therefore returned to Camden the same afternoon, after having in vain attempted to decoy the enemy into action, by affecting to conceal our retreat.”

8 May. Having earlier left Westover by boat, Phillips disembarked at Brandon. From there he moved up to Petersburg. Phillips by this time way very sick with fever, so that Arnold then took over many of his duties.

Arnold to Clinton, May 12th. “7th, Major-general Phillips having received a letter from Lord Cornwallis, orders were given for the fleet to return up the river again. We arrived at Brandon about five o'clock, and most of the troops, cavalry, &c. were landed this evening, though it blew a gale of wind. May 8th, remained at Brandon. Major-general Phillips being very ill, and unable to travel on horseback, a postchaise was procured for him.”

8 May. Lafayette passed the James River on his way to Petersburg.

8 May. Pickens, from "Cuffy Town" (about 11 or 12 miles south of Ninety-Six), wrote Greene stating that he failed at surprising the remnants of Maj. Dunlop’s dragoons, now under Capt. William Cunningham. Except for those around Ninety-Six, Pickens said the people in the area were unanimously in favor of the American cause, though he was unable to arm them. He had just learned that the post at Augusta has been blockaded by the Georgians, and some South Carolinians under Maj. Samuel Hammond. The annual present to the Indians, of ammunition and clothing, had made it safely to Fort Galphin. Pickens said he would go to Augusta, but would leave Col. Robert Anderson and Col. Joseph Hayes near Ninety-Six.

9 May. Leaving the night of the 8th, Greene retired further up river from Sawney Creek to Colonel’s Creek, where he remained till the 10th.

Greene wrote to Lee on this date: "We moved our camp night before last from Twenty Five Miles Creek to Sandy Creek [Sawney Creek], five miles higher up the river. Lord Rawdon came out yesterday morning [8 May] as I expected he would, and I suppose, with an expectation of finding us at the old encampment. I did not like our position to risk an action in, and ordered the troops to take a new position at this place, four miles still higher up river, leaving on the ground the horse, the pickets, and the light infantry. The enemy came up in front of our encampment , and drew up in order of battle, but did not dare to attempt to cross the creek; and after waiting an hour or two retired suddenly towards Camden."

9 May. [surrender] PENSACOLA (Escambia County, FLA.) After a siege lasting two months, the Spanish under General (also Governor) Bernardo de Galvez took Fort George in Pensacola, Florida from the British. As a result, control of West Florida passed over to the Spanish. See 8-9 March 1781.

9 May. Phillips’ forces arrived at Petersburg, as instructed by Cornwallis. There they surprised a small detachment, including some Continental officers, and took some prisoners. By the 10th, Lafayette learned of Phillips already being in Petersburg in advance of himself, and retreated to Osborne’s, and after that, to an area just outside Richmond, on the north side of the Kingsland Ferry.

Arnold to Clinton, May 12th: “May 9th, the light infantry, and part of the Queen's rangers, in boats, were ordered, with the Formidable and Spitfire, to proceed to City point, and land there. The rest of the army were put in motion for Petersburg, where they arrived late in the night, having marched near thirty miles this day. On our leaving Bermuda hundred, and going down the river, the Marquis de la Fayette with his army moved towards Williamsburgh, and, by forced marches, had crossed the Chickahomany at Long bridge, when our fleet returned to Brandon; which retrograde motion of ours occasioned him to return as rapidly, by forced marches, to Osborn's, where he arrived the 8th, and was preparing to cross the river to Petersburg when we arrived there, which was so unexpected, that we surprised and took two majors, (one of them aid-de-camp to Baron Steubens, the other to General Smallwood); one captain and three lieutenants of dragoons; two lieutenants of foot; a commissary, and a surgeon: Some of these gentlemen arrived only two hours before us, with an intention of collecting the boats for the marquis to cross his army. On the 10th, the marquis made his appearance on the opposite side of the river with a strong escort, and, having staid some time to reconnoitre our army, returned to his camp at Osborn's; and we are this day informed he is marched to Richmond, where it is said Wayne, with the Pennsylvania line, has arrived: This is, however, uncertain; but he is certainly expected there.”

10 May. [skirmish] Bloody Scout (Spartanburg, S.C.) See also 18 June, Ninety-Six.

Lossing: “Among the most active of these parties was the "Bloody Scout," under the notorious Bill Cunningham. They hovered around the American camp like vultures, and picked off the patriots in detail. The most active opponent of this scoundrel was William Beale, of Ninety-Six. He formed a scouting party of Whigs, and soon they became a terror to the Tories. On one occasion, Cunningham and his party plundered the house of Beale's mother, during his absence. On his return, Beale went in pursuit, and approaching Cunningham, that marauder wheeled and fled. The race continued for almost three miles, when Cunningham turned, and with a pistol, shot Beale's horse dead. Beale retreated backward, daring the Tory to follow. The latter, fearing a Whig ambush, rode off. On another occasion, Cunningham and his party surrounded a house where Beale and a Whig were stopping. They heard the approach of the Tories, when, rushing to their horses and rattling their swords, Beale gave command as if to a troop. It was dark, and Cunningham, who had thirteen men with him, fled in great haste. Cunningham was so mortified, when he learned that they had been frightened away by a couple of Whigs, that he swore vengeance against Beale. -- Letter of James M. M'Cracken, Esq., to the Author.”

10 May. Cornwallis' army began entering Virginia, moving toward Petersburg to join Phillips.

Tarleton: “As soon as Earl Cornwallis reached the Roanoke, he ordered Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton to cross it with the cavalry and two companies of mounted infantry, to explore the country and find out the convenient places for passing the rivers Meherrin and Nottoway, which lay between his army and Petersburg, the place of rendezvous proposed in his lordship's letters to General Phillips. The light troops had not proceeded above four miles beyond the Roanoke, when his lordship, attended by six dragoons of his guard, overtook them, and halted their march. On the arrival of some country people, Earl Cornwallis directed Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton to dismount his dragoons and mounted infantry, and to form them into a rank entire, for the convenient inspection of the inhabitants, and to facilitate the discovery of the villains who had committed atrocious outrages the previous evening. A serjeant and one private dragoon were pointed out, and accused of rape and robbery: They were conducted to Halifax, where they were condemned to death by martial law. The immediate infliction of the sentence exhibited to the army and manifested to the country the discipline and justice of the British general. The light troops reached and passed the river Meherren at Armstead's bridge on the 14th of May: The next day they proceeded to the Nottoway, which they found Lieutenant-colonel Simcoe had crossed higher up, on his march towards Earl Cornwallis, who, in the mean time, had arrived at Jones' house on the northward of the Roanoke. The light troops of the two corps having removed all impediments between their respective armies, and discovered fords in lieu of bridges, which the Americans had destroyed, Brigadier-general Arnold, who had for a few days commanded the King's troops in Virginia, with an escort left his own camp to meet Earl Cornwallis.”

10 May. Rawdon abandoned Camden, burning stores and baggage he could not take with him. As well, he damaged cannon so they were not usable and set fire to many of the buildings. When Greene retook Camden he reported on 14 May to Samuel Huntington that Rawdon "left all our men, wounded on the 25th [Hobkirk’s Hill], amounting to Thirty one and fifty eight of their own and three Officers who were all too badly wounded to be moved." After Rawdon abandoned Camden, Greene sent a detachment into the town and moved with his army toward Friday’s Ferry, he called an escort of dragoons and met Lee and Marion at Fort Motte after the fort surrendered and he had made camp at Widow Weston’s near McCord’s Ferry.

Rawdon in his 24 May letter to Cornwallis wrote: “On the 9th I published to the troops, and to the militia, my design of evacuating Camden, offering to such of the latter as chose to accompany me every assistance that we could afford them. During the ensuing night I sent off all our baggage, &c., under a strong escort, and destroyed the works remaining at Camden, with the rest of the troops, till ten o'clock the next day, in order to cover the march.”

Kirkwood: “10th. At Night was sent out with a party of the Horse to Surprise a party of Tories and Marched 18 miles, but not Coming up with, we altered our Rout and March’d for Camden hearing it was evacuated, and Reached there the next day being in all….29 [miles].”

Seymour: On the 10th our infantry and a detachment from the Maryland Line, with some horse, were sent to surprise some Tories, and, marching twenty-six miles without meeting them, the infantry went to Campden, which the enemy had evacuated. Eleven miles.

We marched from Campden the 12th, leaving a guard to destroy the works, and proceeded on our march for Ninety-Six, marching the first day to Reynold's Mills. Thirteenth, marched about eighteen miles. Fifteenth, marched eighteen miles. Sixteenth, marched six miles and encamped at Captain Howell's. On the seventeenth were executed five of our deserters who were taken in Fort Friday [Granby] by Colonel Lee.”

10-11 May. [surrender] Orangeburg (Orangeburg County, S.C) On the night of the 10th, Orangeburg was placed under siege by Sumter’s advanced forces, under Col. Wade Hampton, during the night. When by next morning Sumter with his six-pounder arrived, the garrison under loyalist Col. John Fisher surrendered by 7 am. 6 officers and 83 men (28 of them provincials), and many military stores and provisions, were captured as a result, and neither side apparently suffered any casualties. Sumter found Orangeburg well stock with supplies and after examining the fortifications wrote that he considered them extremely strong, adding that he believed the post could have put up a stout defense, had the garrison been so inclined. The prisoners were sent to Greene on May 12, but militia guards reportedly murdered a number of them along the way. After taking Orangeburg, Sumter moved up toward Ft. Motte, which he found Marion and Lee had already taken, he turned to putting loyalist in awe, and seizing horses and other means of transportation, and generally taking or moving supplies out of the region from Wassamasaw to Dorchester, and thereby hinder Rawdon's retreat. After doing this for two days he returned to Orangeburg, and following this moved back up to the Congaree.

Thomas Young: “Soon after this I joined a detachment of Whigs under Col. Brandon, and scouted through the country till we reached the siege at Fort Motte. There I remained for several days, when we joined a detachment under command of Col. Hampton, to take Orangeburg. The state troops, under Col. Hampton, outmarched us, for we had a piece of artillery to manage. We arrived the morning after them. The Tories were lodged in a brick house, and kept up a monstrous shouting and firing to very little purpose. As soon as the piece of artillery was brought to bear upon the house, a breach was made through the gable end; then another, a little lower; then about the center, and they surrendered.”

11 May. Malmady, at Williamsboro in Granville County, N.C., wrote Greene stating that North Carolina was in an unfortunate situation. It had 150 men at Taylor's ferry on the Roanoke River, including the new levees; another 150 were expected in Williamsboro “this day.” These men, together with 40 dragoons protecting the governor, were all the troops North Carolina now had in the field. Malmady's own regiment's term of service had expired on April 26.

The same day, Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner, also at Williamsboro, wrote Greene stating that the Continental draftees were coming in slowly, and few had muskets. The Marquis de Lafayette has ordered that 400 stand of arms and 20,000 cartridges be sent to Sumner as soon as possible. Sumner intended to move the Continental recruits back to Hillsborough, and later that day (the 11th) said he would set off to join Gen. Allen Jones, who had collected 200 militiamen and was marching to Taylor's ferry. By 12 June, Sumner had moved his camped to Harrisburg, N.C.

11-12 May [raids] Cox’s Mill (Randolph County, N.C.) A small group of whigs were raided by Capt. David Fanning’s and 17 tories some three miles from Cox’s Mill (below modern Franklinville.) The rebels lost 2 killed, 7 wounded, and had 18 horses taken. The following day *the 12th) a similar raid took place and 4 whigs were killed, 3 wounded, 1 captured, and a number of their horses taken. Fanning then returned to his base at Cox’s Mill. Sometime later the same month, in a similar foray, Fanning captured 3 more men and 9 more horses.

11-12 May. Leaving his camp at Stoney Creek, four miles west of Camden, Greene, apparently, withdrew to and camped at "Jumping Gully Creek," a tributary of Lynches Creek, and located about 26 miles north-northeast of Camden. Camden was completely devastated at this time, and the move it would seem was prompted by Greene’s desire to find a location more suitable for supplying his army, now made all the more easier by the support from locals he would get following Rawdon’s evacuation of Camden. Though Greene’s army itself did not itself apparently enter Camden, a detachment was sent, and found there were 31 Americans who had been wounded at Hobkirk, plus, plus 58 British soldiers and 3 officers too wounded to have been removed. Greene also directed local militia to collect black slaves and have them dismantle what was left of the Camden fortifications. The next day (the 12th) Greene was en route to a mill twelve miles southeast of Camden, in order to better support Marion and Lee’s operations at Fort Motte.

Kirkwood: “12th. March’d to Randels Mill….12[miles].”

Seymour: “We marched from Campden the 12th, leaving a guard to destroy the works, and proceeded on our march for Ninety-Six, marching the first day to Reynold's Mills.”

12 May. Fort Motte fell to Marion and Lee. See 6 May.

William Dobein James: “Gen. Marion soon after taking Fort Motte, re-crossed the Santee, and encamped at Cantey's plantation, a little more than midway from Nelson's to Murry’s Ferry, and here he reposed his men for some time and collected reinforcements. In consequence of the evacuation of Camden, and recent successes, the militia turned out well and in high spirits.”

12 May. Sumter, at Orangeburg, and following the “siege” there, wrote to Greene: "if Lord Rawden Should Pass the river or take up post at Nileson [Nelson's] ferry, there is every reason to believe the Country will be Striped of everything that is Valuable. I Wish to Deprive them of as Many horses as possible & prevent the Inhabitants from Moving & Carrying off great quantities of Stock Which are Now Collecting." Sumter was so successful in awing the loyalists that Rawdon later reported that he had been five days within the Santee before a single one came near his army. Sumter subsequently raided Royal governor William Bull's plantation, took 160 slaves from there whom he distributed among his men, and took as well 6,500 bushels of corn and all of Bull's horses, cattle and wagons. These actions were "regretted" by Brig. Gen. Huger, who communicated them to Greene in a letter of May 22. Sumter stayed at Orangeburg till the 15th and on the 16th moved his camp to “Arthur’s.”

13 May. Greene crossed the Wateree and then moved his main army south along its west bank, and then camped on the north side of McCord's Ferry on the Congaree River. This same day, according to Bass, Greene personally met with Marion and Lee at Fort Motte, apprising them of his general strategy, and then directing them to take Fort Granby. The Greene Papers, neither in the letter s or the notes, makes reference to such a visit, however, there is a letter from Greene to Lee of this date, written from McCord’s, directing him to take Granby.

Kirkwood: “13th March’d to Mr. Westons…….18[miles].”

Seymour: “Thirteenth, marched about eighteen miles.”

13 May. Rawdon crossed the Santee at Nelson's Ferry, and by the evening of the 14th, was safely across. McArthur met him there with his indifferent corps of 300 foot and 80 dragoons. Rawdon afterwards, as Marion described it, “blew up” the fort on the south side of the ferry.

Rawdon, in his letter of 24 May, to Cornwallis wrote: “On the night of the 13th, I began to pass the river at Nelson's ferry, and by the evening of the 14th, every thing was safely across. Some mounted militia had attempted to harass our rear guard on the march; but a party of them having fallen into an ambuscade, the rest of them gave us no farther trouble. We brought off all the sick and wounded, excepting about thirty, who were too ill to be moved, and for them I left an equal number of continental prisoners in exchange. We brought off all the stores of any kind of value, destroying the rest; and we brought off not only the militia who had been with us at Camden, but also all the well-affected neighbors on our route, together with the wives, children, negroes and baggage, of almost all of them.”

13 May. Phillips died of fever, and was buried at Petersburg. Arnold took temporary command of the British force in Virginia. But when he tried to write Lafayette, the latter refused to receive correspondence from him.

14 May (or 13 May). A reinforcement of 1,700 to 2,000 British and German troops under Col. August de Voit sailed from New York for Virginia. They arrived at Portsmouth on the 22nd.

14-15 May. [surrender] Fort Granby (Lexington County, S.C.) Marion and Lee, with 400 to 500 infantry, arrived at Granby on the evening of the 14th. Already there besieging the post was a small detachment of Sumter’s under Col. Thomas Taylor. Maxwell cowed by Lee and Marion's cannon, surrendered on condition that his men be paroled to Charles town (until later exchanged). Lee was in a hurry so he agreed. This was at noon of May 15. The British garrison contained 60 British regulars (including some Hessians and men from Prince of Wales Regiment), 280 Loyalist, two artillery pieces, and included numerous wagons. Lee gives the garrison’s strength as 360, and that most of these were loyalists. These taken were to march to Charleston as prisoners of war on parole. Lee, concerned about the possible approach of Rawdon to relieve the fort allowed horses belonging as private property to individuals of the garrison to be kept by them, while officers were allowed their side arms as well. Maxwell himself was permitted to retain two wagons of private baggage. The fort was found to be well stocked with stores, which under terms of capitulation, were left for the Americans. Sumter, angered at the terms Lee gave and by having the prize of Granby taken from him, for about the next month, offered his resignation, saying that his old wound troubled him. Greene, each time, respectfully refused it, while giving him a sizable share of some of the munitions and stores captured at Granby, He also gave Sumter some of the slaves taken from loyalists there, which then Sumter used as pay for his 10 months men. After the surrender, Lee moved to besiege Augusta. Marion, meanwhile, headed back to his base of operations above the Santee with a mind to taking Georgetown.

15 May. [skirmish] Beech Island, also Beach Island (Aiken County, S.C.) McCrady records a skirmish between men under Col. Elijah Clark and men under Col. Thomas Brown, in which Clark is known to have lost 6 killed and an unknown number wounded, while Brown’s losses are not known. Possibly Brown made a foray against his besiegers, or else went to the aid of a relief or supply column (or river flotilla) on its way to Augusta.

15 May. Col. Thomas Polk wrote Greene saying Col Francis Lock had been appointed commander of the Salisbury militia by N.C. state officials, despite Greene's wishes that the appointment go to Polk.

