This page is part of The Georgia GenWeb Project a AHGP Project and is hosted by USGENNET
|
This page is part of The Georgia GenWeb Project a AHGP Project and is hosted by USGENNET |
|
Confederate Veteran Misc Confederate Veteran, Vol. IX, No. 11 Nashville, Tenn., November, 1902. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- AFLOAT---AFIELD---AFLOAT George S. Waterman To the east of Fort Morgan I see the wreck of the blockade runner Ivanhoe. An expanse of heaving, blue-gray sea, a stretch of white sand with a fringe of palms behind it, a misty range of timbered sand hills in the distance, their higher summits cloud-capped and frowning, the sun shining over all, and not a breath of air stirring on sea or land. This was the scene---as wild and solitary a picture as ever man looked upon. A few yards from the beach was a half-submerged vessel, and that vessel has its history. The "ribs" and other bones were fragments of the wreck of the blockade runner Ivanhoe. Stanch as the vessel had been, she could not long withstand the waves charging continually in battle array, and she began to break up. The sea played with her as a cat plays with her prey. "The ship that runs the hazards of the shoals gets wrecked at last," says one of Cooper's most popular seafaring heroes, and this was a suitable epitaph for the Ivanhoe. On the night of June 30, 1864 (11 o'clock), she attempted to run into Mobile Bay through the Swash Channel, but was discovered. As soon as the easternmost boat made the signal to the fleet, "Vessel running in!" the Federal light-draft dispatch boat Glasgow, lying near the Swash, ran for the beach and soon discovered her and fired five shots. Thereupon the fort opened fire on this vessel, bringing her to; but the mischief was already done, the Ivanhoe being by this time so rapidly intercepted at right angles by the Federal dispatch boat that she had to be run ashore between the fort and the new redoubt (2,700 yards from the fort) known as Battery Bragg. The Gaines's howitzer launch, twelve-oared, commanded by Lieut. John A. Payne, and first cutter, ten-oared, under Midshipman Waterman, were immediately lowered, ready for the fray and bent on the rescue of the endangered vessel. The launch and cutter were manned by thirty-one sailors with muskets, revolvers, hand grenades, and cutlasses. We learned on boarding that her captain commanded twenty-eight officers and crew, mostly Englishmen. We transferred from the beach to the vessel a company of sharpshooters, under Captains Johnston and Fisher, First Tennessee Regiment, sent from the fort for her protection against boarding parties. The launch's and first cutter's crews took their station at the boat's falls. Every boat was lifted from its cradle, swung out on the davits, and lowered to the water's edge. We got two kedge anchors out, each with a long scope of cable, in order to get her off the beach; but all our efforts at the windlass, with the steamer "backing" with all her might, were unavailing, as the tide had turned ebb, and she was going at least fourteen knots per hour when she went ashore. Lieutenant Payne now advised that her almost priceless cargo of blankets, shoes, medicines, drugs, and provisions be lightered ashore in her small boats. Before daylight several gunboats drew nigh and shelled her, which forced many of the sailors and soldiers to crowd the small boats to their full carrying capacity, while those who found no room in the boats had to leap overboard and wade ashore, the water fortunately reaching only to their shoulders. But they returned when the gunboats withdrew. Solid shot was tearing great holes through the upper works, and shells were bursting every minute above and around the ill-fated vessel. Now began the real excitement---nothing I have ever experienced can compare with it. Hunting, yacht racing, ball game, steeple chasing, big game shooting---I've done a little of each, and each has its thrilling moments, but none can approach "running the Civil War blockade." I feel that my readers may well share my enthusiasm for "old-time things and battles long ago," although this generation has, on the other hand, vivid portrayals in plenty of the dangers and hours of constant anxiety and little sleep, as the "runner" threads her way through the range of the blockading squadron's batteries. Closer examination showed that one shot struck the Ivanhoe's foremast, another exploded in her wardroom, a third passing through forward, killing one of the seamen of the launch outright and badly wounding one by splinters, and a fourth striking under her guard near the water line, knocking in an iron plate and causing her to take water fast. Our launch, under Lieutenant Payne, and first cutter, under Midshipman Waterman---and alternately under Lieut. Edgar L. Lambert and Midshipman Phillips respectively---was kept on duty night and day for the protection of the Ivanhoe's