15 May. Col. James Read wrote to Greene from Salisbury reporting that there were about 80 North Carolina draftees and 300 militia at Salisbury. He almost mentioned having employed four gunsmiths to repair damaged weapons stored there, and that he had sent to Guilford Court House for 300 stand of arms which had been left there. Although, said Read, there would not be enough cartridge boxes, Col. Thomas Polk had supplied fifty sides of leather.

15 May. Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner, at Williamsboro, N.C. wrote Greene stating that the rear of Cornwallis' army arrived at Halifax on May 12. Cornwallis' cavalry and a large part of the infantry crossed the Roanoke on May 13, and was building "works" on the north side. Cornwallis’ force was said to number 1,600 to 1,800 men, including 240 to 400 badly mounted cavalry. Boats on the Roanoke River have reportedly either been destroyed to prevent capture, or else taken to Taylor's ferry. The stores saved from Halifax and Kingston had been moved to Prince Edward Court House in Virginia.

15 May. Greene camped on the north side of Friday’s Ferry (on the Congaree and adjacent to Granby), and the next day (the 16th) moved a short distance to Ancrum’s Plantation.

15 May. Leaving Halifax, Cornwallis crossed the Roanoke River and entered Virginia.

Mid to late May. William Dobein James: "About this period, Gen. Marion sent Col. Peter Horry with a force to negociate a treaty with Major Ganey and his party. As he could not well turn his arms against him, and the Whig settlements on Pedee were left exposed to his depredations, it was good policy to awe him, and to endeavour to keep him quiet. After a little time Horry negociated a treaty, humiliating enough to Ganey; by which, among other matters, he and his officers agreed to lay down their arms and remain neutral, to deliver up all those who refused to comply with the treaty and all deserters from the Americans, and also to restore all negroes and other plundered property. This treaty was ratified on the 17th of June, but was not strictly complied with until Marion afterwards found leisure to enforce it…." See 17 June.

15-16 May. On the 15th, Rawdon marched to "the point where the roads from Congarees and McCord’s ferry unite,” hoping to relieve Granby, but after learning of its fall he resumed his march toward Charleston. Sumter reported that by evening, Rawdon was twenty miles below Thompson’s. He arrived the next day at Monck’s Corner.

On May 24th, Rawdon wrote to Cornwallis: “But as Major M'Arthur had joined me with near three hundred foot and eighty dragoons, I conceived I might, without hazarding too far, endeavor to check the enemy's operations on the Congaree. On the 14th, at night, I marched from Nelson's, and on the evening of the 15th, I reached the point where the roads from Congarees and M'Cord's ferry unite. Various information was brought to me thither, that Greene had passed the Congaree, at M'Cord's ferry, and had pushed down the Orangeburg road. The accounts though none of them positive or singly satisfactory, corresponded so much, that I was led to believe them, and the matter was of such moment, that it would not admit of my pausing for more certain information; therefore, after giving the troops a little rest, I moved back to Eutaws the same night, but hearing nothing there, I pursued my march hither.”

16 May. Marion to Greene wrote from Ferguson's Swamp, S.C., saying he would try to attack Rawdon's baggage, which had taken a route separate route from Rawdon's main column. Marion mentioned he also sent orders to Col. William Harden (who was operating in the area east and south east of Charleston) join him. As it turned out, Marion's raid had only limited success, and Harden was not able to comply, and instead assisted in the siege at Augusta.

16 May. Lee received orders from Greene to advance on Augusta. Lee had requested he able to take Oldham’s company with him, but Greene decided against it. Lee with Legion then moved with all speed to Augusta, which had already been under siege by Clark and the Georgians since mid-April. This left Eaton with his 140 North Carolina Continentals, Finley, his six-pounder, 2 two-inch pieces, captured at Granby, and artillerymen necessary to man the three guns, to follow Lee and arrive there when they could. In cavalry Lee probably had around 90. In a letter to Greene of 24 May, he said he had 110 Legion infantry.

17 May. In a return sent by Greene’s aide, Maj. Ichabod Burnet to Brig. Gen. Lawson states that from the reduction of Motte, Orangeburg and Granby, that the Americans had captured "2 cannon, 10 British officers, 205 privates, 22 tory officers plus 375 tories." In letters to Sumner and Butler, written on the 23rd, Green said that near 800 prisoner and 50 officers had been taken in the past month. Although we are often reminded how Greene so often failed on the field, these numbers, and the ground he recovered, shows his gains to have been as material as any pitched engagement could have been, while acknowledging the spirited efforts of Lee, Marion and Sumter.

Tarleton: “The first intelligence Lord Rawdon received on passing the Santee, was the unwelcome news, that the post at Motte's house, after a gallant defence, had already fallen into the hands of the enemy. This was a heavy stroke, as that place had been made a deposit for all the provisions that were intended for the supply of Camden: Things were, however, worse than he yet knew, for the strong post at Orangeburgh was already taken, and fort Granby not long after. Thus the British force in the province was exceedingly weakened, by the number of brave officers and soldiers who fell into the hands of the enemy, through this sudden and unexpected attack upon their detached posts in every part of the country.”

17 May. Seymour: “On the seventeenth were executed five of our deserters who were taken in Fort Friday [Granby] by Colonel Lee.”

18 May. Lee's advance party reached Pickens camp on his way to Augusta. Eaton and Finley arrived there the next morning (the 19th .) It was agreed by Lee and Pickens that Lee should take Fort Galphin, located downriver from Augusta few miles. Pickens, Eaton and the artillery in the meantime would move to set things up before Augusta.

Although this is what Lee later reported to Greene, it is not entirely clear that this is what happened. According to Johnson it was Pickens who went to Galphin while Lee moved to Augusta. In his letter to Greene, Lee did not state where he joined Pickens, but it would probably have been in modern Aiken County, at a location to the southeast of Ninety-Six.

18 May. Lafayette received letter from Greene appointing him commander of military operations in Virginia. On this same date, Lafayette took a position between the Pamunkey and Chickahominy Rivers, thereby being a better in a position to protect Richmond and surrounding areas. Meanwhile, General Nelson was sent with the militia toward Williamsburg.

18 May. Greene left Ancrum’s and began his march for Ninety-Six, passing up the Saluda River. By day’s end he had crossed the Broad River. Before leaving he directed Marion to be ready to cooperate with Greene’s army. Sumter was ordered by Greene to “continue at this post [Ancrum’s] to command and organize the militia.” To this Sumter complied, writing Greene from there on the 22nd.

Kirkwood: “Marched and crossed the Broad River…..15 [miles].”

Seymour: “On the eighteenth marched and crossed Broad River and encamped on the other side, fifteen miles.”

19-20 May. Seymour:: “On the nineteenth marched twenty-five miles. This day were executed three more of our deserters, who were taken in the late fort [Granby]. Next day, being the twentieth, we marched seventeen miles."

19 May. Lafayette moved to Wilton, some ten miles below Richmond. His force at this time numbered less than 2,800 (including militia) and less than 100 regular cavalry. Ward, on the other hand, says Lafayette had 3,000 total, with which to face Cornwallis’ soon to be 7,200.

19 May. Deserters captured at Fort Granby were executed during a halt on Greene’s march to Ninety-Six. Seymour: “On the nineteenth marched twenty-five miles. This day were executed three more of our deserters, who were taken in the late fort. Next day, being the twentieth, we marched seventeen miles.”

19 May. Marion, near St. Stephen's, captured four boats of Rawdon's coming down the Santee, however, they were carrying few stores and were lightly manned. On the 20th Marion wrote that most of his militia have gone home for a few days, but when they returned he expected to be stronger than ever.

19 May. Rawdon remained at Monck's corner. On the 19th, a detachment of 200 from Rawdon’s army left Monck’s Corner and arrived at Dorchester the next day (the 20th.)

19 May. Georgetown had 80 British in the garrison, plus a few loyalists. Marion later gives a total of "about" 100 for the whole. Many, if not all of the Queen’s Rangers seemed to have been evacuated from there by his time. Loyalist activity was up between the Pee Dee and Waccamaw rivers, and Marion believed that taking Georgetown would quiet them.

20 May. Cornwallis arrived in Petersburg, and effected a junction with Arnold’s (previously Phillips') forces. Phillips had died of fever just a few days before. With Cornwallis, just prior to Petersburg, were the 23rd Regt., the 33rd Regt., the 71st Regt., the von Bose Regt., British Legion Cavalry (only), Hamilton's Corps (Royal North Carolina Regt.), 200 loyalists, some light infantry and the Guards. About this same time Lafayette, near Richmond, reorganized his corps. His strength is estimated to be about 900 to 1,000 rank and file Continental light infantry, 2 brigades of Virginia militia under Brig. Gen. Peter Muhlenburg and Brig. Gen. Thomas Nelson (numbering between 1,200 and 2,000), about 40 cavalrymen [dragoons that remained of Armand's Legion, and some volunteer horsemen under John Mercer and Nicholas Moore], and 6 pieces of artillery. The militia presented a serious problem as many were constantly coming and going.

20 May. Major John Armstrong, of the N.C. Continentals, wrote Greene from Salisbury that about 300 tories have embodied on the Deep River and "done some damage," and forced certain local whigs to flee to Salisbury for protection. By June 13, however, Armstrong wrote Sumner saying that "The tories in the Country is all surrendered their selves and glad of the opportunity."

20 May. Greene, at "Camp on the East side of the Saluda," wrote to Pickens: "We are on our march for Ninety-Six and shall be within ten miles of that place tonight."

21 May. Balfour wrote Cornwallis that he had sent 150 men to a fortified church in Dorchester. These, it would appear, were sent there to replace the garrison which apparently had been attached or mostly attached to McArthur. See 30 April.

21 May. [skirmish] The March to Ninety-Six, also Saluda River (Newberry County, S.C.) On 21 May, Green camped on Bush River, arriving the next day at Ninety-Six. Along the way, some of his light troops skirmished with some loyalists as described by Kirkwood and Seymour below.

Kirkwood: "21st. Was ordered with Col. Washington's Horse to Surprise a party of tories under command of Col. Young; Coming up to the place found it evacuated, the Horse left me, with expectation to Come up with them, when I moved on at Leisure. The Tories taking us for some of them selves come out of a Swamp in our rear; & being undeceived took one of my men prisoners (sic); upon which A firing Commenced, but they being on horse back pushed off with the Loss of one man Killed & one Horse taken, A Short time Afterwards the Horse joined me, and before Dark killed 4 more taking 6 Prisoners; Marched this day...23 [miles].”

Seymour: "On the twenty-first of May we took and killed about twelve Tories. Marched sixteen miles."

21 May (also given as the 19th). [surrender] Fort Galphin, also Fort Dreadnought, and Silver Bluff (Aiken County, S.C.) Ft. Galphin, or as it was also known Ft. Dreadnought, was the fortified plantation house of George Galphin, a veteran Indian trader. It was situated about twelve miles down river from Augusta on the northern bank of the Savannah. The post was commanded by Capt. Samuel Rowarth and contained 70 Kings Rangers (to which unit Rowarth belonged), 42 Georgia loyalist militia, and 61 Blacks many of them armed. While the siege of Augusta had been going on, Col. Elijah Clark initially invested Fort Galphin. Then on the 21st of May, Clark was joined by Pickens (or Lee) with Maj. Samuel Hammond and his regiment minus one company, Col. William Harden, and the infantry of Lee’s Legion, under Capt. Michael Rudulph. They had all moved down from Augusta after Lee (or Pickens) arrived with the main body of troops that morning, which Lee’s speaks of as being “sultry beyond measure.” The fort had recently received the present which the British made annually to the Indians made up of powder ball liquor salt, blankets, sundry small articles, including some fowling pieces and small arms. Despite the account he gives of what happened, Lee himself, as Johnson reasonably demonstrates was not actually with the Ft. Galphin expedition, but remained with his cavalry, Eaton’s North Carolina light infantry, and the remainder of Pickens and Clark’s men at Augusta itself. Also according to Lee, British were tricked out of their fort into an ambush, which then allowed the Americans to enter the fort. Again Johnson disputes Lee’s claim saying that he possessed documents showing that Galphin had been surrendered after some negotiations between the besiegers and besieged. However, what may have happened was that a party was captured using the ruse described by Lee, but either this of itself did not take fort, or was preliminary to the fort’s formal surrender, which, incidentally took place in the evening. Americans lost one from the heat, loyalist 3 or 4 from the skirmish. Not counting the Blacks, 126 were made prisoners, about 70 of them Provincial regulars. The presents to the Indians, as well as the fort’s stores, were captured. Both Lee and Pickens request Greene to use some of the stores taken at Fort Dreadnought for the militia serving with them, which request Greene granted, though Lee later claimed the prizes taken were not all that considerable in quantity. Although it may be reasonable to dispute Lee’s actual presence at Fort Galphin, nevertheless, what is clear is that his swiftness in moving on Augusta made the surprise at Galphin possible, and thus quickened the fall of the main Augusta forts, Cornwallis and Grierson.

Tarleton Brown (who was with Col. William Harden): “….we marched for the siege of Augusta. On our way up, we learned that Colonel Brown's (a Tory) boats were going up the Savannah River. We went in pursuit of them, and attacked them about opposite the place of the late Stephen Smith, of Savannah River, but they got on the Georgia side, and we could do nothing with them. From this we marched to Augusta, where we met Generals Pickens and Twiggs, and commenced the work of extermination. The first attack that we made was on the fort at Silver Bluff, now the property of Governor Hammond, of South Carolina. Brown's boats had now arrived, and stowed away their goods in the fort. The British not being willing to yield without a struggle, we stove a cannon ball through the brick house in the fort, and they immediately marched out and surrendered, for fear we would serve them the like trick.”

21 May to 5 June. [siege] Augusta, which here includes both Forts Cornwallis and Grierson. (Richmond County, GA.) Some of their forces having arrived on the 21st, Pickens and Lee joined their forces with the Georgians under Col. Elijah Clark already before Augusta since mid April. With Clark were Col. Micajah Williamson, Col. John Baker, Maj. Samuel Jackson and Maj. James Jackson. Augusta was made up of two forts within a half mile of each other, a smaller one at Fort Grierson, and the main defenses, Fort Cornwallis (see 24 May for information on the taking of Fort Grierson). In Fort Cornwallis, the larger of the two posts, was Col. Thomas Brown with 240 men, including the King’s Carolina Rangers, and an additional 200 blacks, some of whom may have been armed. Fort Grierson was defended by Lieut. Col. James Grierson with two pieces of artillery and about 80 Georgia loyalists. The ground around Augusta was fairly flat and level, so there was no terrain overlooking the town, though there were some houses situated not far outside Cornwallis.

In making their approaches to Fort Cornwallis, the Americans dug trenches, and later used Maham towers, the first erected on the night of 30-31 May, on which they mounted a six-pounder, which disabled Brown's own six-pounder (or else two cannon, one of which was a six-pounder.) Brown had tried unsuccessfully, by means of sorties, to sabotage both the trench (when it was being worked on), and the Maham tower. In the case of one of the towers subterfuge, in the way of British soldier masquerading as a deserter from Brown, was tried as well. At one point in the siege, Brown also had set explosives in a nearby house used by Rebel sharpshooters, hoping to catch them there. However, the explosives were detonated at a time when the house was empty. Compared to earlier sieges of the British outposts, Augusta was long and trying, involving much shelling, and sniping between the besiegers and the garrison. Two of Brown’s field pieces were dismounted on June 2nd. By the 5th, after some exchanges in correspondence between both sides, Brown decided he could no longer hold out against the artillery and riflemen mounted in the towers. Despite what had been vigorous and spirited defense on the part of himself and his provincials, he was force to surrender the fort to Pickens and Lee, the former as ranking American officer, and the latter representing the Continental Army.

British casualties, based on immediate after siege reports were 52 killed, and 334 captured, i.e. Brown plus, 7 officers, 7 loyalist officers, 162 Provincials, and 130 Tory militia and "about" 200 Blacks. Lossing says the “Americans had sixteen killed and thirty-five wounded. The loss of the British was fifty-two killed; and three hundred and thirty-four, including the wounded, were made prisoners of war.” The officers taken were paroled to Savannah, while the rank and file were sent north as prisoners. These latter were escorted to Ninety-Six by Maj. Samuel Hammond's regiment, and the detachment of N.C. Continentals, which were now under the command of Capt. Robert Smith. Smith had replaced Maj. Pinkertham Eaton, after Eaton’s death on the 24th. during the fighting before Fort Grierson. No mention is made of the Creek Indians who were present in April, but who apparently were able to escape homeward some weeks before the surrender.

Tarleton Brown: “We now commanded the siege of Brown of Brown's fort. In taking this fort, we had great difficulty. We raised a platform fifteen or twenty feet high, and mounted a cannon upon it, and from thence fired at them in the fort. In this way we destroyed a good many of them, but finding we were too hard for them in this way, and to screen themselves from the thunder and lightning of our platform, they dug several caves in the sides of the walls of the fort and crawled into them, We then continued the entrenchment, and as we entrenched, we rolled up cowhides and placed them on the embankment for portholes to shoot through. One morning I was standing next to young Stafford, who was about to shoot through one of our portholes, and there came a ball from the fort and killed him dead. Young Stafford was [earlier] with me in General Marion's Army, and he was, indeed, a brave and patriotic fellow, and dying in freedom's cause, his memory should never fade from our recollection. Before Brown would surrender, we entrenched so near his fort that I ran a hoe-halve from the entrenchment into the fort. On finding we were so near upon him, he marched out and surrendered with all his force and goods. Brown had been such a desperate fellow, there existed great anxiety to kill him; but as he came under capitulation, we had not chance to do so at this time, but I determined to do so on his way down the river. I took a few brave fellows, and slipped down the river to carry into execution my determination, but he made his escape, through the shades of the night, in a small canoe.”

22 May. A reinforcement of some 1,700 to possibly 2,000 British and German troops, under Col. August de Voit, disembarked at Portsmouth.

24 May. [surrender] Fort Grierson, also Augusta (Richmond County, GA.) On the 23rd of May (Johnson says the 24th), Fort Grierson, was surrounded by Pickens and Lee and Maj. Eaton, and a battery was opened up against it. Maintaining the siege and keeping watch on Fort Cornwallis were the Legion cavalry under Major Eggleston, and some of the militia. Brown tried to make a sortie to thwart the effort, but was himself driven back into Fort Cornwallis where he cannonaded the besiegers instead. A while after, Lieut. Col. Grierson issued from the fort of his name, in an effort to escape to Fort Cornwallis. A sharp skirmish ensued, and upwards of 40 of Grierson’s men were captured, while Grierson with a handful of others, by moving under the cover of the river bank, were able to reach Fort Cornwallis in safety. In addition, the loyalists lost 30 killed. Pickens and Lee captured two cannon from Grierson, which they then proceeded to deploy against Fort Cornwallis. The Americans lost two wounded, and Maj. Pinkertham Eaton killed. Some accounts claim that in the shuffle of what transpired he was taken prisoner and his death occurred moments after the fighting had already ceased. Capt. Robert Smith subsequently replaced him in command of the North Carolina Continental detachment.

Lee, in his memoirs, praises the effort of a Capt. Handy who led the “Marylanders” against one of Brown’s forays. Evidently this individual was Capt. George Handy, from Maryland, of the Legion Infantry, and it was that unit (not a detachment from the Maryland Regiment as might otherwise seem to have been implied) which took part in the skirmish with Brown. Further in support of this, there is an unrelated anecdote in Lee’s memoirs suggests that the “Capt. Handy” of Augusta belonged to the Legion.

On 5 May, Pickens wrote Greene: "The Lt. Col and forty odd are prisoners and a Major and About thirty others were found dead on the field (Without any loss on our side but Two men slightly Wounded,) Some few of the enemy escaped in the Woods, and the Colonel with a few followers were So fortunate as to escape our fire and reach Brown's fort in Safety. Two field pieces fell into our hands on this occasion and the Troops took possession of the upper fort without any resistance. During the Action, Capt. Armstrong of the Legion drove the enemys outposts from the town, and took possession of their redoubts, thus we are fully masters of the Country and Town and have Circumscribed Colonel Brown to one fort."

Kirkwood: "Received express from Col. Lee that he had taken two redoubts [Ft. Grierson, and apparently making reference as well to Ft. Galphin as well] at Augusta in Georgia, making 70 of them prisoners & Killed about 40, taking a Quantity of stores, Rum, etcs."

Tarleton Brown: “The next fort we attacked [after Fort Balfour, see 17 April] was that commanded by the wretched Grason [Grierson], at the upper end of town, This we soon stormed and took -- Captain Alexander shooting Grason [Grierson] for his villainous conduct in the country. Some made their escape from us by fleeing to Brown's fort, near the river. Before we laid siege to Brown's fort, a fellow by the name of Rutherford (a villain withal) took a company and slipped out in the night down the river, opposite Beach Island, and just at the break of day surprised our horse guard. It being in the bend of the river, the British and Tories got round them, and having a superior force, our men took to the river, but they killed several of our brave fellows while they were swimming, some making their escape -- my brother Bartlett Brown, was one among that number. We heard of their trip after our guard, and pushed to cut them off, but were too late by a few momentarily, for as we got within one hundred and fifty yards on the lane, we saw them enter. A few moments sooner, and we would have fixed them smugly.”

22 May. Rochambeau and Washington and Rochambeau met to at Wethersfield, Connecticut to plan upcoming operations. They decided to make New York their primary target, but to possibly make a movement south if an advantageous circumstance arose.

22 May (or thereabouts). 2,000 British and German troops under Col. August de Voit from New York landed in Virginia as a reinforcement.

22 May. [siege] Ninety-Six (Greenwood County, S.C.) On a day which was dark and rainy, Greene arrived at and began the formal investment of Ninety-Six. Prior to that some of his advanced parties and militia skirmished with the loyalists and started the process of keeping the garrison in and further assistance out. At the time Greene had little more than 1,000 men, not counting local militia and his detachments at Augusta. Tarleton states the works at Ninety-Six were completed by this time, a claim MacKenzie disputes. Prior to Greene’s arrival Cruger had taken pains to lay in an abundance of supplies, in which he was only partially successful, as obtaining them was rather difficult. At the same time, he had removed or destroyed provisions from the area, making it subsequently necessary for Greene to supply his men from outlying locations. For specific troops strengths present at siege of Ninety-Six see 18 June.

Kirkwood: “22nd {May] This Day Crossed the Saluda. Surprised a party of Tories within sight of Nienty Six, Killed four, Spent the day in reconnoitering the Garrison, which was commanded by Col. Cruger. Marched ….9 [miles].

At Night were employed in raising a three Gun Battery, about 130 yards from their works and under a Scatering Fire from the Enemy all night.”

Seymour. "Next day, being the twenty-second, we crossed at Island Ford, and encamped before Ninety-Six. Nine miles. This day we took and killed eleven of the Tories in their encampment. We were employed this night and the next day in making breast-works and batteries before the town."

23 May. 400 South Carolina militia joined Greene at Ninety-Six. Bass states that without consulting Sumter, Greene had called out the regiments of Brandon, Hayes, Thomas and Lyle. On June 7th, Sumter, at Ancrum’s, wrote Greene that the summoning of his troops had prevented him from inquiring into their state and order, in addition to lessening his own force. "(B)ut as you have had a Call for them, I am Glad they Was in the way of being Servicable." He also said "the men are turning out very well," even though the harvest was pending.

23 May. [sortie] Ninety-Six (Greenwood County, S.C.) At the recommendation of Kosciuszko, a sap was begun very close to the Star fort portion of the Ninety-Six, which position was commanded by Maj. Joseph Greene with 150 men from his own regiment, the 1st Bttn. Delancey, and 50 loyalist militia. Greene’s and Kosciuszko’s belief was that if the Star Fort could be taken that the rest of Ninety-Six would fall. Cruger erected a platform on which he placed his artillery, from which, along with some musketry, he fired down on the American approach. Then a sortie was sent out under Lt. John Roney, of the 1st Bttn. Delancey, which bayoneted a number of American sappers before assistance could arrive. Although Roney was killed, Cruger suffered no other loss. Greene was forced to withdraw to a distance to begin new approaches

MacKenzie: "By eleven o'clock in the morning of the 22d of May, the platform in the salient angle of the Star, nearest to the Americans, was completed, and mounted with guns, to fire en barbet. These, with incessant platoons of musquetry, played on the works constructed by the enemy the preceding night, under cover of which, thirty men, marching in Indian-file, entered them, and put every man they could reach to the bayonet. This party was immediately followed by another of the loyal militia, who, in an instant, levelled those works, and loaded a number of negroes with the entrenching tools of the Americans. Though General Greene put his whole army in motion to support the advanced corps, they were intirely routed before he could effect his design. The handful of brave men that performed this service, retired into the Star, without any loss, excepting that of the officer who led them, Lieutenant Roney. He was mortally wounded, and died the following night, much esteemed, and justly lamented."

24 May. At 300 yards from of the Star fort two single gun batteries were put in place.

Kirkwood: “24 [May] This Day opened our first Battery on the Enemy’s Star Redoubt [at Ninety-Six].”

24 May. Col. Robert Anderson, of Pickens' brigade, wrote to Greene, from "Puddens quarter" (near Ninety-Six), saying he had sent some of his men to the frontier to protect against a party of Cherokee raiders. A minority of Indians, despite peace negotiations then going on, continued making war sporadically against the settlers. When Anderson learned of Greene's arrival at Ninety-Six he sent some men to get what wagons could be got, and to collect and drive cattle to the army. However, the local people had suffered so greatly in loss of horses, wagons, and provisions, Anderson expected there would belittle he could supply Greene’s army with.

24 May. Cornwallis, having added Arnold’s-Phillips’ force to his own, marched from St. Petersburg to Maycox, then making arrangements to cross over the James River, went from Meads to Westover. With the use of boats previously constructed by Arnold, and by swimming horses, his entire army completed the passage in three days (by the 26th and 27th.) At Westover, Cornwallis made his headquarters at Byrd’s Plantation. About this same time, Arnold left Cornwallis, embarking from Westover, and returned to New York. Also it was here that reinforcements (mentioned above) arrived. Cornwallis originally came from North Carolina with 1,500 to 1,800, and there may have been 5,305 under Phillips/Arnold. Additional reinforcements, including the 43rd Regt., sent by Clinton brought this total strength then to about 7,200 to 7,500. It must be borne in mind however, that Cornwallis suffered attrition all this while due to a high rate of illness. Lee writes "Sir Henry Clinton states the force in Virginia, previous to the arrival of Lord Cornwallis, to be five thousand three hundred and four. Since his Lordship's assumption of command, General Leslie ...joined with three regiments from New York, of which the forty-third was added to the Army." Cornwallis retained the 43rd with him at Westover, Va. as a field force and sent Maj. Gen. Leslie with the seventeenth regiment and the two Anspach battalions to garrison Portsmouth. Cornwallis to Clinton, dated Byrd's Plantation (Westover), May 26, 1781. Leslie as Mackenzie makes clear, did not arrive with the reinforcements from New York as stated by Tarleton, but rather had remained with Cornwallis since first joining up with him at Winnsborough in January.

25 May. Rawdon fell back from Monck's Corner to Goose Creek Bridge, due to false report that the French fleet was approaching the area.

25 May. Greene appointed Lieut. Col. William Henderson to arrange and command the militia of Ninety-Six until further orders.

26 May. William Dobein James: “On the night of the 26th of May, the celebrated Kosciusko, who acted at that time as an engineer for Greene, raised two block batteries within three hundred and fifty yards of the besieged [at Ninety-Six.] Soon after a third and a fourth were erected, and lastly a rifle battery within thirty yards of the ditch of the fort. The abbatis was turned, and two trenches and a mine were extended within six feet of the ditch.”

26 May. Von Steuben, at Albemarle Court House, wrote Greene saying he intended to march south to join Greene with 560 Virginia Continental recruits and 30 to 40 of Armand's Legion. Steuben had hope to march by June 5th or 6th. Events in Virginia, however, prevented such a move.

26 May. Lafayette, camped at Richmond, wrote to von Steuben: "Our baggage and stores were sent off yesterday by the route of Brook's Bridge; and should the enemy's movements [Cornwallis’] be rapid toward Richmond, I must trust to you for giving direction relative to the removing of stores and securing the remainder of the boats at Tuckahoe. I have detained De Contun with twelve of Armand's corps, which I could not possibly do without; the remainder of them you will order as you please. There are fifty men of White's dargoons at Staunton, which I wish most earnestly to have mounted and equipped. Our want of cavalry is most sensibly felt. Most of the militia horse are gone, and the times of the remainder will be out next week." Lafayette then did what he could to evacuate stores from Richmond, then marched northward toward the Rappahannock in order to more speedily effect a junction with Brig. Gen. Wayne's forces coming south.)

27 May. Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger, at "Congaree, Point Necessity," S.C., reported to Greene that Rawdon had retreated to Goose Creek Bridge, which was just a few miles north of Charleston. 400 of Rawdon’s men were sent to Dorchester where they were "entrenching." Marion, Huger also, said, had gone to Georgetown leaving Major Maham on the enemy lines near Monck's Corner.

Stephen Jarvis: “…I was with the Troops stationed on the road leading to Monk’s [Monck’s] Corner, near Goose Creek…I remained here until the memorable battle of Camden [Hobkirk’s Hill] when I was ordered to escort the Commandant [Balfour] to the Santee where we met Lord Rawdon and his army who had retreated to Camden. After having an interview with his Lordship we returned to Charlestown and his Lordship, after sending the sick and wounded to Charlestown, took the route to Mablyse to relieve some posts at Thompson’s Plantations.

We were soon ordered to Dorchester. On our arrival at this place we were joined by Captain Sandford’s Troop of Buck’s Country Dragoons who were afterward incorporated with the British Legion. Captain Saunders Troop also joined us and soon after the South Carolina Regiment [South Carolina Royalists] who had been made a Regiment of Cavalry for their good conduct at the battle of Camden joined.”

27 May. Marion marched from Cantey's Plantation, just north west of Murry’s Ferry on the Santee), and moved to Georgetown which he arrived on the 28th. Marion's re-appearance in the Georgetown area encouraged more militia to turn out to join him.

27 May. Coming from Westover, with Simcoe and Tarleton acting as advance forces (which they would continue to do in the Richmond campaign) Cornwallis arrived at White Oak Swamp. There he received word that Lafayette had abandoned Richmond. The next day (the 28th) he was at Bottom’s Bridge on the Chickahominy River, with Lafayette now twenty miles west of him and eight miles above Richmond at Winston’s Bridge on the Chickahominy.

27 May. Rawdon sent the King’s American Regt. to reinforce Savannah, as requested by Royal Governor there James Wright, as Wright claimed the garrison there was very weak. According to one source, the Kings American Regt. had been stationed at Dorchester. Be this as it may, or else with Rawdon, they marched to Charleston on the 27th.

27 May. The first parallel at Ninety was completed, 220 yards from star fort. The same day a 20 foot high tower was erected within 140 yards of star fort. Although Cruger attempted to set these towers alight with hot shot, their construction from green logs and earth prevented their destruction.

28 May. Cornwallis reached Bottom's Bridge on the Chickahominy River.

28 May. Lafayette withdrew northward in the face of Cornwallis advance toward a location to better effect a junction with Wayne coming south with reinforcements.

28 May. Cornwallis, moving toward the Pamunkey River, with a mind to cutting off Lafayette’s line of communications, reached New Castle (present day Old Church.)

28-29 May (also given as 20-21 May). [evacuation] Georgetown (Georgetown County, S.C.) Marion, with 400 mounted men, briefly laid siege to Georgetown. The town at this time had a garrison of about 80 provincials and some few loyalists militia. After the first night Marion started to dig. Then leaving a small detachment of militia as guard, he marched the rest of his brigade upstate to other operations. The British evacuated the town the next night(the 29th), leaving the 3 nine-pounders and carronade spiked, with their trunnions "knocked off." After taking Georgetown, Marion set about breaking up its fortifications. On 5 June, Marion reported the ships (a galley, 2 gun boats and an armed schooner) containing the garrison, were still outside the harbor, though, as it turned out no subsequent effort was made to take the city. By that time, Marion had few men left and little ammunition.

29 May. Lafayette moved to Dandridge’s at the confluence of Goldmine Creek and South Anna trying to position himself where he could both link up with Wayne coming from Frederick, Maryland, and or receive possible support from von Steuben who was at Point of Forks. About this same time, Weedon was removing stores kept at Fredericksburg and Falmouth.

30 May. [raid] Hanover Court House (Hanover County, VA.) After leaving Newcastle on the 29th, Cornwallis arrived at Hanover Court House where he captured some French twenty-four pounders, which he spiked or threw into the river. He also destroyed a considerable quantity of tobacco.

30 May. Wayne with 3 Pennsylvania battalions and a detachment of Continental artillery reached Frederick, Maryland.

30 May. The second parallel at Ninety-Six was completed at a 100 yards distance from the Star fort. Technically though it was not a parallel but a fleche or two trenches coming together at a slight angle, pointed away from the fort. From the fleche work was started on a mine or tunnel directed toward the fort.

31 May. The King's American Regiment left Charleston. As no transports were available, they were embarked on the privateer “Tartar” and some small sloops, arriving at Savannah in two days.

31 May. Wayne crossed the Potomac River at Noland's Ferry.

Late May. Rawdon was very sick, and removed himself to recuperate in Charleston. Lieut. Col. John Watson then commanded his force, situated just north of the city. It was estimated at being 1,340 infantry and 100 cavalry.

Late May or early June. Drafts for the Guards and part of the recruits disembarked at Portsmouth, VA.

Early June. [raids] Richard Hampton’s “Second” Raiding Expedition (Berkeley County, S.C.) Sumter, at Ancrum’s wrote Greene on the 7th that Col. Richard Hampton had taken his force of "disaffected Orangeburgers" on an extensive tour southward. They surprised two enemy parties, killed the commander of one, and as well as taking prisoners, captured a number of slaves and horses. The British around Monck's Corner were reported as plundering and laying waste the country, collecting livestock of every kind and destroying crops. There were also British parties at Twenty Three Mile House, Wassamassaw, and Dorchester. Sumter added that he had recently directed that several regiments of his were to cooperate with Maham in combating them.

1 June.

Forces under Cornwallis,

Rank and File:

BRITISH

1st Bttn., Light Infantry: 465

2nd Bttn., Light infantry: 417

Brigade of Guards:338

7th Regt.:180

23rd Regt.:165

33rd Regt.:186

43rd Regt.:285

2nd Bttn., 71st Regt.: 164

76th Regt.:320

80th Regt.: 377

GERMAN

Anspach:

1st Anspach Bttn.: 435

2nd Anspach Bttn.: 427

Hessian:

Prince Hereditaire: 383

Regt. von Bose:205

PROVINCIAL

Queen's Rangers: 317

British Legion (cavalry only): 173

Total: 4,837

Detachments not included above:

Royal Artillery: 220

German artillery: 50

17th Light Dragoons: 25

82nd Light Company: 36

Jägers: 57

North Carolina Volunteers: 33

Guides and Pioneers: 54

Total for detachments, etcs.: 475

COMPLETE TOTAL: 5312

1 June. Cornwallis moved to Cook's Ford on the North Anna River.

1 June. Col. Hezekiah Maham, at Stephen, S.C., wrote to Greene reporting that Rawdon had moved back to Monck's Corner, and was sending out strong parties to collect livestock.

1 June. Brig. Gen. Huger, near McCord's ferry, wrote to Greene saying Maj. Hezekiah Maham was to be reinforced by part of Col. Charles Myddleton's regiment and by Marion, who should have joined Maham "this morning."

2 June. Pickens wrote to Greene that a force of the enemy which had collected at Ebenezer, GA. was too small to threaten the siege still taking place at Augusta.