unloaders. Nearly three-quarters of her cargo, valued at eighty thousand dollars so nobly fought for, was saved. On the night of July 5 Payne and Waterman were out on duty again. On this occasion an expedition of four boats from the fleet appeared on the scene, commanded (as was subsequently ascertained) by the flag lieutenant, J. Crittenden Watson. In charge of the boats under Watson were Lieut. H. B. Tyson, Ensigns W. S. Dana, W. II. Whiting, and G. D. B. Glidden, and Master's Mate R. P. Herrick from the Hartford. There was also one boat from the Brooklyn, in charge of Ensign C. H. Pendleton. Assistant Surgeon William Commons, of the Hartford, accompanied the expedition as medical officer. Two gunboats (Metacomet, Lieut. J. E. Jouett, and Kennebec, Lieut. W. P. McCann) towed this party of boats into position after dark. Finding himself outnumbered, Lieutenant Payne fell back as this little flotilla advanced under the fire of their gunboats. The Ivanhoe was boarded and set on fire in two places, after which the boarders returned to their cover and were towed off to the Federal fleet. We followed the enemy some distance and fired upon him continuously. It was 12 :40 when we discovered the flames, which lasted till 3 A.M. Quick as thought the Lieutenant said: "Change the boat drill to the fire drill, and let the soldiers ashore know of the change in the programme." Then we returned to the Ivanhoe and for two hours manned the pumps, leading in hose and fighting the flames with axes and fire buckets. Once started, the fire seemed possessed of a demon like energy and fierceness. It leaped from amidships to stern with inconceivable rapidity. In less than ten minutes after we boarded her the fire swept over all this space with such awful swiftness that there was hardly time for a word of warning to my one. Even those in the riggings and the sharpshooters upon the wheelhouses were so suddenly cut off from the forward deck and the shore by the surging flames that they were compelled to leap into the water and struggle for their lives. Many of these were rescued by the launch and first cutter, but many also had to swim ashore before helping hands could reach hem. In this manner one of the Ivanhoe's crew sank for the last time in a brave but futile struggle with the elements. It is impossible to depict in words the wildness and terror of the scene when the fire was at its height, or the equally striking scenes of ruin which came after. The most thrilling sight of all, perhaps, was that Witnessed when the five firemen and coal heavers, nearly naked and scorched, blistered, and blackened with heat, crept out through an open coal chute to he deck. Finding themselves surrounded by the enemy and no way of escape left them, they lived for nearly one hour in an empty coal bunker down in the very bowels of the ship, the fire raging around them on all sides, until their prison house became a veritable oven. To save themselves from suffocation by the penetrating fumes and smoke, the men tore off their clothing and stuffed it into the crevices. How they managed to exist in that fearful place for so many minutes is a mystery. It was truly a marvel of human endurance. The metal sides of their prison pen grew so hot that they could not touch them. When they were finally taken off, a more pitiable-looking body of men it would be hard to find. Nearly all of them threw themselves at once on the gratings of the launch and took in great draughts of the cool, fresh air, and from all came the cry, "Water! water! for God's sake, water." But, after being clothed and refreshed, only one of the men who bad gone through this awful ordeal was found to be much the worse for the experience. This was an old man whose eyesight was nearly destroyed by the heat. We then returned to the Gaines after landing the rescued men near the fort, in care of Col. Andrew Jackson, commanding the First Tennessee Regiment. Lieutenant Payne, who directed his men in their fight with the flames, was overcome three times by the fumes of gas and narrowly escaped death. On one occasion, when he was carried to the deck unconscious, it was feared he was beyond help. Artificial respiration saved him. Lieutenant Payne cared as little for danger as any prudent man ever did. The story of what he dared and did makes pleasant reading in these sordid commercial days, and reminds one of that beautiful phrase, "Greater love bath no man than this, that a man lay down his life for his friends." Payne was so strongly possessed of the sense of duty that he, as an officer of the navy, must try to save the others, that he risked his life again and again to accomplish this. He was saved, as he should have been. The world is not so rich in heroes that it can afford to lose such men as Payne. The following night (July 6) two armed boats, in command of Lieutenant Watson, accompanied by Lieutenants Tyson Adams and