2 June. Lafayette arrived at Mattapony church in Spottsylvania County, VA. a few miles north of Mount Pleasant. Tarleton followed to a point nearby shortly after, but being so far from Cornwallis and the main army could not pursue.

2-4 June. [raids] Charlottesville (Charlottesville City County, VA.) Tarleton, with 180 dragoons of his Legion, and 70 mounted infantry of the 76th Highland Regiment, carried out a series of raids. His men were now mounted on some fine steeds, which had been confiscated. In a raid on Louisa Court House and Charlottesville, Tarleton captured 12 wagonloads of clothing headed for Greene's army and burns them. 1,000 arms were also taken and broken up, and 400 barrels of powder, some Continental clothing and several hogsheads of tobacco were destroyed. Seven members of the Virginia assembly and other leaders were, says Tarleton, “killed, wounded or taken.” But thanks to the determination and endurance of Jack Jouett riding to bring timely warning on the 3rd and 4th, most, including Governor Jefferson and Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens, managed to narrowly escape to Staunton, where a temporary state capital was then established. A detachment of Tarleton's, under Lieut. Donald MacLeod, had ridden to Jefferson’s home at Monticello, where not finding the Governor, enjoyed themselves with his fine wines and food. Charlottesville had been a depot for some of the prisoners taken at Saratoga, and in view of the British invasion most had been moved earlier to Winchester. Yet 20 of these "Convention" (i.e. Saratoga) prisoners, were released by Tarleton. "Many more,” he writes “would probably have joined their countrymen, if Lieutenant colonel Tarleton had been at liberty to remain at Charlottesville a few days; but his duty pointed out the propriety of returning the same afternoon, with his corps and prisoners, down the Rivanna, towards the Point of Fork.”

3 June. [raid] Goochland (Goochland County, VA.) Cornwallis sent Simcoe's loyalist legion, the Queen's Rangers (300 men) to attack Point of Fork. He himself, meanwhile, marched to Goochland Court House where he destroyed stores there.

3 June. At a distance of less than sixty yards from the Star fort, work began on third parallel at Ninety-Six. Cruger fired on digging and labor parties. Greene then had a Maham tower built 30 yards of the Star fort, then placing in it riflemen to protect the sappers and diggers. Cruger responded by placing sandbags above the Star fort’s parapets.

3 June. Lafayette moved to Corbin's Bridge on the Po River in Spotsylvania County.

3 June (also given as the 6th). [raid] Snipes’ Plantation (Colleton County, S.C.). Maj. William Clay Snipes was surprised after sunrise and all but 3 of his twenty men were killed or taken prisoner by a detachment out of Dorchester, led by Capt. John Saunders, with a troop of Queen’s Rangers and Capt. Alexander Chesney, with some South Carolina loyalists. In a letter to Greene of the 7th, however, Sumter stated that all but 4 were captured, but that Snipes and three others escaped.

Chesney: "We [i.e. Chesney with his troop of Charleston cavalry] had not been at this place long before I ascertained that Major Snipes, Col. Haynes [Isaac Hayne] and Marion had returned, crossed Pond-Pond [Pon Pon] River and were embodying troops [June, 1781] which intelligence I communicated to Lord Rawdon and His Lordship immediately ordered out a detachment of which I was one. We crossed Pond-Pond River at Parker's Ferry, and the boats having been removed to impede our march, I swam my horse over accompanied by others and procured feather-beds to transport those who could not swim across the River; we then proceeded rapidly and reached Snipe's plantation by daylight. We soon cleared him and his party, driving them out with loss; on this occasion I was wounded in the thigh with a spear by a man concealed in a Ha-Ha whilst in the act of leaping my horse over it. But I made him prisoner and took him with the others taken on this occasion to Dorchester.”

Stephen Jarvis: “Only one man was taken prisoner and he was ordered to be killed by Captain Saunders, the most disgraceful thing I ever heard of a British Officer. The poor fellow was severely hacked, but whether he died of his wounds or not I do not know. I once pulled out my pistol to put the poor fellow out of his misery but I had not the power to discharge, and said to myself ‘This blood shall not be charged to me.’ I do not know but have reason to believe that as many as twenty were killed. At first it was supposed that Snipe himself was amongst the slain but it was not so for he made his escape on the first shot being fired.”

3 June. A squadron with 17 transports from Ireland disembarked at Charleston. From it were landed the 3rd Regt., the 19th Regt., and 30th Regt., a detachment of Guards, and a 100 recruits, totaling about 2,000 men, collectively under the command of Col. Paston Gould. Gould thereafter formally became commander in charge of British forces in Carolina and Georgia, superceding Balfour.

Fortescue: “(M)atters would have gone hardly with them [the Ninety-Six garrison] but for a strange accident. This was nothing less than the arrival of the six regiments which had been sent to reinforce Clinton from England, and which, but for the interception of Cornwallis’s orders by an American privateer, would have sailed straight to New York.”

3 June. Rawdon transformed the South Carolina Royalists Regt. into cavalry after Charleston inhabitants raised 3,000 guineas by way of a subscription for horses and cavalry equipment. It numbered 150 men, and was placed under the command of Maj. John Coffin. Rawdon also had 200 "indifferent" cavalry.

4 June. Pickens wrote to Greene reporting that about 150 enemy regulars and militia have collected at "the Two Sisters," a bluff near Ebenezer on the Savannah river. A party of this force crossed the river and "killed two men in Carolina."

4 June. Lafayette crossed the Rapidan River at Ely's Ford, twenty miles north of Fredericksburg, just in time before flooding, caused by heavy rains, prevented its further crossing.

4 June. Wayne arrived at Cook's Mils on Goose Creek. The next day, he left his baggage there, and marched to Red House near Thoroughfare Gap. Heavy rains slowed his movement.

5 June. Fort Cornwallis at Augusta surrendered to Pickens and Lee (see Augusta, 22 May.) Lee returned to join Greene at Ninety-Six. Pickens remained at Augusta removing stores taken there, but by the 17th had likewise joined Greene. After Pickens left, Major, now Lieut. Col., James Jackson took command of the post. The liberation of the Georgia upcountry from British occupation, made possible the revival of more normal state government. Among its first measures was to form militia and state troops to cooperate with the Continentals. Although a Georgia State Legion was subsequently raised under Jackson, the state had no funds to pay them. Instead land, slaves, horses, clothing, provisions, salt, usually confiscated from Tories, were used. Former loyalists were given the opportunity to prove their new American allegiance by serving in the militia or state troops. “But for the need of many to prove their loyalty to the United States, it is doubtful if there would have been any state troops worth mentioning.”

Kirkwood: “5th "This Day Augusta was Captured by Col. Lee making all the garrison prisoners of war consisting of 165 British and the like number of Tories."

5 June. Rawdon wrote Cornwallis, saying he would at present leave the newly arrived regiments (i.e. 3rd, 19th, 30th) in Charleston and "may march on the 7th towards Ninety-Six having been reinforced by the flank companies of the three regiments." Rawdon at this time was ill, and the army in the field was commanded by Watson.

5-6 June. [raid] Point of Fork (Fluvanna County, VA.) About this same time as Tarleton’s forays in the Charlottesville area, a similar raiding force under Lieut. Col. John Graves Simcoe, with 100 cavalry and 200-300 mounted infantry, consisting of the infantry and hussars of Queens Rangers, and the Jägers were gone to Point of Fork (down the Rivanna River from Charlottesville), where von Steuben, with about 500 recruits and militia, was posted guarding an ammunition laboratory and a magazine there. Steuben’s force managed to retreat to safety, but most of the arms and stores were taken or destroyed. Some days later, however, the ten cannon the British had dumped in the river were retrieved, and thereby saved. Cornwallis followed Tarleton and Simcoe in their wake and on the 7th camped at Elk Hill, a plantation of Jefferson's, near Byrd Creek, where those two detachments later reunited with him.

6 June. Lafayette crossed to the south bank of the Rapidan River at Raccon Ford.

6 June. Lieut. Col. James Grierson taken prisoner at the siege of Augusta, was murdered by an unknown assailant (probably a local or someone in the whig militia.) Just before, Grierson was being held in temporary custody awaiting removal to Savannah. Brown himself was assaulted, and another one of his officer’s wounded, but the perpetrator was caught and put in confinement. Greene offered an award of 100 guineas for the capture of Grierson’s murderer, but the latter was never found.

6 June. In a letter to Greene from Brig. Gen. Huger, at his home “Mount Necessity,” S.C., Huger attached a report from Col. Charles Myddleton, in turn obtained from two deserters, which gives Rawdon's strength at 1,340 infantry and 100 cavalry.

7 June. By this date, Col. Alured Clarke returned to Savannah from St. Augustine after having gone to the Florida post to temporarily to reinforce the garrison there in April 1781.

7 June. Rawdon having sufficiently recovered from a bout of malaria, returned to the field. He marched from Charleston to relieve Ninety-Six on this date, having 1,850 men. Among the units included in his force were flank companies from the 3rd, the 19th and the 30th, the 64th Regt., the Provincial light Infantry, small detachments of the 63rd Regt., the 7th Regt., the New York Volunteers, and Prince of Wales Volunteers, and detachments from the Hessian garrison regiments. Among the cavalry were the mounted South Carolina Royalists, the South Carolina Light Dragoons, and mounted troops of Hessians. Another 200 men under Maj. John Doyle later joined him en route from Monck’s Corner. According to Sumter, in a letter of June 18th, Rawdon had Watson and McArthur's command with him: 250 Hessians, 6 companies of new levies, 40 NY Volunteers, 4 troops of horse (40 to 60 per troop), 5 pieces of artillery and "several hundred" Tories. Rawdon on his approach Ninety-Six from Charleston by way of the road running along the north fork of the Edisto, and then by way of the Ridge Road. He allowed the baggage to fall behind with an escort, to follow him as they could. Although at one point along the way an effort was made by Lee’s cavalry to seize it, the baggage reached Ninety-Six in safety. See also 18 June.

7 June. Tarleton and Simcoe returned from their raids to re-unite with Cornwallis at Elk Hill.

8 June. Prisoners brought from Augusta were paraded before fort at Ninety-Six by the escort bringing them. According to MacKenzie this was done for purposes of deliberate mockery. Lee, on the other hand, ascribes it to carelessness in his approach to Ninety-Six for which the officer in charge of the prisoners was severely reprimanded. Though not with them, Lee himself had arrived at Ninety-Six about this same time, or a day or two earlier.

9 June. Wayne reached Raccoon Ford on the Rapidan

9 June: [sorties] Ninety-Six (Greenwood County, S.C.) Two sorties were made in the evening by the Ninety-Six garrison against the digging being done before the Star fort. During this encounter, a number of Americans were wounded, including Kosciuszko slightly. MacKenzie reports that an American officer was captured. There was not apparently any significant damage done to the work going on itself, however.

MacKenzie: "On the evening of the 9th of June, in the apprehension that something extraordinary was carrying on in the enemy's works, two sallies, with strong parties, were made. One of these entering their trenches upon the right, and penetrating to a battery of four guns, were prevented from destroying them for want of spikes and hammers. They here discovered the mount of a mine, designed to be carried under a curtain of the Star, upon springing of which the breach was to be entered by the American army, sword in hand. The other division that marched upon the left fell in with the covering party of the besiegers, a number of whom were put to the bayonet, and the officer who commanded them, Capt. Bentley of the Virginia line, brought in prisoner. Both divisions returned to the garrison with little loss, though it was impossible for that of the enemy not to have been considerable.”

Lee: “The enemy’s left had been entirely neglected, although in that quarter was procured the chief supply of water. As soon as the corps of Lee entered camp, that officer was directed to take post opposite to the enemy’s left, and to commence regular approaches against the stockade. Very soon Lee pushed his ditch to the ground designated for the erection of the battery, under the cover of which the subsequent approaches would be made. In the course of the next day [the 9th] this battery was erected, and Lieutenant Finn, with a six-pounder, took possession of it. The besiegers advancing closer and closer, with caution and safety, both on the right and left, Lieutenant-Colonel Cruger foresaw his inevitable destruction, unless averted by the approach of Rawdon. To give time for the desired event, he determined, by nocturnal sallies, to attempt to carry our trenches; and to destroy with the spade whatever he might gain by the bayonet. These recounters were fierce and frequent, directed sometimes upon one quarter and sometimes upon another; but so judicious had been the arrangements of the American general to counteract these expected attempts, that in no one instance did the British commandant succeed. The mode adopted was nevertheless pursued without intermission; and although failing to effect the chief object contemplated, became extremely harassing to the American army, whose repose during the night was incessantly disturbed, and whose labor in the day was incessantly pressed.”

10 June. Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne with 800 rank and file Continentals, joined Lafayette about twelve miles south of Raccoon Ford on the Rapidan River. Wayne, by himself and some staff, however, had reached Lafayette by the 7th. His force included 3 Pennsylvania regiments: the 1st Pennsylvania Battalion under Col. Walter Stewart; 2nd Pennsylvania Battalion under Col. Richard Butler; Craig's Pennsylvania Battalion under Col. Richard Humpton, plus 90 artillerymen, with 6 cannon (at least 2 of these being four pounders) of Proctor's 4th Continental Artillery. The same day Lafayette, now with Wayne, advanced on Cornwallis, reaching Brock’s Bridge on the North Anna River. Ward says Lafayette’s force now numbered 4,500.

11 June. Clinton wrote to Cornwallis: "The detachments I have made from this army [in New York] into Chesapeake since General Leslie's expedition in October last, inclusive, have amounted to 7724 effectives; and at the time Your lordship made the junction with the corps there, there were under Major General Phillips' orders 5304 -- a force I should have hoped would be sufficient of itself to carry on operation in any of the southern provinces in America...My [own] present effective force is only 10,931."

11 June. Lafayette camped near Boswell's Tavern (in the vicinity of the later Munford Bridge) on the South Anna River.

11 June. Sumter, at "Congarees," to Greene wrote saying he was on the point of moving, but his troops were still not in good order. He also remarked that Marion was about to return from Georgetown but had few men.

12 June. Having started marching in the evening of the 11th, and taking a little used track, Lafayette camped near "Allegre's," at an "impregnable position," with much overgrowth. The position was situated behind Mechunck Creek, thirteen miles east of Charlottesville. Here he was joined shortly afterward by 600 western and southern county Virginia militia under recently promoted Brig. Gen. William Campbell, who had commanded at King’s Mountain. There were occasional skirmishes in the area with Cornwallis scouting parties sent out under Tarleton.

12 June. Maj. John Armstrong, at Salisbury wrote Greene stating that he had with him about 200 N.C. Continentals, and would be ready to leave Salisbury on 20 June. He reached Greene’s army on 25 June.

12 June. General Thomas Nelson was elected Governor of Virginia, replacing Thomas Jefferson, whose term of office had ended June 4th.

12 June. [siege approach] Ninety-Six (Greenwood County, S.C.) Under the cover of a violent, yet rainless storm, Lee sent a party to sneak up on a stockade or hornwork (denoted Fort Holmes), protecting the garrison’s water supply at Ninety-Six. The intent had been to set the stockade on fire, but Lee’s men were discovered by a sentry before it could be effected. 5 were killed and 4 wounded. The same day a local farmer Hugh Aikens managed to make a successful dash for the fort, and brought the garrison word of Rawdon’s approach. Lee meanwhile set up a six-pounder battery and a party of sharpshooters to prevent access to the stockade, and by the night of the 17th Cruger was forced to abandon it. The Loyalists subsequently sent out naked black slaves at night time to retrieve water from a nearby creek. Carrying pails, they were able to crawl on the ground to a nearby creek undetected.

MacKenzie: "Colonel Lee continued his approaches to the stockade upon the left, before which his corps suffered greatly. On the 12th of June, in a paroxysm of temerity and folly, he directed a serjeant and six men, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, to advance with lighted combustibles, and set fire to the abbatis of the work which he had invested. Not one of them returned to upbraid him with his rashness, and he was the first to solicit a truce to bury the bodies of the men he had so scandalously sacrificed. Having now redoubled his efforts, and mounted a number of cannon, which followed him from Augusta, he completely enfiladed this work, by a triangular fire, and by the 17th of June rendered it untenable. It was evacuated in the night without loss, and taken possession of by the enemy. The sufferings of the garrison were now extreme. With infinite labour a well was dug in the Star, but water was not to be obtained, and the only means of precuring (sic) this necessary element in a torrid climate in the month of June, was to send out naked negroes, who brought a scanty supply from within pistol shot of the American pickets, their bodies not being distinguishable in the night from the fallen trees, with which the place abounded.”

Thomas Young: “Col. Brandon, Major, Jolly and myself, resolved to make an excursion to 96 where the siege were then going on. Here I remained during the siege. As we every day got our parallels nearer the garrison, we could see them very plain when they went out to a brook or spring for water. The Americans had constructed a sort of moving battery, but as the cannon of the fort were brought to bear upon it, they were forced to abandon the use of it. It had not been used for some time, when an idea struck old Squire Kennedy, (who was an excellent marksman) that he could pick off a man now and then as they went to the spring. He and I took our rifles and went into the woods to practice at 200 years. We were arrested and taken before an officer, to whom we gave our excuse and design. He laughed, and told us to practice no more, but to try our luck from the battery if we wanted to, so we took our position, and as a fellow came down to the spring. Kennedy fired and he fell; several ran out and gathered round him, and among them I noticed a man raise his head, and look round as if he wondered where that shot could have come from. I touched my trigger and he fell, and we made off, for fear it might be our time to fall next.” 

12 June. Rawdon crossed Four Holes Creek at Holes Bridge at noon on this date, and later in the day arrived at Orangeburg. In a letter to Greene on the 15th, Sumter reported that Rawdon’s movement was slow, and that there were still dragoons at Orangeburg, and some more infantry a few miles behind them. One of these detachments was apparently escorting Rawdon’s baggage.

13 June. Sumter, still at Ancrum’s, wrote Greene, in response to report of Rawdon's march to relieve Ninety-Six, suggesting Greene call out Colonels William Brandon, Joseph Kershaw and John Thomas: "it is likely a parcel of Good Riflemen might be got out in time." The following day, he reported his own force’s strength as 600 horse and 200 foot.

14 June. Lafayette left his fortified position at Mechunck and moves forward, through largely uninhabited country, to follow Cornwallis' own movement, and came within about 20 miles distance of the British forces.

14 June. Not having much to do while the siege of Ninety-Six continued, Lieut. Col. Washington’s cavalry was sent by Greene to join Sumter at Ancrum’s, and to assist Sumter in scouting, harassing the enemy., and impeding their marches. “Sumter,” says Bass, subsequently, “assigned some mounted militia and State Troops to Washington, augmenting his force to three hundred men, and rushed him off to operate ahead of Rawdon. He then sent Myddleton and Richard Hampton with their State Troops to hang upon the flank and rear of the British." About this same time, Lee’s cavalry, under Capt. John Rudulph, were operating in the same manner as Washington’s, and on the 16th were located in the fork of the Saluda and Broad Rivers. See 16 June.

15 June. Cornwallis left Elk Hill and marched to Westham on his way back to Tichmond, with Tarleton and Simcoe on his flanks. The move signaled a withdrawal by the British and was interpreted as such by the Americans.

15 June. Sumter, at Palmers near the Congaree, wrote to Greene that Marion was north of the Santee River, trying to collect more men to bolster his small force, and was in need of ammunition, though Sumter had none to spare. Sumter asked Greene if he could send Marion a supply. On June 14th, in a separate letter to Greene, Sumter reported his own strength as being at 800.

16 June. Marion, at "Rocks Plant, St. Johns," S.C., wrote to Greene, saying he had advanced thus far, as per Sumter's orders, on his way to join Sumter, having only with him his mounted troops. Marion feared that if he left the part of the country he was then in, the enemy would destroy all the provisions south of the Santee River. This was the only available supply until the new crops were harvested. He sent Col. Peter Horry to quell the loyalists on the Pee Dee, and would be sending Maj. Maham to disperse some loyalists collecting at Four Holes. Maham was also to push down to the Quarter House and Goose Creek Bridges and attack the small guards there. The enemy, Marion stated, had 400 "new raised" troops at Monck's Corner. He added that If he could remain where he was, and receive ammunition, he would be able to keep the enemy party close in at Monck's Corner. At that time, they had to bring in provisions from Charleston because Marion had driven all the cattle away, and was currently doing the same in St. Thomas' Parish and the area near Haddrell's Point. The editor to the Nathanael Greene paper notes: The detachment at Monck’s Corner Marion refers to was the 3rd Regt., which had been left behind when Rawdon moved with his main force, and the flank companies of the newly arrived regiments to raise the siege at Ninety-Six.

16 June. Cornwallis re-entered Richmond where he remained till the 20th.

16 June. Sumter wrote to Greene that Rawdon's army was twelve miles above Orangeburg last night (the 15th) on their way to Ninety-Six. His scouts reported Rawdon’s strength was most probably near 1,500, with about 400 cavalry and 8 field pieces. Sumter had been detained waiting for some men to come from "down below," but will do what he can to retard Rawdon's march. The next day (the 17th), Sumter reported that Rawdon had camped at "Seaders Ponds," halfway between Ft. Granby and Ninety-Six, on the 16th. He believed Rawdon's force numbered some 1,500 men, with 150 good horse, and another 200 horse of indifferent quality, three to nine field pieces, their teams "very sorry," and they seemed to subsist chiefly upon beef. Sumter said he sent 100 cavalry and 100 mounted infantry to join Col. William Washington, who will then have 330 men to slow Rawdon's advance. As well, Sumter had dispatched a party of 200 mounted men under Col. Myddleton to harass Rawdon's rear. Provisions and forage have been stockpiled for Marion, who Sumter expected would be with him in three days. Sumter had also left ammunition for Marion, but none for those who might further join him. Although there were some skirmishes, Washington's success in slowing Rawdon was slight. Sumter was later criticized for sending out only a small blocking force under Myddleton, and, in addition, waiting till Rawdon had come up to a point below the Congaree before attempting to delay him.” He brigade, however, was suffering from organizational and discipline problems which Sumter soon after tried to remedy.

16 June. By nightfall, Rawdon camped at Cedar Ponds.

17 June. Greene wrote to Sumter: “Captain [John] Rudolph who commands the cavalry of Lee’s Legion was only thirty miles from this [Ninety-Six] this last Evening, having delayed his march through a mistake of his orders. He is now ordered to march and join [Lieut. Col. William] Washington with all possible dispatch.” On the 18th, Rudulph wrote Greene saying he had captured 15 loyalists on their way to join Rawdon, and that he would cross over to the Saluda Road, which runs between Ninety-Six and the Congaree, and attempt to get between Rawdon and Ninety-Six. He had made forays into Rawdon’s rear, but had not yet, however, been able to make contact with Washington’s cavalry. Rudulph finally formed a junction with Washington by the 19th.

17 June. Lafayette camped at Dandridge’s on the South Anna River in Hanover County, just northwest of Richmond.

17 June. A disguised courier made his way into garrison at Ninety-Six, and informed Cruger of Rawdon's approach. This immensely bolstered the garrison’s resolve to continue defending the fort.

17 June. After negotiations between the two parties for a few weeks, Maj. Micajah Ganey, on behalf of the local Drowning Creek and Pee Dee loyalists signed a truce with Col. Peter Horry, who represented Marion. The truce, however, was not permanent. Ganey later accused some of the Whigs of not holding up their end of the agreement, and it wasn’t long before he and his followers again became active.

17 June. The third parallel at Ninety-Six was completed. Also, by this date, Pickens had joined Greene at Ninety-Six.

Lossing: “They [the Americans] completed their parallels, and commenced the erection of a Mayham [Maham] Tower, from which to fire into the star redoubt. To guard against this advantage of height, Major [Joseph] Greene, the commander of the redoubt, piled bags of sand upon the parapets. On the morning of the seventeenth, a general fire was opened upon the works, and so effectual was it upon the stockade and its vicinity, that the garrison was deprived of water from the rivulet. Had this advantage been maintained, and Rawdon been delayed thirty hours longer, Cruger must have surrendered.”

18 June. [ambush] Myddleton’s Ambuscade, also Juniper Springs (Lexington County, S.C.) Sumter sent out Col. Charles Myddleton and Col. Richard Hampton with 200 men to prey on Rawdon’s column and foraging parties. The British, aware of their presence, on the 18th, set a trap at the fork of the Augusta and Ninety-Six Roads, near Juniper Springs. At 10 am, Myddleton and his men were then ambushed by Maj. John Coffin’s cavalry. 105 of Myddleton’s men were lost, most dispersed, with some killed and some captured. Afterward, only 45 of Myddleton's original force could be collected; Myddleton and Hampton themselves having escaped.

Tarleton: “[Rawdon] passed the Saluda near its junction with the greater river of that name. This route, however, enabled a Colonel Middleton, who was on his way from the Congarees with about three hundred cavalry and mounted militia, to endeavor to harass his rear, and particularly to obstruct the parties which were necessarily engaged in collecting cattle for the support of the army. After giving some trouble of this nature, Middleton being trained into a well-laid ambush, was spiritedly charged by Major Coffin, at the head of the royal cavalry, and his party was so completely routed and dispersed, as never to appear again during the march."

18 June. Tarleton, coming from Meadow Bridge on the Chickahominy, maneuvered in an effort to attack Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg's force of 400 Virginia militia. Muhlenberg, however, having received advanced notice, managed to get away. When Wayne with the Pennsylvania light infantry, marching 13 miles came up, Tarleton himself retreated.

18 June. Sumter had finally moved from Ancrum’s on the Congaree and was “6 miles from Wrights Nearly opposite Millers Ferry," S.C. He wrote to Greene on this date and reported Rawdon's force as" "the troops he commanded at Camden, Col Watsons and Maj McArthers Commands, 250 hessians, 6 companies of New Levies, & a Small Detachment to the 63d and 7th Regemts, about 60 Hessian horse, 40 [New] Yourk Volunteers, 4 troops of other horse from 40 to 60 in a Troop, five pieces of Artll'y, & a Number of Tories - Several hundred but Don't Know any thing Near their Number...I shall have With me but about three hundred Militia, or little upwards about 400 the Whole Chiefly Now Detached...I have ordered out all the Militia of My brigade except the Four Fork Regemt which you wrote was ordered out." Sumter himself had about 400 men actively employed, most of whom were detached to delay Rawdon. Sumter was force to send a detachment back to Granby to put down some loyalists in the neighborhood who had broken their paroles.

18 June. [siege assault] NINETY-SIX (Greenwood County, S.C.) Faced with the impending arrival of Lord Rawdon’s relief column, Greene attempted a two-pronged assault of the Star fort at Ninety-Six. Although conducted with exceptional heroism and gallantry, the effort failed. American losses in the assault were 40. Of this number, few were killed, though among them was Capt. George Armstrong of the Maryland Line. His baggage having already been removed from the area by Pickens, Greene by the next evening (the 19th) lifted the siege entirely and marched toward the Saluda River. The courageous and very professional performance of Cruger and his men under his command during the siege has at times been rightly praised. Yet being all loyalists, their feat, has regrettably been too often quickly passed over by historians from both sides. At the same time, also forgotten is that had Rawdon arrived just a few days late, Cruger might well have been forced to capitulate, due to lack of water and supplies.

BRITISH FORCES AT NINETY-SIX

Lieut. Col. John Harris Cruger

1st Bttn., De Lancey's New York Brigade: 150, (Cruger), Major Joseph Greene

2nd Bttn., New Jersey Volunteers: 200, Lieut. Col. Isaac Allen

South Carolina Loyalist militia from Ninety-Six District: 200, Col. Richard King

3 three-pounders mounted on wheeled carriages, and a number of swivel guns.

TOTAL OF CRUGER”S FORCES AT NINETY-SIX

MacKenzie: 550. “The garrison consisted of about one hundred and fifty men of the first battalion of Delancey's, with two hundred of the second battalion of New Jersey Volunteers. These corps having been raised in the year 1776, were well disciplined, and, from the active services in which they had been engaged, ever since their first landing in Georgia, had become equal to any troops. To these were added about two hundred loyal militia, under Colonel King. Motives of policy, as well as humanity, induced Lieutenant Colonel Cruger to advise the latter to quit the garrison, and, as they were provided with good horses, to effect their retreat, either to Charlestown or to Georgia, for he apprehended, that in case of a long siege, their numbers might cause a want of provisions; and he knew, that no capitulation, for securing to those unfortunate men the rights of war, observed by civilised nations, could be depended upon; but these Loyalists, though in a manner fighting with halters around their necks, were not to be dismayed; they turned their horses into the woods, made a point of remaining with the garrison and abiding by its fate.”

A force of 200 mounted loyalist under Capt. William Cunningham were dispersed and concealed in small groups in the area, and would waylay small parties and messengers, thus interrupting the flow of supplies and communications to and from Greene. Although not mentioned during the siege, Brig. Gen. Robert Cunningham, head of the Ninety-Six district militia, was apparently present, since in a letter from Col. Otho Williams, at Rice Creek, S.C., to Greene of July 5th, he reported that General Cunningham left the post at the same time Rawdon did. In general, the Ninety-Six area at that time was heavily and actively loyalist, though Cruger at one point expressed disgust with their fidelity.

AMERICAN FORCES AT NINETY-SIX

Maj. General Nathanael Greene

Brig. Gen. Isaac Huger, not well and attending to some business at his South Carolina plantation, was not present at Ninety-Six. Col. Otho Williams then would have been Greene’s second in command.

CONTINENTALS

These numbers are rank and file and based on a return made up by Williams.

Maryland Brigade: 427, Col. Otho Williams

1st Maryland Regt., Lieut. Col. John Eager Howard

2nd Maryland Regt., Major Henry Hardman

Virginia Brigade: 421,

1st Virginia Regt.[of 1781], Lieut. Col. Richard Campbell

2nd Virginia Regt.[of 1781], Maj. Smith Snead

Delaware Regt.: 60, Captain Robert Kirkwood

North Carolina Continentals: 66, Capt. Robert Smith

Partizan Corps (Lee's Legion): 150 to 180 total, for combined cavalry and infantry, Lieut. Col. Henry Lee

However, like Washington’s corps, the Legion cavalry was away from the main army at this time scouting and making efforts to arrest Rawdon’s approach. This would then have left about 100 to 110 legion infantry at Ninety-Six.

1st Continental Artillery: 80-100, Col. Charles Harrison, Capt. Ebenezer Finley, Lieut. Finn.

4 six-pounders

MILITIA

South Carolina militia: 300 to 400, Brig. Gen. Andrew Pickens

TOTAL of Greene’s Forces:

Total rank and file for the Continentals present: 984, including Lee 1,224.

Adding Pickens then would give Greene around 1,400 to 1,600 rank and file.

CASUALTIES

BRITISH

Mackenzie: “Lieutenant [Thomas] Barreté, of the 23d regiment, acted as engineer with great zeal. In one word, every officer received the warmest approbation of his conduct from Lord Rawdon and Lieutenant Colonel Cruger, nor did he aspire to a more honourable testimony of their merit. Lieutenant [John] Roney, of Delancey's, with three serjeants, and twenty-three rank and file, were killed. Captains French and Smith of Delancey's, Captain Barbarie and Lieut. Hatton, of the New Jersey Volunteers, with five serjeants and forty-nine rank and file, were wounded. The enemy acknowledged the loss of one Colonel, three Captains, five Lieutenants, and one hundred and fifty-seven privates, killed and wounded; but as their returns did not include the militia, who on this occasion bore the proportion of three of one to the troops in the pay of Congress, there can be no doubt but their loss amounted to treble that number in this memorable siege, -- a siege, which, however imperfectly known in Britain hitherto, will be remembered in America, whilst a vestige of the war in that country shall remain.

Ward gives British losses as 27 killed and 58 wounded for the entire siege.

AMERICAN

A return of American casualties at Ninety-Six, written by Col. Otho Williams, and attached to a letter from Greene, dated June 20, 1781, gives:

"Virginia brigade. Killed, 41; wounded 33; missing, 16.

Maryland brigade. Killed, 12, wounded, 24; missing, 3.

Light infantry. Killed, 1; wounded, 9, missing 1.

Legion infantry, Killed 2; wounded, 2

Virginia militia. Killed, 1; wounded 2.

Total. Killed, 57; wounded, 70; missing, 20

Captain [George] Armstrong of Maryland line, killed; Captain [Perry] Benson and Lieutenant Duvall [Isaac Duval] wounded. Captain Bentley of the Virginia line, prisoner; Lieutenants Evans, Miller, and [Samuel] Selden, wounded. Colonel Koscuilzko(sic), chief engineer, was slightly wounded."

Kirkwood: "18th. [June] This Day the Garrison of 96 was attacked on two Quarters Viz: -- the Star Redoubt by the main army, and Home's by Col. Lee's Infantry, with mine, with the assistance of three 6 pounders commanded by Col. Harrison. Our Redoubt held out about an hour, then left it in our full possession; the other being so verry (sic) strong, & the officers whop commanded in their Ditch being wounded with the greatest part of the men Killed and wounded, were obliged to give over the attempt."

MacKenzie: “Two parties under Captain Campbell of the New Jersey Volunteers, and Captain French of Delancey's, issued from the sally port in the rear of the Star, they entered the ditch, divided their men, and advanced, pushing their bayonets till they met each other. This was an effort of gallantry that the Americans could not have expected. General Greene, from one of the advanced batteries, with astonishment beheld two parties, consisting only of thirty men each, sallying into a ditch, charging and carrying every thing before them, though exposed to the fire of a whole army. "

Lee: “Orders were issued to prepare for storming; and the hour of twelve, on the next day (18th of June), was appointed for the assailing columns to advance by signal from the center battery.

Lieutenant-Colonel [Richard] Campbell, of the first Virginia regiment, with a detachment from the Maryland and Virginia brigades was charged with the attack on the left; and Lieutenant-Colonel Lee, with the Legion infantry and Kirkwood’s Delawares, with that on the right. Lieutenants [Isaac] Duval, of Maryland, and Seldon [Samuel Selden] of Virginia, commanded the forlorn hope of Campbell and Captain Rudolph, of the Legion, that of Lee. Fascines were prepared to fill up the enemy’s ditch, long poles with iron hooks were furnished to facilitate the progress of the assailant. At eleven the third parallel was manned, and our sharp-shooters took their station in the tower. The first signal was announced from the center battery, upon which the assailing columns entered the trenches, manifesting delight in the expectation of carrying by their courage the great prize in view.

At the second cannon which was discharged at the hour of twelve, Campbell and Lee rushed to the assault. Cruger, always prepared, received them with his accustomed firmness. The parapets were manned with spike and bayonet, and the riflemen, fixed at the sand bag apertures, maintained a steady and destructive fire. Duval and Sheldon entered the enemy’s ditch, and began to apply the hook. Uncovering the parapet now would have given us victory; and such was the vigorous afforded by the musketry from the third parallel, from the riflemen in the tower, and from the artillery mounted in the battery, that sanguine expectations of this happy issue were universally indulged. The moment the bags in front were pulled down, Campbell would have mounted the parapet, where the struggle could not have been long maintained. Cruger had prepared an intermediate battery with his three pieces, which he occasionally applied to the right and left. At first it was directed against Lee’s left, but very soon every piece was applied upon Campbell’s right, which was very injurious to his column.