Jones, and Acting Master's Mate Hawthorne came in under cover of the Federal gunboat Pinola, Lieutenant Stanton commanding. They were under orders to investigate the condition of the blockade runner Ivanhoe, and, if found impracticable to capture her, to blow her up. While looking for the Ivanhoe in the darkness, they were discovered and fired upon by our pickets, thus giving us warning of their presence, and our soldiers gave them several volleys of musketry, while some grape was sent after them from the Gaines's launch. They were protected, however, by the darkness, so that we could not see what damage they sustained, and they returned to their gunboat. The weather now took on a threatening aspect. The wind was blowing fresh out of the south-southeast, bringing up a heavy southerly sea. The Ivanhoe rose and fell as the waves struck under her counter, and the continued thumping of the vessel in the quicksand caused a bank to form around her, on which our launch and first cutter struck while riding the heavy surf. The breakers, with an unbroken wall of foam, entirely hid the shore from our view. We would listen to their ominous roar, as the Ivanhoe strained and labored amid the foaming surges that swept by her, while we anxiously watched the drift lead to see whether her kedge anchors held, and calculated how much more force she could resist before she would begin to drag farther ashore and go to pieces. Once we shipped a sea that swept our decks and stove the bulwarks, but we sustained no other damage. At daylight the weather grew worse, and the green seas with their white caps were soon pouring over the stern and down the brass-bound companion and hatchways, forcing us to cut away the bulkheads between decks, so that the water could reach the pumps, while on deck it went rushing forward as far as the wheelhouse. The Ivanhoe shipped some big waves, one of them climbing as far as the forward hatch and deluging the men on watch on the flying bridge, twenty feet above the water line, and fifty feet or more from the stern. Then, flying higher, it leaped over the forward funnel, leaving the deck awash. On deck, muffled in his sou'wester, the captain stood, with his eyes fixed on the horizon, out of which clouds, ragged and gusty-looking, were spouting as from a great furnace. As they raced, the wind became a gale. The carved figure of the Knight of Ivanhoe, which clutched the bowsprit, was buried in ridges of foam, and the spars and shrouds shivered and strained and snapped in the fierce rushing wind. As the Ivanhoe pulled herself together and swayed and plunged amid the surf, the captain muttered to himself, indicating that his heroic spirit was aroused for battle. The wind demon was abroad and had awakened in him the spirit of the waters. The gale seemed to slacken for a few moments, and the sun shone out through a rift in the banks of vapor. Then it disappeared, the waters darkened again, and there broke upon our ears the roar of a heavy squall tearing through the upper rigging; and, with the first blast of the returning gale, I felt the heavy ship roll over on her side, while her smokestacks came near going overboard. All the smokestack guys had parted, but we soon rigged preventer guys, which held them in place. "My God! we can't carry yards, with sails sheeted home, in a gale like this," I heard the captain say to the first mate. Louder and louder came the cry, "Down with the yards!" rising almost to a shriek. Then followed a loud thunder clap. With the wind whistling through her rigging and the lightning playing all about her, the ship seemed to be charging a battery of artillery, when, with an unexpectedness equal to the breaking of the gale, the great foretopmast buckled, swayed, bent, and then fell to leeward with a thunderous sound, bringing with it the heavy yards with their burden of living men. We stood transfixed. One glance at the swirling waves revealed the men clinging to the wreck. They shouted to us, but we could not hear them for the roar of the storm; so there was no answer save the echo of their own voices, which the sea hurled back at them. A descent into either the launch or first cutter at such a moment could only have resulted in its destruction, and possibly entailed the sacrifice of the lives of some of its crew. On our deck were the Gaines's crew, nerved and fortified by American discipline. In spite of the wild confusion and tangle, two of the Gaines's men were upon the wreck in an instant, with ropes fastened about them, and they made every effort to reach the Ivanhoe's sailors; but the waves were so high as to render their efforts of no avail, and they gave the signal by jerks of the rope to be hauled aboard. Life preservers were then thrown to the castaways, and they were washed ashore in safety. The true sailor will soon make himself efficient on board any ship, so far as the handling of the vessel is concerned; but in times like this, only the trained man-of-war's man can be safely relied upon. There are many minor matters in connection with the service, such as the division of duties, the exercise at quarters and in boats, constituting essential features of the system on board a man-of-war, that are unknown outside the naval service. Our duty was to save the vessel and, with knives and axes, we cut and tore at the tangle of cordage, bending on ropes here and cutting there, as the case required, getting relieving tackle on our weakened masts, and altogether working like men in despair, but with a clear and definite purpose in view. Overhead roared the gale; the fore and mizzenmast booming away as the wind rushed through the torn rigging,, while to leeward seethed the white foam as the waves forced their way through the wreckage. Then the squall abated, and we cut clear the last rope to the wreck. Our next duty was to save the soldiers and the Ivanhoe's crew. The beach where they were landed, between the redoubt known as Battery Bragg and the fort, was very rough, with the sea running high and breaking with terrific force. It was only by the hand of Providence that every man escaped. Returning to the wrecked Ivanhoe, we found there was over four feet of water in the hold, coming up to the tops of the ash pans in the fire room. When the possibility of saving the vessel no longer existed, even in the minds of the most hopeful, orders were given to the engineers to turn the sea cocks and disable the bilge pumps, and the Ivanhoe was abandoned to her fate, "While the hungry sea was roaring And the breakers talked with death." On the night of the 7th another "runner," fifty-two hours from Nassau, ran ashore very close under Fort Morgan, so that the enemy found it rather difficult to destroy her without the same risk of getting on shore and within reads of the heavy guns of the fort. At the time the bar was a sheet of foam, the surf breaking heavily clear across the channel. She was in danger of foundering if she entered it; but the alternative was destruction by the enemy; so she kept right on, ran through successfully, and in a few moments was safe inside under the guns of Fort Morgan. She was a new vessel, and had her portion of the shell game several times during the four succeeding days. This last night (July 11) we had no annoyance from the enemy. We stopped at the fort and took on Capt. J. V. Gallimard, engineer in charge, and R. T. Thom, assistant inspector-general. A gentle breeze came from the northward and the sea was as smooth as a mill pond. All the holes made by the enemy's shot and shell were plugged up, and she was nearly freed from water at 8 o'clock, and we waited for the fourth high tide, when we could make another effort to send her on her way to Mobile. Her crew were heartily aided by the men of the Gaines, and a detachment of soldiers from the fort under Captains William B. Hughes and Cochran. All hands assisted the steam power by heaving in on the anchors laid out seaward, and snatches of song went along, songs of the wave and ôhounding billows,ö sung as only hearty seamen can sing them when they circle around the capstan, and the head of the vessel swings into the stream for a voyage. In the ruby light of a match that hovers for a moment over the bowl of a pipe appear the shaggy eyebrows and the disheveled hair of a sailor, throwing into relief, that lasts for an instant only, a face that has weathered many gales and tossed over the angry waters from the crosstrees of the mast, slipping from bent to bent by the aid of a rope, where no landsman would dare to go. Yet he smokes his pipe, sings his songs and cracks his jokes, and cares naught for the waves or th water. Outside of a little circle of friends and admirers, per haps, his deeds of bravery are unknown. At midnight he had the pleasure of seeing our labors rewarded with success and of knowing how gladly she would b welcomed in Mobile with her cargo of quinine, drugs, wines bacon, coffee, and dry goods. Our toil had been inspired by feeling of humanity. We knew too well how sadly the Con federacy stood in need of the priceless freight which this yes sel contained n -her mixed cargoùmedicines and appliances o surgery for the sick and wounded and wines for the feeblt In fact, there were many lives actually hanging on the even of cur success in pulling off the ship laden with these supplies The world has never realized how stringently the blockad bore upon these goods, so precious both in the field and ii households and hospitals. The story of the "fish" torpedo boat which destroyed the Federal ship-of-war Housatonic, of nine guns, off Battery Mar shall in Charleston Harbor, is one of the most tragic chapters of the Civil War, and nothing more strikingly illustrates the spirit of the genuine sailor, and the risks to which he voluntarily exposes himself, than the experience