Major [Joseph] Green, commanding in the star redoubt, sensible of the danger to which he was exposed if the attempted lodgment upon his front curtain succeeded, determined to try the bayonet in his ditch as well as on his parapet. To Captains Campbell and French was committed this bold effort. Entering into the ditch through a sally-port in the rear of the star, they took opposite directions, and soon came in contact, the one with Duval, the other with Seldon. Here ensued a desperate conflict. The Americans, not only fighting with the enemy in front, but with the enemy overhead, sustained gallantly the unequal contest, until Duval and Seldon became disabled by wounds, when they yielded, and were driven back, with great loss to the point of entry. The few survivors escaped with the hookmen to our trenches, where yet remained Campbell, the sand-bags not being removed. On the left the issue was very different. Rudolph gained the enemy’s ditch, and followed by the column, soon opened his way into the fort, from which the enemy, giving their last fire, precipitately retreated…The adverse fortune experienced by our left column made the mind of Greene return to his cardinal policy, the preservation of adequate force to keep the field.”

Lossing: “Greene then sent a flag to Cruger, proposing a cessation of hostilities for the purpose of burying the dead. Cruger refused, claiming that service for the victor, whoever he might be. Believing the reduction of the post to be doubtful before the arrival of Rawdon, and unwilling to encounter that general's superior force, Greene withdrew the detachment from the stockade, and prepared for a general retreat. Thus ended the siege of Ninety-Six, which continued twenty-seven days.”

19 June. Lafayette was joined by von Steuben with 425 to 450 newly raised Virginia Continentals (i.e. eighteen months men.) The additional reinforcement brought Lafayette's strength to 2,000 Continentals and 3,200 Virginia militia and riflemen.

Lafayette's force at this time was made up as follows:

Maj. Gen. Marquis de Lafayette

Maj. Gen. Baron von Steuben, second in command

3 Battalions of New England Light Infantry: 800 to 900, placed now under Brig. Gen. Muhlenberg

3 Pennsylvania Battalions: 450 to 750, under Brig. Gen. Anthony Wayne,

Virginia Continental Regiment: 425 to 450, under Col. Christian Febiger and Lieut. Col. Thomas Gaskins

3 Virginia militia brigades:

780 riflemen, Brig. General William Campbell

750, Brig. Gen. Robert Lawson

650, Brig. Gen. Edward Stevens

2nd and 4th Regiments of Continental artillery, 200 matrosses with 8 to 10 guns, 6 of these being smaller field guns, such as three-pounders and four-pounders.

Cavalry: Maj. William McPherson (of Pennsylvania)

Armand’s Cavalry and the 1st Continental Light Dragoons: 60

Volunteer Dragoons from Virginia: 60, Lieut. Col. John Mercer, Nicholas Moore

Advance detachments:

Virginia riflemen: 100, Major Richard Call.

Virginia riflemen: 100, Major John Willis

Detachment of Vose's light infantry: 60, Major Galvin, a French officer

In the course of the subsequent campaigning, Lafayette rarely if ever kept his force concentrated and tended to move his collective force in separated divisions and detachments, though in a manner that permitted them to unite with relative swiftness as necessary. This made it easier to supply his men, while disguising his true strength.

Cornwallis, at Williamsburg, wrote to Clinton on June 30th: “La Fayette's continentals, I believe, consist of about seventeen or eighteen hundred men, exclusive of some twelvemonths-men collected by Steuben. He has received considerable reinforcements of militia, [and about eight hundred mountain riflemen under Campbell. He keeps with his main body about eighteen or twenty miles from us; his advanced corps about ten or twelve, probably with an intention of insulting our rear guard when we pass James river. I hope, however, to put that out of his power, by crossing at James-city island; if I can get a favourable opportunity of striking a blow at him without loss of time, I will certainly try it. I will likewise attempt water expeditions, if proper objects present themselves after my arrival at Portsmouth.”

19 June. Sumter, from the "Dutch Settlement Near Wrights," S.C. wrote to Greene saying he had 300 men, many of which were new recruits. Another 300 had been left in the Fort Granby-Ancrum’s area, but many of these were unarmed. Col Samuel Tate, with 2 regiments was to have joined Sumter, but had not yet come up due to the activities of loyalist in his area. He was having a difficult time keeping his men together, and already 150 had deserted him. ”I have Several Waggoloads of Corn Meal I Can furnish with if you are in Want for the army." Sumter also mentioned not knowing Marion's whereabouts. Marion, rather than serve under Sumter, kept his force distant and did not report to Greene till June 24th. In a separate letter of the same date, Sumter wrote to Greene saying he would detach what men he could to "Ly near the Enemy &c" but his infantry were being troublesome and often complaining. An entire regiment had "gone back [home]" due to parties of loyalists "Coming up the Country." Col. Thomas Taylor, at the Congarees, was very apprehensive and believed he would be forced to move the stores there.

19 June. Lieut. Col. Washington, at “Samuel Savages,” wrote to Greene saying that he expected Rawdon to reach Saluda Old Town by that evening. He also reported that Capt. Rudolph, with Lee’s Legion cavalry, had joined him.

19 June. Col. Elijah Clark, at Wilkes County, GA., wrote to Greene thanking him for having delivered safely the clothing sent by Georgia’s representatives in Congress. Clark said he would move at the shortest notice, but requested permission to leave troops behind to guard the public stores (which, untended, would draw enemy attention), and to man strong scouting parties to protect against possible "Outliers" and Indian incursions. Clark also mentioned his men were also short of arms. As it turned out, Clarke never joined Greene, presumably due to the outliers and Indians.

19 June. Lieut. Col. Alexander Stewart' with 250 to 300 men of the 3rd Regt., left Monck's Corner for Dorchester, with the intention of meeting up with Rawdon at Orangeburg on July 3rd. Before he had marched very far, Gould in Charleston recalled him, but then changed his mind. Stewart then continued toward Orangeburg, but this dalay caused him to be four days late. See 29 June. Marion, writing to Greene from Ancrum’s on the 25th, also reported the British as having 300 infantry and 50 dragoons at St. John’s or Biggin’s Church.

20 June. The siege of Ninety-Six was lifted. The same day, Greene camped at Little River and William's fort near Ninety-Six. Washington and Capt. John Rudulph having rejoined the army, Lee was detached with his Legion to protect Greene’s retreat and keep watch of Rawdon. The following day (the 21st) Kirkwood’s Delaware company was attached to Washington’s cavalry to form a small light corps or legion.

Kirkwood: "20th Raised the siege from Ninety-Six; Lord Rodden (sic) being within 25 miles of us, with 2000 men this Day marched toward Charlotte....14 [miles]."

"When the siege of Ninety-Six was raised,” writes John A. Chapman in his History of Edgefield County, “the Le Roy and Samuel Hammonds were sent westwardly and northwestwardly to protect Greene on his retreat, by preventing annoyance from the Tories. From the mountains they were instructed to proceed eastwardly to the Congaree. Proceeding eastwardly they fell in with the rear of the British army under Colonel Cruger retreating from Ninety-Six to Orangeburg, and captured some baggage and made several prisoners."

20 June. Following orders he had received earlier from Clinton, Cornwallis left Richmond and marched south for Portsmouth. The orders directed Cornwallis to return some of the troops in Virginia with him to help in the defense of New York. However, Clinton subsequently countermanded the order. Lafayette, now with both Wayne, von Steuben, and a reinforced militia, followed in pursuit.

21 June. (possibly 20 June) Lafayette entered Richmond, some twenty hours after Cornwallis had left it.

21 June. Much to the relief and joy of the hard-pressed garrison, Rawdon arrived at Ninety-Six, though many of his men were fatigued and sickly. Rawdon's relief force numbered probably around 2,000, having been variously reported by American scouts as 1,500 to 2,500, and which included (according to British accounts) at least 150 cavalry. Lee, keeping watching of Rawdon, wrote to Greene the following day (the 22nd), reporting that Rawdon had arrived yesterday at Ninety-Six, with his baggage a few miles following behind him. "The Tories join fast. The troops have little or no meal. The hand mills are at work. This will be but a scanty supply. I do not believe his lordship has more than 2000 horse foot & artillery including the garrison under Col. Cruger, & encluding the inhabitants who have or may join him." In an accompanying letter of the same day, Lee writes: "Invalids and Militia are left at Ninety-Six. Very few Torys with the army. They have neither blankets, knapsacks nor wagons with them, nor have they a change of shirts. Not a single wagon in the artillery have tumblers for ammunition. They move tomorrow at day break. They have no provision but flesh, they do not Cook meal nor have they any liquer..." Rawdon's "provision train, military stores, &c" are on their way to Charleston. Lee stated that reports taken from prisoners put Rawdon's force at 2,450. Lee's own estimate at the time was 1,880.

Tarleton: “During renewed successions of forced marches, under the rage of a burning sun, and in a climate, at that season, peculiarly inimical to man, they [Rawdon’s soldiers] were frequently, when sinking under the most excessive fatigue, not only destitute of every comfort, but almost of every necessary which seems essential to his existence. During the greater part of the time, they were totally destitute of bread, and the country afforded no vegetables for a substitute. Salt at length failed; and their only resources were water, and the wild cattle which they found in the woods. Above fifty men, in this last expedition, sunk under the vigor of their exertions, and perished through mere fatigue."

22 June. Maj. Hezekiah Maham was appointed Lieut. Col. Commandant of a Battalion of Light Dragoons for the State of South Carolina. Maham already had a force in the field as cavalry below the Santee River. Peter Horry was similarly commissioned a few days later. See 28 June.

22 June. Greene camped at Bush River, S.C.

23 June. The American forces in Virginia had, with additional militia reinforcements, reached 6,000 men, 1,500 of which were Continentals.

23 June. Greene wrote Pickens to collect his men and join him as soon as possible at Fish Dam Ford. Pickens had been entrusted with taking Greene's baggage to safety, while Greene made his retreat from Ninety-Six. Greene directed the baggage to be sent to Fish Dam Ford by a safe route. That evening he crossed the Enoree moving toward the Broad River.

Kirkwood: “23rd. Marched this Night and Crossed the Innoree [Enoree] River….15 [miles].”

23 June. Cornwallis halted his march towards Williamsburg, making a movement to possibly attack Lafayette. The latter’s advance corps under Wayne formed up in preparation to receive them, but Cornwallis changed his mind and resumed his march.

23 June. On 2 August, Rawdon wrote Cornwallis regarding the events of this period. Rawdon stated that he had no intention at that time of pursing Greene's army, as his own troops were so worn out and fatigued from the march to Ninety-Six. But when he learned that Greene had halted at 16 miles from Ninety-Six at Bush River, and that Greene had wagons with him, he resolved to bring Greene to action. On the morning of the 23rd then Rawdon left Ninety-Six and marched to Duncan's Creek, or "Fords of the Enoree," some 40 miles from Ninety-Six. However, he stopped his advance because of his troop's fatigue and saw no prospect of reaching Greene. He turned back toward Ninety-Six on the 25th and arrived, there, probably, on the 26th.

24 June. Greene, at "Broad River," S.C., wrote to Lee: "Our army is on the march for Sandy Run towards the Cross Roads on the route to the Catawba Nation. At the ford on Broad River I have left your infantry, Kirkwood's infantry and a hundred picked Virginia militia under Maj. [Alexander] Rose." Rose’s troops were riflemen from Bedford County, Virginia and they operated with Kirkwood and Lee's Legion apparently as light troops.

Kirkwood: “Marched this Day Crossed the Tiger [Tyger] and Broad River…21 [miles].”

24 June. Cornwallis, en route to Williamsburg, stopped at Bird's Tavern, not far from New Kent Court House.

25 June. Cornwallis reached Williamsburg. Meanwhile, Lafayette moved to Bird's Tavern, and Col. Richard Butler with part of his advance guard occupied Spencer's Ordinary.

25 June. Marion, at Ancrum's, S.C., wrote to Greene saying that he had a few men, but expected more "tomorrow." Maham was left to watch enemy movements. Marion also reported on Stewart’s movement from Monck’s Corner (see 19 June) and mentioned that Charleston was lacking fresh provisions.

25 June. Greene halted and camped at Tim's Ordinary (or Tavern) on "Sandy Run," S.C., near Fish Dam Ford. There he was joined by Maj. John Armstrong, coming from Salisbury, with about 200 N.C. Continentals.

25 June. Back on May 5th, and later on June 23rd, Greene asked Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner, who was at Harrisburg in Cabarrus county, N.C., to join army with the North Carolina Continentals as soon as possible. On the 25th, Sumner, from "Camp Harrisburg, wrote back: " that when the draftees from New Bern arrived, he would form a second N.C. Continental regiment. Sumner also remarked that a British party of about 120 were making regular raids as far as 30 and 40 miles out of Wilmington . A mere 200 N.C. militiamen were serving in the region as protection. Though Sumner had 500 troops, only 200 had weapons. Sumner finally marched July 1st by way of Hillsborough to Salisbury, where he remained till July 10. Much time was spent foraging and patching uniforms. By July 14, enough arms and cartridge boxes had been collected to equip 300 men, only they did not have bayonets.

25 June. Sumter, at "Davis' 5 Miles below Lyles Ford," S.C., wrote to Greene: "We have no better prospect of Making a Stand. Every Man of Col [Thomas] Taylors regemts [Richard] Winns [Samuel] Tates & R. Hampton have absetd [absented] themselves except a few Who are upon Command.”

26 June. [skirmish] Spencer’s Ordinary, also Spencer’s Tavern (James City County, VA.) Wayne, leading Lafayette’s van, received word of Simcoe and the Queen's Rangers foraging near Spencer's Ordinary (about six miles north of Williamsburg). On the night of the 25th, Wayne sent most of the advanced parties under Col. Richard Butler, with McPherson, McCall, and Willis, to intercept them. A forward party of about 50 dragoons and 50 light infantry under McPherson caught up with Simcoe. There was a skirmish, in which both sides lost about 30 men each. Simcoe broke off the action, and brought word to Cornwallis of the American advance. Cornwallis moved his army up in response, but there was no further fighting. The Americans then retired to Tyre’s Plantation, while Cornwallis continued his march to Williamsburg. There he found some recruits which had lately arrived, for his Guards. For the next week, the two opposing forces remained roughly in these locations about sixteen to twenty miles from each other, with weather that was excessively hot. 26 June. On June 30th, Cornwallis reported to Clinton his losses at that date as 33 killed and wounded, and that 31 Americans were taken prisoner (the latter in the recent raids in and around Richmond and Charlottesville.)

Simcoe: "Every division, every officer, every soldier had his share in the merit of the action (at Spencer's Ordinary): mistake in the one might have brought on cowardice in the other, and a single panick strucken soldier would have probably have infected a platoon, and led to the utmost confusion and ruin; so that Lt.Col. Simcoe has ever considered this action as the climax of a campaign of five years, as the result of true discipline acquired in that space by unremitted diligence, toil and danger, as a honorable victory earned by veteran intrepidity."

27 June. Greene reached his destination near the Cross Roads between the Broad River and the Catawba, and north of Winnsborough, where he camped. Bass states that Sumter, shortly after this date, may have joined Greene with state troops and some militia at this location, though, as he further points out, it is not certain that this junction took place. Nevertheless, Bass adds correspondence would seem to suggest it did. By the evening of the 28th, according to this account, Sumter returned to Ancrum’s to bring in more militia. Somewhat strangely, Bass also states that Johnson makes reference to such a meeting, but Johnson, in fact speaks of Sumter reinforcing Greene on July 8th. Johnson does make a statement which seems to support what Bass tentatively asserts, but the wording is rather vague. See 24 June.

28 June. Col. Wade Hampton’s detachment of mounted men and cavalry joined Lee who was keeping watch on Rawdon.

28 June. Colonel Peter Horry, at High Hills, S.C. wrote Greene thanking him for sending his new commission as Lieutenant Colonel in the State Troops, authorized by Gov. Rutledge. In his letter, he discussed the preparations for the arming and equipping of a corps of State dragoons similar to that which Maham was instructed to form.

28 June. On the evening if this date, a British deserter from Dorchester informed Greene that a convoy of 300 hundred men, was moving up the Edisto, intended for Rawdon at Orangeburg. Greene then directed Washington and Lee to meet at Ancrum’s, and from there attempt to seize the convoy.

28 June. Marion, at "Singletons Mills High Hills Santee," S.C., wrote to Greene reporting that he had 400 men with him and expected more to join him in a day or two.

29 June. Malmady, at Salisbury, wrote to Greene saying Col. Francis Lock, commander of the Salisbury militia, had furloughed his militia at home having received no instructions from the governor. At Greene's "request," Lock is now ordering them out again and promised to have 800 men at Charlotte in seven days. Earlier, Greene had sent Malmady to hurry a detachment of Salisbury militia to Greene's army.

29 June. Lee wrote a letter to Greene giving his location as "Camp between the Enoree & Bush Rivers on the old Saluda Road." Lee said that on 27 June he dispatched Capt. Joseph Eggleston to Ninety-Six with a party of dragoons, hoping that Eggleston would "find the enemy in a dispersed position...” Those left with him were "shoing & refreshing;" and doing well for provision, but lacked rum and salt. It is not clear if Hampton’s cavalry and mounted militia stayed with Lee or accompanied Eggleston, probably the former. See 28 June.

29 June. Rawdon, with 900 rank and file, left Ninety-Six and headed toward Orangeburg, hoping to form a junction with Stewart who had moved from Monck’s Corner a few days before. The remainder of Rawdon’s army stayed with Cruger, who made preparations for the evacuation of the loyalists from the area. It was intended that Stewart, who had a force of 250 to 300 men of the 3rd Regt. and possibly some mounted troops as well, was to have joined up with Rawdon by July 3rd. However, Stewart had been halted on his march and recalled to Dorchester by Col. Gould (possibly due to belief of a French invasion), which directive Gould shortly after countermanded. When Stewart had resumed his march, Lee and Washington tried to trap him, but without success. Marion attempted to do the same, but only managed to capture a few wagons. Rawdon and Stewart then were able to unite at Orangeburg on 7 June 7th. Cruger, for the time being remained at Ninety-Six with the greater part of the army, some 1,100 to 1,400 rank and file. Cruger sent a substantial part of his force to raid the Long Canes area, ostensibly to make it easier for any loyalists there to join him.