in connection therewith of Lieut. John A. Payne, of the Confederate Navy. The boat was built in 1863 at Mobile, being constructed of boiler iron and arranged with a pair of lateral fins by which it could be submerged or brought to the surface at pleasure. The motive power was a hand propeller operated by eight men. The boat was provided with tanks which could be filled with water and emptied, to increase or decrease the displacement, but there was no provision for the storage of air. Consequently it could not long remain under water without the air with which it went down becoming foul and un-breathable and if, by accident or design, the submersion was protracted too long, certain asphyxiation of the crew was the result. During an experiment at Mobile the vessel sunk, and before she could be raised the entire crew perished. In February, 1864, General Beauregard accepted this craft for use in Charleston harbor, and Lieutenant Payne, having been placed in charge with a crew of eight picked men, was preparing to take her out for action one night, when she was swamped by the wash of a passing steamer, and all on board, except Payne, were drowned. Having been raised and refitted she was again sunk, this time at Fort Sumter wharf, when six men were drowned, only Payne and two others escaping. Brought to the surface for the third time, another crew was placed on board under Hundley, one of her builders, who took her into Stone River, where, after several successful dives, she stuck her nose in the mud and all on board were lost. Again the ill-fated little craft was raised and a series of experiments were undertaken with her in the harbor. She worked beautifully until the attempt was made to dive under the receiving ship Indian Chief, when she fouled a cable and proved a coffin for every man on board. Divers brought her up a week later, and Lieut. George E. Dixon, of Company E, Twenty-First Alabama Infantry, asked permission to try her against the Federal war ship Housatonic. General Beauregard consented, but only on condition that she should not be used as a submarine machine, but operated solely upon the surface and with a spar torpedo. Dixon had no difficulty in securing another volunteer crew ready to run the same risks as their unfortunate predecessors. In addition to Dixon, they consisted of Lieut. J. F. Carlson, of Capt. Wagetier's (South Carolina) Light Artillery, and five sailors from the navy, belonging to Flag Officer J. R. Tucker's fleet. It was about 8 :45 on the evening of February 17 when the little craft struck the Federal vessel on the starboard side just forward of the mizzenmast, and Dixon fired his torpedo. A hole was torn in the side of the big vessel, extending below the water line, and she went down in four minutes, stern first, in twenty-eight feet of water. This, however, was the last achievement of the "fish" and as fatal to herself and her crew as it was to the enemy. Whether she was swamped by the column of water thrown up by the explosion, or carried down by the suction caused by the sinking of the Housatonic, will never be known; but she went under the waves, never to rise again, and all on board, this time, were sacrificed. After the war, when the wrecks off Charleston were removed, the little submarine craft was found lying on the bottom, at a distance of many yards from the Housatonic, with her bow pointing in the direction of the latter. According to the statement of prisoners, from the time the torpedo boat was sighted on board the Housatonic until it was alongside was about two minutes. In that time the chain of the big vessel was slipped, the engine backed, and all hands called to quarters. The after pivot gun on board the Housatonic having been pivoted to port, her gunners were unable to bring it to bear upon her destroyer. About one minute after the latter was close alongside, the explosion took place, the ship sinking stern first and heeling to port as she went down. Five of the Housatonic's people (one officer and four seamen) were killed by the shock or drowned. The remaining twenty-one officers and one hundred and twenty-nine men, having taken refuge in the rigging, were rescued by the crew of the Federal sloop Canandaigna. At the time this incident occurred the flagship New Ironsides, four monitors, four tugs, and fifteen sailing vessels were inside the bar, the Wabash and four other blockaders outside, and three steamers and seven schooners in Lighthouse Inlet---all under command of Commodore S. C. Rowan, commanding off Charleston. Thus ended the eventful career of the little submarine destroyer, after a series of disasters as remarkable as any in the history of the Civil War, costing the lives of nearly fifty men in half a dozen experiments, in addition to the loss inflicted upon the enemy. The dramatic experience of Lieutenant Payne with the little craft ended in the spring of 1864, when he was transferred to the Confederate gunboat Gaines, becoming her executive officer. We were kept in continual vigilance by the agents' dispatches, which named over fifty steamers running the blockade between Nassau and Bermuda to the Atlantic and Gulf ports. These agents were zealous in espousing the Southern cause, and the Charleston. Wilmington, and Mobile papers published glowing accounts of the blockade runners' skill and daring. The type of these vessels was a production of our Civil War, and as long as war is still in vogue may come again into like service. Confederate Veteran, Vol. IX, No. 12 Nashville, Tenn., December, 1902. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- REVIEW OF HISTORIES USED IN SOUTHERN SCHOOLS AND SOUTHERN HOMES Miss Anna Caroline Benning Chairman of the Text-Book Committee, before the eighth annual convention of the Georgia Division, United Daughters of the Confederacy, held in La Grange October 25 30, 1902. Madam President and Daughters of the Confederacy: The Scriptures say, "Honor thy father and thy mother, that thy days may be long in the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee." Did you ever reflect that after the commandments as to our duty to God, as to our duty to man, this law is the first. It comes before those forbidding us to lie, or to steal, or to covet. Georgia expended in 1901 more than a million and a half dollars on the education of her children. Yet she will receive scant honor from these children if they are to learn it from the text-books used in her schools. For example, in Eggleston's "A First Book in American History," colonial Georgia is not mentioned. The same is true of the Carolinas and Maryland, but we find eleven pages about Miles Standish, with illustrations galore. No Oglethorpe, no Habersham, no Jasper, no Georgia in fact, until incidentally as General Sherman marched. The great disparity of numbers in the war between the States nowhere mentioned. The colonies everywhere treated as a nation from the time of independence. Four words devoted to Jefferson Davis, ten pages to Abraham Lincoln. No history from April 9, 1865, until the opening of the Spanish war, 1898, except the story of "Morse's Electric Telegraph," the "Atlantic Cable and the Telephone." No date from the death of Cyrus yields, 1872 to 1898. A practical elimination of thirty-three years, and an actual one of twenty-six years from the calendar. All the reconstruction period. Among the heroes of the Spanish war no Bagley, no Hobson, no Blue, no Schley, no Wheeler, no Fitzhugh Lee---no Southern man. The trend of most histories is to crowd the colonial and revolutionary periods in the Carolinas and Georgia into a few words, while the other colonies are commiserated for their suffering and glorified for their valor. It is all right about Miles Standish and 'some of his men' surprising and killing four Indians shut up in a room with them; but Georgia children, at least, should know that Oglethorpe rode more than three hundred miles through the vast forest to meet and treat with the five great Indian nations at Coweta, that as long as he held the reins of government Georgia had no Indian wars and Spanish aggression was repulsed. Yet Mr. Eggleston dubs him a man of 'impossible projects.' Georgia's children should know of the daring of their Joseph Habersham, the intrepidity of their Jasper, of the battles of Savannah, the agony of Augusta, and the devastation of the entire colony; of the rice which Georgia sent to Boston, of the naval victory (the first of the Revolution) of Bowen and Habersham, and the powder sent to Boston. One history (by a Southern man) disposes of the two battles at Savannah in six lines, and in those six lines kills Pulaski and Jasper---more than ten months before the British did. He forgets to state that the last battle of Savannah was second only to Bunker Hill in bloodshed and mortality. In some of the histories four lines suffice for Georgia, in the Revolution, at other times three whole pages are given to Georgia and the Carolinas. The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence is usually conspicuous by its absence. In most text-books the reader is impressed with the thought that the colonies were a compact nation at the time of the Revolution. Richard Henry Lee's resolution to the Continental Congress of 1776 must be emphasized: "That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States." He did not say the United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, an independent nation. Neither does the Declaration of Independence, which was passed a few days later. The last clause is as follows: "We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by authority of the good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of great Hritain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and independent States, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent States may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firr reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes. and our sacred honor." (Substitute the for these, nation for States, it for they, it for them, has for have, and see how it reads.) "We, therefore, the representatives of the United States of America, in general Congress assembled, appealing to the Supreme judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name and by authority of the good people of the colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That the United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, a free and an independent nation, that it is absolved from all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political connection between it and the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as a free and independent nation, it has full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which an independent nation may of right do. And for the support of this declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." The children should be taught that the Constitution was not adopted until nearly six years after the conclusion of the Revolution, and then only after months of much dissension and many concessions. That Virginia, New York, and Rhode Island signed with the proviso that they might withdraw when it was for their best good. That Massachusetts did in 18o4 prepare to secede, and New England in 1814. That New England did not lend a helping hand in the war of 1812. That after the first Dutch importation, New and Old England imported slaves, and that the slave trade was continued twenty years because New England capital was invested in ships for the slave trade. That the North sold her domesticated slaves to the South, because slavery was not profitable, and after she sold them she thought slavery wicked. That John Brown was an anarchist. That the Southern States were forced to secede, and that in claiming the forts, they claimed only the return for securities which they had put into the pool of States. That the Northern army outnumbered the Southern nearly four to one. That the Confederates surrendered because they had not food to eat, clothes to wear, nor men to fight. They should know of Sheridan's order in the Valley, and Butler's in New Orleans. They should be told of the reconstruction period. Leave the war between the States. The histories speak of the Northern schools and authors, but forget to mention the statesmen and jurists of the South. We should see the geographies full of our fruits, our manufactories, our lumber, our harbors, and our mines and minerals. A close study of the histories so far discloses the fact that those which better portray the colonial times are most unjust in the causes and accounts of the war between the States, and the years that have followed. Some may say they care not for that period so long as the war between the States, and the causes and consequences thereof, are well stated. They are mistaken. The colonial and revolutionary wars, and the war of 1812 are the title deeds to this republic. Our State should have a catechism. No school should receive State money which uses the books that do not indoctrinate this catechism. Are the people to be taxed to teach the children to dishonor their fathers and mothers? We will never get anything if we do not ask for it. Ask! Demand! State money is the watchword. If State money be given only to those schools which use the books that the State stamps with her approval, all the schools will clamor for such books, and they will get them, for the manufacturer must cater to the market. For the bravery, the devotion of the Confederates, and the fearful odds against which they fought, I am willing to rest the case on the testimony of General Buell, of the Federal army. He does not give them all they deserve, but if they go down in history as he bears witness, They will teach glory herself how to be glorious. AGAINST TERRIBLE ODDS THE SOUTHRONS FOUGHT The following, although written by a Union officer, ought to be in every school history of the South, so that the children of the men who fought the South's battles should know the odds they contended against. In an article which appeared first in the Century Magazine and afterwards in the third volume of "Battles and Leaders of the Civil War," General Buell said: "It required a naval fleet and 15,000 troops to advance against a weak fort, manned by less than 100 men, at Fort Henry; 35,000, with naval cooperation, to overcome 12,000 at Donelson; 60,000 to secure a victory over 40,000 at Pittsburg Landing (Shiloh); 120,000 to enforce the retreat of 65,000 intrenched, after a month's fighting and maneuvering at Corinth; 100,000 repelled by 80,000 in the first Peninsular campaign against Richmond; 70,000, with a powerful naval force, to inspire the campaign which lasted nine