Greene, near the Broad and Catawba Crossroads, S.C., wrote to Lee on this date: "From a deserter who came into Camp last evening, I learn the enemy have 16 Waggon loads of stores of different kinds moving up from Charles town upon the Orangeburg road under an escort of 400 Men & forty horse for the use of Lord Rawden's Army. He left them at Four Holes about five and thirty miles below Orangeburg on Sunday last, and says they could not march more than eight or ten Miles a day; and adds they were sickly and very much dissatisfied. I have directed Col Washington to move down to Ancrum's Plantation on the Congaree and Col Middleton to join them at that place."

Johnson: “Orders of the 29th had been transmitted to General Sumpter, to detach Colonel Middleton [Charles Myddleton] with his regiment to reinforce [Lieut. Col. William] Washington, at Ancrum’s on the Congaree; and to Lee to hasten up and form a junction with Washington on his assigned position, or appoint some other place where it could be effected with more expedition or perform the enterprise himself, if strong enough to attempt it. Washington was ordered to repair to Ancrum’s, and immediately on being joined by these reinforcements to hasten on and intercept Stewart. But, as it was uncertain whether Lee could be found promptly or what his difficulties might be in forming a junction with Washington, the latter was ordered, on being joined by Middleton, to proceed without halting for Lee. And as it was not certain that General Sumpter was present with his command under Middleton, direct orders were sent to Middleton, to put himself under the orders of Washington at Ancrum’s Ferry, and proceed to the execution of the blow intended against Stewart.”

Chesney: "In the beginning of July I joined the Army under Lord Rawdon then marching towards Ninety-Six to relieve the place. On our approach the Americans who were besieging it broke up, crossed Broad River, and proceeded along the left bank towards Charles Town. Lord Rawdon finding that the country must be abandoned, detached his light troops towards Long Canes (a branch of Savanna River) to bring away the Loyalists and their families; taking himself with the main body along the route to Charles Town as far as Congaree. The Americans recrossed the river & made a fruitless effort to oppose his march by preventing our crossing the creek, which we did without difficulty and proceeded to Orangeburg, where we expected to meet reinforcements from Charles Town and be joined by the light troops and Loyalists. But we were disappointed in both and soon after surrounded by the Americans who pressed us so closely that we had nothing but 1 pound of wheat in the straw served out to each man every 24 hours. The parties going out daily to forage had constant skirmishes with the enemy. One day Major [John] Doyle sent out with what mounted men he could muster (about 20 or 30) to cover the foraging; which he did effectually, driving off the Americans with some loss; on this occasion Lord Edward Fitzgerald, having broken his sword on the back of an American, I supplied him with another to continue the attack for which he felt greatly obliged."

29 June. Stewart camped next to Four Holes Bridge.

30 June. A few days earlier, Pickens, as directed, had taken charge of Greene's wagons after the army retreated from Ninety-Six. By June 30th Pickens, at Grindall’s Shoals, found it necessary to leave the wagons behind, but, now with some 400 to 500 men, was returning to Greene with the wagon horses. He joined Greene on July 6th.

July. Leaders, including Nathan Brownson (who in Augusta was made governor) and Col. John Twiggs (later made Brigadier General by the state in August) met to make arrangements for restoration of the government, and the organization of the state troops and militia.

Pension statement of William White, of Anson County: "Again, while living at the same place, in the month of July, 1781, he was drafted for a three months tour against the British under Captain John Degarnett in Colonel Thomas Waid's [Wade’s] Regiment of Militia (rendezvoused) at the Grassy Islands. Marched to Black River. There we met Generals [John] Butler and [Griffith] Rutherford. We were commanded by General [Griffith] Rutherford. Then we marched into the neighborhood of Wilmington ... then to the plantation of Major Waddle [Wadell?]. Lay there about a week ... then back to near Wilmington ... lay there about a week ... then on to the waters of Cross Creek ... then back to Major Waddles plantation ... then to near Wilmington. We lay in that neighborhood till our time was out and was honorably discharged in October of 1781."

Early July or late June.. By early July, Lieut. Col. John Watson had left to go home to England. Command of the Provincial Light Infantry battalion was then given to Maj. Thomas Barclay. Since Watson’s corps was with Rawdon, it may have been that Watson either had not accompanied, or else, if he had, shortly after departed from it, and Rawdon, sometime in late June.

1 July.

British Forces under Cornwallis,

Rank and File:

BRITISH

1st Bttn., Light Infantry: 472

2nd Bttn., Light infantry: 404

Brigade of Guards: 337

7th Regt.: 174

23rd Regt.: 165

33rd Regt.: 186

43rd Regt.: 280

2nd Bttn., 71st Regt.: 161

76th Regt.: 312

80th Regt.: 356

GERMAN

Anspach:

1st Anspach Bttn.: 418

2nd Anspach Bttn.: 400

Hessian:

Prince Hereditaire: 405

Regt. von Bose: 204

PROVINCIAL

Queen's Rangers: 315

British Legion (cavalry only): 173

Total: 4,762

Detachments not included above:

Royal Artillery: 233

German artillery: 50

17th Light Dragoons: 35

82nd Light Company: 36

Jägers: 57

North Carolina Volunteers: 33

Guides and Pioneers: 54

Total for detachments, etcs.: 488

COMPLETE TOTAL: 5,250

1-2 July. By 11 pm on this date, Rawdon arrived at Fort Granby. Sometime the next day he continued moving on toward Orangeburg. On the 2nd, Lee, writing from the "Broad River West Side," S.C., reported to Greene Rawdon’s reaching Granby. He mentioned that Rawdon’s force included a detachment of 150 Hessians, and that the enemy cavalry was partly with Rawdon, and partly with Cruger. "Its dragoon horses are all ruined, the troops sickly and starved." At the time, Lee was within 12 miles of Granby and intended to join Lt. Col. Washington that evening to harass, and, if possible, fight Rawdon's column. Washington, on this date was at “Col. Tailor’s.”

William Gilmore Simms, in his novel Eutaw, wrote: "It is to be remembered that the British were feeble in cavalry. Their real strength lay in their light and heavy-armed infantry, and their artillery; their numbers at this moment in the colony estimated at three thousand men - all regulars. Add to this three thousand irregular troops, loyal militia, rangers, and refugees from other colonies. Their chief forces lay in Charles town and Orangeburg; their minor posts, more or less strongly garrisoned, according to their size, and the difficulties of the country they were meant to over awe, were now limited to Dorchester, Monck's Corner, Wantoot, Watboo, Fairlawn, and Biggin. At the latter place, the garrison numbered five hundred good troops; at Dorchester there may have been two hundred; the other posts were of inferior importance, and held by detachments varying from fifty to hundred men. Small roving commands, employed chiefly in foraging, plied between the several stations, and thus contributed to their security. The British cavalry was feeble, consisting of Coffin's, and a few other bodies, not well equipped, badly manned, badly mounted; not capable of resisting the American cavalry....The most efficient of the British mounted men were the loyalists, who had descended from the regions of Ninety-Six, with Cruger, on the abandonment of that fortress. But the large number of these had pressed onto the city, as not equal to the encounter with the troops of Marion and Sumter, and as liable to something more than the penalties of the soldier, in the event of defeat. Most of them were outlawed, and fought, they well knew, with halters about theirs necks."

1-2 July. Prior to the arrival of Rochambeau with main French army, marching to join him, General Washington launched a night attack on British outposts protecting New York City. Although the effort proved abortive, it did heighten Clinton's concern for that city, and consequently focused his attention and concern on its defense rather than on operations in Virginia.

2 July. Col. Isaac Shelby, from Sullivan County, N.C., wrote to Greene saying he has not been able to join Greene with the back country militia because to have done so would have left the frontier too weak to protect against Indian raids which were still a potential threat despite peace negotiations with the Cherokee still going on. In addition, the harvest needed attending to. He also said that he would have to wait till a treaty was signed, and gave 20 July as a likely date when that might happen. On 3 August, Shelby wrote again stating the negotiations with the Cherokees had been completed and that he was on his way to join Greene with 700 men. However, it was well into the fall of 1781 before Shelby actually joined Greene with his men. As far back as December, Greene had been hoping to get the backcountry militia to join him, but with little success. It was about that time, or shortly before that British agents incited the Cherokees to war thus keeping many of the King's Mountain warriors out of Carolina military affairs in 1781.

3 July. Greene camped at Winnsborough. He wrote to Lieut. Col. Washington on this date, and said that Sumter's force was about thirty miles in the army's rear, and had been asked to join as soon as possible. Pickens was also expected. When these forces were all collected, Greene intended to "push" Rawdon. Sumter at this time was in Camden and the area above it working to collect, arm, and organize his men. In a letter of July 2nd, Sumter, at "Col [Samuel] Watson 15 mile from X [Cross] Roads," S.C. wrote to Greene saying that four of his regiments were ready to march. However, many were in want of "arms" (apparently referring to swords for his cavalry.) He therefore set a number of artificers to work, but material to make swords was hard to come by. He intended to go to Camden, by way of the Waxhaws to expedite the manufacture of the swords and meet with the troops between the Wateree and Congaree on Friday, i.e. July 6th. In the same letter Sumter mentioned British detachments being at Twenty Three Mile House and Ten Mile House.

3 July. (also given as 8 July) [ambush] Eggleston's Capture (Lexington County, S.C.) While Lee with the main body of the Legion moved south along the west side of the Broad River, on 2 July he sent Capt. Joseph Eggleston with a detachment of Legion dragoons to “gain the forage country and seek an opportunity to strike at the enemy foragers,” and to join Capt. Armstrong who was already out reconnoitering. Rawdon was in the area of Granby, which was one of the only settlements south of Friday's Ferry that still contained food to be had. Eggleston followed watching Rawdon’s movements when early on the morning of the 3rd he learned of a party of Rawdon’s troops with some wagons, escorted by some cavalry, out collecting the provisions. Eggleston then set an ambush for the detachment on their way to a local farm. Catching them completely by surprise, he captured 2 officers and 45 privates, as well as their horses, arms and accoutrements, and routed the rest. Of the horses taken some thirty, as well as their equipment, were afterward given to Col. Hezekiah Maham to help form his newly forming State cavalry troop.

Tarleton: “Lord Rawdon, by forced marches, in order to surprize a body of militia, of which he had received some intelligence, arrived at the Congarees on the 1st of July, two days before the appointed time; a rapidity of movement which probably had no small effect upon the issue of Greene's scheme. He soon discovered that the enemy's light troops were in the neighbourhood, and took the necessary precautions on that account; but his cavalry, regardless of express orders to the contrary, went out by themselves to forage on the morning of the very day upon which Colonel Stuart was expected: They were soon surrounded by Lee's legion; and two officers, with forty dragoons, and their horses, were all taken without a blow. This, which in other circumstances would not have been much thought of, was, in the present, a most grievous stroke; and more particularly so, as the means of procuring intelligence in this crisis of so much danger was thereby cut off almost entirely. This loss, with the unexpected assemblance of the enemy, which had already been discovered in the neighbourhood, and the unexpected failure on Stuart's side, happily laid open at once to Lord Rawdon, all the danger of his own situation: He accordingly determined instantly to begin his march towards Orangeburgh, and to meet, or find Stuart wherever he was.

The route lay across Congaree creek, at about three miles distance; a broad piece of water, in most parts deep, and enclosed by difficult banks. Colonel Lee, who had been appointed to the guard of this passage, having destroyed the bridge, and felled trees to render the ford impracticable, had then posted himself behind the creek, with a considerable body of cavalry, and some infantry of his legion. The intense head of the sun about noon, which seemed almost to disable every sort of motion, and in every species of animal, had thrown the Americans off their guard; and the unexpected arrival of the British forces in that critical period, served much to facilitate the passage. After the exchange of only a few ineffectual shots, a body of infantry were thrown over, who having dispersed the enemy without trouble, the troops soon cleared the fords, and passed them without interruption.”

3 July. Pickens, at "Turkey Creek," S.C., wrote to Greene saying he was on his way to join Greene’s army with "all possible Expedition," and was bringing "the Waggon horses" with him.

4 July. In orders for the day, Greene wrote the troops were to receive 30 rounds of cartridges per man and were to be prepared to march at 4 o'clock. The North Carolina and Virginia militia were to escort the "non-Effectives," the "Women and children," and "heavy baggage." In a letter to Maj. John Armstrong of the N.C. Continentals, on the same day, Greene told Armstrong he was to command the troops left to guard the baggage and stores and to move by slow and easy marches to Camden. While handing immediate command of the army over to Huger, Greene, remained in Winnsborough with some staff sending orders, receiving information, and otherwise attending to administrative matters. On the 4th or the 5th, Huger moved with the army toward Friday’s Ferry, near Granby. Lee and Washington, in the meantime, were working to catch Stewart off guard, though in vain. Johnson states that about this same time Greene rode to personally join Lieut. Col. Washington's cavalry, which was scouting Rawdon's position.

4 July. Lafayette's army celebrated Independence day while encamped around Bird's Ordinary some sixteen miles from Williamsburg, with firings, parades and martial music. The advance guard of Lafayette's army was ahead of the main army and some twelve miles from Williamsburg.

4 July. Cornwallis in furtherance of orders received earlier from Clinton, Cornwallis started for Portsmouth, from Williamsburg. This required him to re-cross the James River. However, due to delays moving his baggage he was not properly able to march his entire army till the 9th. In his orders, Clinton intended that 3,000 of Cornwallis troops would return to New York. At the same time Cornwallis had requested he be allowed to return to Charleston. As it turned out, Clinton chose to keep both the 3,000 troops and Cornwallis in Virginia.

4 July. Col. Thomas Wade, at "Pee Dee," wrote Greene asking him to send paper and flints as the loyalists towards Cape Fear River and Drowning Creek were being very troublesome. On June 30, half of Wade's regiment marched against the Loyalists, who had defeated a detachment of Bladen and Cumberland County militia a few days earlier. Eight days later, on July 12, it was reported to Brig. Gen. William Caswell that between 200 and 500 Loyalists were collected at Raft Swamp. Wade subsequently sent out 150 horsemen to join in attacking them, but the local militia had not assembled as ordered.

4 July. Lieut. Col. Washington, at Howell’s Ferry ("Capt Howells"), S.C., reported to Greene that Stewart was marching to join Rawdon. Washington further said he would pass the Congaree at Howell's ferry and join Lee who was "eight or ten Miles below the enemy." Marion had written Washington earlier saying he would cross at McCord's ferry tomorrow [the 5th] and join Lee and Washington with 400 mounted men. Washington has asked Col. Henry Hampton who was left to "Guard the Fords" to give Greene the earliest information of enemy movements. In his report from Howell’s Ferry the following day (the 5th.)

5 July. Lieut. Col. Washington, at Howells Ferry, S.C., wrote to Greene saying Rawdon was retreating from Fort Granby, and passing Beaver Creek on his (Rawdon’s) march from Ft. Granby to Orangeburg. Washington added he himself was going to cross McCord's ferry and fall in with Marion and Lee.

5 July (possibly 6 July.) [raid] Great Dismal Swamp (probably Gates County, N.C.) Brig. Gen. Isaac Gregory and some militia were surprised by a detachment of British out of Portsmouth. Gregory’s force managed to escape with few losses. After the British left, Gregory returned to the post from whence he had retreated, which was located near the Great Dismal Swamp and somewhere on the road between Portsmouth and North Carolina.

5 July. In Wilmington, David Fanning was formally appointed Colonel of the Loyal Militia of Chatham and Randolph Counties, N.C. In June, a dispute had arisen as to who would head the loyalists of Randolph and Chatham adjacent counties. The two contenders were Fanning and William Elwood. When a vote was taken Fanning one, but there was still some disagreement among the men and their leaders, Fanning then, with a number of his followers, went to Wilmington in order to obtain formal recognition of his election, which was granted by Maj. Craig.

5 July. [raid] The Capture of Williamson (Charleston County, S.C.) Col. Isaac Hayne led a force of mounted militiamen in a successful attempt to capture Gen. Andrew Williamson, the former patriot leader of Ninety-Six, who having accepted British protection, had taken refuge on a plantation near Charleston. This was reversed, however, on 7 July when Maj. Thomas Fraser, with some mounted Provincials, as well rescuing Williamson, captured Hayne, and killed fourteen others.

5 July. [raid] Walls of Charleston (Charleston County, S.C.) Col. Otho Williams, at Rice Creek, S.C., (and evidently away from the army) wrote to Greene saying he had received a report that the garrison in Charleston was living upon boiled corn, which was very scarce, and fresh beef. Also Williams’ learned that "(O)ur militia have pursued theirs to the Walls of their fortifications. Captn Stone intercepted a Convoy of Provisions, routed the party & cut their Horses out of the Waggons. Lord Rawdon made a Detachment to Georgia with which most of our Deserters were sent."

5 July. Upon finding out that Cornwallis was withdrawing from Williamsburg, Lafayette collected his force and marched to Bird's Tavern in pursuit, his advanced parties reaching Norrell's Mils, 8 miles from Jamestown.

6 July. Huger camped with the main army about half a mile from Friday’s Ferry. Greene and his staff apparently rejoined him on the 8th by which time they were camped at Howell’s Ferry.

6 July. [battle] Green Spring Farm, also Green Spring Plantation, Jamestown Ford (James City County, VA.) In an effort to intercept Cornwallis' crossing, he sent Wayne forward to probe the British position. Wayne had with him his three Pennsylvania battalions, Maj. Call's Virginia riflemen, Lieut. Col. Mercer’s volunteer cavalry, the 1st Continental light dragoons and Armand’s cavalry (all three cavalry under Major McPherson), Galvin's and Willis' light detachments, and 2 or 3 four-pounders, under Capt. Savage. The Americans moved to Green Spring Farm about a half mile from the British, with Lafayette in force, with Gimat’s, von Bose’s and Barber’s light battalions, following up behind as a reserve. Febiger’s Continentals and the vast majority of the militia, under von Steuben, however, were kept 12 miles distant at Bird's Tavern. Cornwallis very adroitly anticipated Lafayette’s and Wayne’s hope of catching the rear of the British army after most of it had ferried across the James River to Cobham. Wayne engaged the British rear guard, and was lured into a trap thinking that that was all there was opposed to him. Far from having completed the crossing, most of Cornwallis' army was still on the north side of the James River, Simcoe’s Queen’s Rangers, the Royal N.C. Regt., and the baggage being all that had already made the passage. There was some heated skirmishing by the American advanced parties and British rear guard about 3 pm, yet the main forces involved did not become engaged till about5 pm. Wayne engaged vigorously Cornwallis' left under Lieut. Col. Thomas Dundas' brigade, which included the 43rd Regt., the 76th Regt., and the 80th Regt. Cornwallis then with the right, under Lieut. Col. John Yorke, consisting of the 2 Light Infantry battalions, the Guards, the 23rd Regt., 33rd Regt., and the British Legion cavalry, proceeded to encircle the Continentals. Wayne made a last counterattack, and retreated. The British did not pursue Wayne and follow up their victory because of the onset of darkness. Cornwallis here easily showed himself the better strategist in this action, yet Wayne and his men, by extricating themselves in the face of superior forces, deserve credit for preventing a defeat from becoming a disaster. Of forces actually which engaged participated in the battle (and therefore not counting those in reserve), Wayne had some 1,570 while the British had around 2,950. At Camden, Cornwallis had won with considerably less and against far more. The American’s lost 28 killed, 99 wounded, 12 missing and two cannon; the British 75 killed and wounded. Lafayette remained at Green Spring for most of the night, and before dawn removed to Chickahominy Church. Cornwallis, in the meantime, continued unmolested on his way to Cobham and ultimately Portsmouth.

6 July. Lieut. Col. William Henderson, writing to Greene from "Pacelot," said he had used "Every Exertion" to collect men since arriving in this quarter. Hope to have 200 by tomorrow night. "If the Spirit of plundring Ware held Up; they Would Turn out with Alacrity but finding that to be Discountenancd makes them Act with Reluctance." The British around Ninety-Six and Long Canes were destroying grain and corn, while gathering all the livestock they could, including all the horses. They had also destroyed nearly all of the works at Ninety-Six. Henderson could not leave the area at this time since it was so threatened, and had become "almost depopulated." He asked Greene for powder, lead, and salt.

6 July. Pickens with 300 men, joined up with Greene's army near Friday’s Ferry. His horses, however, were extremely weary, unfed, and, for the time being, unfit for service. Sometime before his arrival he had sent 100 of his men to cover the country around Ninety-Six, and requested Col. Clark’s assistance in this. Shortly after, Pickens with his men were sent by Greene back to the Ninety-Six area to watch and follow Cruger movements -- something which, being made closer to home by the move, they probably preferred to do.

.

6 July. Rochambeau and Washington's main forces were finally united at Dobb's Ferry on the east side of the Hudson. About this same, says Ward, Clinton was reinforced with 2,500 Hessians. The 17,000 total for Clinton Ward gives, however, seems excessive. Boatner’s 15,000 is more realistic.

7 July. Huger with the army camped at the south side of Howell’s Ferry on the Congaree.

7 July. Cornwallis ferried the main body of his troops across the James River to Cobham’s, in Surry County, VA. on his way to Portsmouth.

7 July. (also given as the 8th) [raid] The Capture of Isaac Hayne, also Horse Shoe, Ford’s Plantation (Colleton County, S.C.) Col. Isaac Hayne was captured and fourteen whigs killed, just outside Charleston, by Maj. Thomas Fraser and some mounted South Carolina Royalists, and some Queen’s Rangers. Gen. Andrew Williamson, whom Hayne had captured just a few days before, was rescued by Fraser.

Chesney. "About this time a detachment was sent and succeeded in taking Col. Haynes, who soon after deservedly suffered for Treason; as it was discovered that he had communicated with the rebels whilst a British commissary. There were daily skirmishes at this period, the Americans constantly contracting our posts in every direction. "

7 July. Rawdon’s and Stewart’s forces united at Orangeburg. Their combined force totaled some 1,200 to 1,500 men. Rawdon had made night marches due to the extreme heat. Nonetheless, some 50 of his men died from heat exhaustion. On July 6th, Marion had circled eastward of Rawdon’s army with 400 horsemen. He tried, on the 7th, to ambush Stewart, who had (according to Marion) 300 infantry and 50 cavalry, but Stewart took a different road than expected and got through to Orangeburg safely. A detachment under Col. Peter Horry did, however, capture 3 sutlers’ wagons containing rum and wine.

Tarleton: “Lord Rawdon was joined on the day after his arrival at Orangeburgh by Colonel Stuart, with his own regiment; but was greatly disappointed at finding that he was unaccompanied by a body of cavalry which had been promised, and which were so particularly wanted.”

7 July. Maj. John Armstrong, with his N.C. Continentals, was "on the Waterees 16 miles Above Camden," guarding the army’s commanded baggage. With him were about 100 Virginia militia under Maj. Alexander Rose and Maj. John Ward, as well as some of South Carolina militia. He wrote Greene on this date saying that two-thirds of his men were sick, and the rest were needed to take care of the baggage. The Virginia militia with him were either sick or else proving very difficult to manage, claiming their time of service was up. The said they were, however, willing to escort prisoners north. They otherwise refuse to do camp duty. Bread was scarce and Armstrong had to send men out to thresh wheat. 38 prisoners who had been taken earlier by Capt. Eggleston had just arrived in Armstrong’s camped. Rations were being drawn for 450 men, though Armstrong had only 150 fit for duty. On the 8th, Major John Ward, of the Virginia militia, with Armstrong, wrote to Greene saying his men unanimously assert that their time was up, and would do no further service. They were, however, willing to escort prisoners to any part of Virginia that Greene desired. Greene apparently accepted Ward's offer, and Major Alexander Rose subsequently led the militia, along with the prisoners back to Virginia. On the 8th, Greene, from his temporary headquarters at Beaver Creek, ordered Armstrong to move toward the High Hills of the Santee, while being directed to use every precaution to guard against surprise.

7 July. Marion wrote to Greene, from "Sabbs" Plantation saying he had taken some prisoners, some of whom said three of Rawdon's regiments were "going to Lay down their Arms & they believe they will today if they are ordered to March." Marion intended to follow Rawdon to Dorchester, with an eye to taking more prisoners. Later that same day Marion moved his troops down to Four Holes, thirteen miles east of Orangeburg, in order to better feed his tired horses. On the 8th, while at Whitemans, near Four Holes, he sent another report to Greene, which Marion believed dependable, that some of the British troops at Dorchester mutinied and that 30 men were killed and 60 wounded. While there is no known British record of this alleged mutiny, it is not unreasonable to conclude that give the number of deaths suffered on Rawdon’s marches that there was some amount of internal dissension going on in the ranks.

8 July. Though Sumter had intended to leave Camden on the 6th, heavy rains prevented it. However by the 8th, he had arrived near Russell’s Ferry on the Congaree. There he wrote to Greene saying that Col. Henry Hampton and the state troops would "pass the River after & will Move on with Genl [Isaac] Huger" as Greene directed. Sumter intended to remain where he was until the regiments of Col. William Hill and William Bratton had arrived, as he hoped they would "this Day." Sumter then would immediately follow the army. Some of the troops in the regiments commanded by Colonels Edward Lacey and Richard Winn had already joined him.

8 July. While Cornwallis had reached Cobham’s, Lafayette, in his wake, stationed troops on James Island near Williamsburg.

9-24 July. [raids] Amelia Court House and Prince Edward Court House (Amelia and Prince Edward Counties, VA.) On July 9th, Tarleton left Cobham started on a move westward to raid Prince Edward Court House. In the course of this 15 day expedition, he moved through Amelia and Prince Edward counties, and as far west as New London in Bedford County. The stores ultimately destroyed were few, most having been removed in time to escape capture and destruction, and the loss Tarleton suffered in men and horses by his long march rendered the enterprise of insufficient value to the British. On his return, Tarleton moved through Dinwiddie County and Petersburg, having possibly lost in this time, it is believed, 40 men. It was during these series of raids that a party of Tarleton’s dragoons skirmished with some mounted Virginia militia at Ward’s Tavern. The Americans included the Herculean Peter Francisco, one of the heroes of Guilford Court House, who slew two of Tarleton’s men.

9 July. Marion, at "Holmans," about nineteen miles north-northeast of Orangeburg, wrote to Greene saying his men and horses had earlier been so fatigued that he was not able to proceed as Greene ordered until that morning (the 9th). Meanwhile, Marion had sent Maj. Maham with 100 men to watch enemy movements. Later the same day, he sent Greene a separate report from two prisoners who "appear intelligent" that Rawdon's force, exclusive of Stewart's regiment, numbered some 1,150 men.

9 July. Greene’s army camped at Beaver Creek, S.C., approximately 10 miles north of Orangeburg.

10 July (or shortly after). Wayne and Brig. Gen. Daniel Morgan, who had lately joined Lafayette’s camp with some Virginia militia, marched towards Petersburg and Amelia County in pursuit of Tarleton, though without cavalry there was not much they could do. By late July, Morgan’s poor health continued to plague him, and by the end of the month he was again forced to return home.

10 July. Maj. John Armstrong, at "Camp Wateree 8 Miles above Camden, wrote to Greene reporting that the men in his camp were acting disorderly, and asked for advice. He feared that the Virginia militia would desert en masse, and that he could not use Lacey's men to watch prisoners because "they will not be Confind to Camp." Armstrong was using his North Carolina troops to forage, thresh wheat, and serve as guards and pickets. Armstrong sent twelve of his own sick and ten British sick and wounded to Camden "this day."

10 July. Cruger evacuated and departed Ninety-Six taking with him many local families for resettlement, which they chose rather than stay and face anticipated persecution by rebel forces. 800 Loyalist militiamen, not counting their families which accompanied them, marched with Cruger. Before leaving on his way to Orangeburg, Cruger had the fort destroyed. On the same day Cruger left (the 10th), Pickens, from "Camp at Bear Creek," Dutch Forks, S.C., wrote to Greene saying he received reports that Cruger was loading his baggage, and gathering together the loyalists to move from Ninety-Six. The Loyalists themselves have collected all the wagons, horses, and provisions they could. Some of them have reportedly "burn'd manny houses in Long Cains & Drove off the Cattle Sheep hogs &c." They were now chiefly out preparing their families to move. Pickens intended to harass Cruger's march, but his horses are "Reduced by heat" and in want of forage. Pickens followed Cruger for a distance. But, not being able to attack or hinder him, he withdrew to deal with the problem of tories, such as William Cunningham, raiding the frontier settlements. A number of these loyalist raiders were at times assisted by some of the Cherokee Indians.

10 July. Malmady, at Salisbury, wrote to Greene that when the North Carolina legislature voted to reinforce Greene with 500 North Carolina militia from the Hillsborough district there was an objection raised as to lack of muskets to arm them with. Malmady answered the objection by promising 400 stand of arms and cartridge boxes. He thought he could take the arms at Salisbury and Charlotte, as well as those of Virginia militiamen (at Charlotte) who were soon to be discharged. Malmady has been "Very Much disappointed" though. There were only 285 muskets at Salisbury, of which only 120 were fit for use. He was therefore making efforts to correct the situation. Malmady made mention of Col. Lock's failure to march to Greene on July 4, as Lock had promised he would. Malmady himself intended to march 300 men to Greene, but, with, pending Greene's permission, wished to collect them and set up a temporary post and store for that purpose in Waxhaws, which Malmady believed is better situated for the purpose. On the 9th, he had been with Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner who had 500 with him at Guilford Court House.

10 July. Greene, from his camp at Beaver Creek, wrote Marion and expressed annoyance at the delay, or else “the unfaithfulness of the expresses," and wanted Marion to join up with army as soon as possible, otherwise the advance on Rawdon would be further delayed. "I was obliged to postpone the march until tomorrow morning when we shall march for Orrangburg [sic] on the bridle road, and I wish you to join us without fail at Colstons on the bridle road to which place we shall march. But should the enemy advance this way you will form a junction with us between this place [Beaver Creek] and that [Colston’s], or at our Camp here, according as the movements of the enemy permit." Greene desired that Marion's men have "eighteen or twenty rounds a man."

10 July. Marion, at Colston's, S.C., wrote to Greene saying he could not comply with Greene's order yesterday to join Greene's army, because he had received the order 40 miles from Beaver Creek and his horses were too exhausted from being two days without grass or forage. His men had only six rounds of ammunition left.

11 July. Both Greene’s main army, coming from Beaver Creek, and Marion’s brigade, coming from Colston’s, marched to Orangeburg. It is not clear whether the main army awaited Marion’s arrival before marching, or whether the two reached Orangeburg at separate hours. It seems likely that Greene went personally to Colston’s to meet Marion, while writing orders from there for the main army at Beaver Creek. In any case, by later in the day or next morning, Marion did join the army which by then was on the march to Orangeburg.

Greene's General Orders for July 11th, for this date issued at "Camp Colsons Farm," S.C. read: "The troops are to be furnished with one days Provisions and a jill of rum per man. AFTER ORDERS 5 Oclock [pm] The Army will march in ten minutes by the right to take a new position." On July 17th, Greene summed up the day’s movements to Thomas McKean, the then newly elected President of Congress: "General Pickens was detached to watch the Motions of the Enemy at Ninety-Six. With the rest of our force having been joined by Generals Sumter and Marion with about 1000 Men composed of State Troops and Militia we began our march on the 11th to attack the Enemy at Orangeburg, and arrived before the place on the 12th."

Kirkwood: "10th Marched this day and joined the army at Beaver Creek....7 [miles]

11th Marched this day toward Orangebourgh (sic)...10 [miles].”

12 July. Cornwallis reached Suffolk on his way to Portsmouth, which he arrived at on the 17th.

12 July. Maj. John Armstrong, at "Camp 4 Miles Below Camden," wrote to Greene saying the militiamen in his command "have a better Notion of Camp since a few of them were flogged." Armstrong arranged camp so as to protect against surprise, so that as he put it, even an enemy force of 300 could not capture the baggage. He said he would send Greene wagons as instructed only he had to remove some of the baggage from them. Armstrong added that 15 of the militiamen have deserted, and that many of the draft horses were broke down.

12 July. With most of the major South Carolina forces with him, including those of Sumter and Marion, Greene reached Turkey Hill Creek a small branch of the North Edisto about four miles above Orangeburg. Marion and Sumter accompanying him, and escorted by Lee and Washington’s dragoons, he then went to personally examine British ground at Orangeburg. Rawdon was deployed around brick courthouse, one wing resting against the jail and the other against the bridge over the Edisto. Greene therefore decided not to attack. However, in his pension statement, Richard Bearden, of Spartanburg, S.C., states, “Some Canonading passed between the armies.” Greene remained at Turkey Hill until 6 pm, and then marched to Myddleton’s plantation where he held council of war among his generals and higher-ranking officers. From this located the army and its detachments subsequently separated.

Kirkwood: “12th Marched to the Enemy Lines, and within 4 miles of Orangeburg (sic) sent out parties to draw them out; but all to no purpose, Col. Cruger being within one day's march of Lord Rodden, Genl. Green thought it prudent to withdraw his army, and march towards McCords Ferry....15[miles]"

12 July. On this date, having fallen back from his earlier position, Lafayette was camped at Holt’s Forge on the Chickahominy.

13 July. In early morning hours of the 13th, Greene broke up his camp before Rawdon’s position at Orangeburg. At the same time, he placed Sumter at nominal head of a force of 1,000 to 1,100 men, including Lee's Legion, Marion's, Sumter’s own troops, and one field piece. Sumter and the others were assigned the task of attacking British forces at Dorchester and Monck’s Corner. Lee, along with Colonels Henry and Wade Hampton (Sumter’s cavalry), went with one detachment in the direction of Dorchester. Sumter himself moved down the Congaree road toward Eutaw Springs, while Marion took another route also headed toward Monck’s Corner. The three separated groups concealed their marches, while Greene with the main army marched for McCord’s Ferry on the Congaree River, which he reached by the 14th. Afterward he moved to the High Hills of the Santee where he remained encamped for about a month, recuperating his men. Pickens, meanwhile, kept a watch on and followed Cruger, but later remained in the Ninety-Six area to protect against Loyalist and Indians raiders. Cruger himself was headed toward Rawdon at Orangeburg whom he reached by the 14th.

13 July. Rear Admiral Sir Thomas Graves arrived in New York with a naval reinforcement for Arbuthnot’s fleet. It wasn’t long after that Graves superceded Arbuthnot.

14 July. Brig. Gen. Jethro Sumner wrote to Greene saying he had arrived at Salisbury with 500 poorly equipped North Carolina Continentals. He had obtained arms and cartridge boxes for 300 of his men who would march to Greene's army tomorrow under the command of Col. John Ashe. The time it had taken to collect these troops is the fault of colonels in the various counties who were tardy in holding their drafts and obtaining the clothing to which the men were entitled. Many counties had not even yet delivered their clothing. For the time being then, Sumner intended to stay in Salisbury to outfit the rest of the troops. By July 30th, Sumner was en route from Salisbury to the army with the remaining N. C. Continentals, except for draftees from Edenton and Wilmington districts who remained to fight loyalists raids emanating from Wilmington.

Rankin: "Once with Greene, [Lieut. Col. John] Ashe [who had been given orders to march from Salisbury] was to combine his group with the draftees from the Salisbury district who had marched earlier with John Armstrong and the remnants of Eaton's command into the First Regiment of the North Carolina Line, to be the first of the four regiments recently authorized for the state by the Continental Congress. Sumner remained at Salisbury to from incoming draftees into the Second Regiment."

14 July. Cruger joined Rawdon at Orangeburg. The next day, Stewart was placed in charge of Rawdon’s troops as well as those of Cruger. On the 16th, Rawdon returned with a strong detachment, to Charleston. See 16 July.