months, against 40,000 at Vicksburg; 90,000 to barely withstand the assault of 70,000 at Gettysburg; 115,000 sustaining a frightful repulse from 60,000 at Fredericksburg: 100,000 attacked and defeated by 50,000 at Chancellorsville; 85,000 held in check two days by 40,000 at Antietam; 43,000 retaining the field uncertainly against 38,000 at Stone River (Murfreesboro); 70,000 defeated at Chickamauga, and beleaguered by 70,000 at Chattanooga; 80,000 merely to break the investing line of 45,000 at Chattanooga, and 100,000 to press back 50,000 increased at last to 70,000 from Chattanooga to Atlanta, a distance of 120 miles, and then let go an operation which is commemorated at festive reunions by the standing toast of "One hundred days under fire;" 50,000 to defeat the investing line of 30,000 at Nashville; and, finally, 120,000 to overcome 60,000 with exhaustion after a struggle of a year in Virginia. In some of the battles thus enumerated by General Buell, the odds were even greater than he states them. To illustrate the implicit confidence with which the Southern soldiers followed their leaders, he draws the following comparison: "At Cold Harbor the Northern troops, who had proven their indomitable qualities by losses nearly equal to the whole of their opponent, when ordered to another sacrifice, even under such a soldier as Hancock, answered the demand as one man---a silent and solid inertia. At Gettysburg Pickett, when waiting for the signal which Longstreet dreaded to repeat, for the hopeless but immortal charge against Cemetery Hill, saluted and said, as he turned to his ready column: "shall move forward, sir." General Buell then speaks of another influence which nerved the hearts of the Confederate soldiers to valorous deeds: "Nor must we give slight importance to the influence of the Southern women, who in agony of heart girded the sword upon their loved ones and bade them go. It was to be expected that these various influences would give a confidence to leadership that would lead to bold adventure and leave its mark upon the contest." The writer of these words, which do so much honest justice to the soldiers of the South, was Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell, the man whose timely arrival at Shiloh saved General Grant's army from utter annihilation and capture of what remained. Grant's army was crouched under the banks of the Tennessee River, and would have been captured or killed had not Buell arrived as soon as he did. He is about the only Northern general who has had the honesty to tell the real truth in regard to the numbers engaged on each side during the war. Confederate Veteran, Vol. XI, No. 1 Nashville, Tenn., January, 1903. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BATTLE OF SANTA ROSA ISLAND W. J. Mimer W. J. Mimer, of Birmingham, gives an interesting account of the battle of Santa Rosa Island, October 7, 8, 1861. From a term of service as a Confederate soldier extending over a period of nearly four years, the following narrative of personal experience is selected, not because of the importance of the battle, but for the purpose of illustrating the spirit of patriotism, courage, and devotion to duty in those earlier days of the Confederacy. Immediately after the secession of the States of Florida and Alabama, the navy yard, forts, and other government property upon the mainland in the vicinity of Pensacola were taken possession of by the State troops, the United States forces retiring to Fort Pickens, on Santa Rosa Island, opposite. This fort, already strong, was strengthened and its garrison increased by the United States government. In addition to the garrison inside the fort, a regiment known as Wilson's Zouaves was stationed on the island about half a mile eastward of the fort to guard it from a land attack. It was also under the protection of the guns of the blockading squadron, and was quite formidable. Early in 1861 Gen. Bragg, in command of all the Confederate forces in the vicinity, began organizing them, and by the middle of summer they numbered several thousand. Among these troops was the Fifth Georgia Regiment, commanded by Col. John K. Jackson, and recruited principally from the very best elements of the Empire State. Company A of this regiment, the Clinch Rifles, commanded by Capt. Charles A. Platt, was nearly one hundred strong, proficient in drill, and well equipped, being armed with Mississippi rifles with saber bayonets. Its uniform was dark green, trimmed with gold lace and brass buttons. Its splendid appearance was fully equaled by its fighting qualities. Alas! how few of that noble band were left in 1865! To the best of my information, only about twenty-five came back to their homes after the war. My father was then living near Pensacola, and I enlisted in this company, having abandoned my studies at college. Guard duty, daily drill, and dress parade were features of camp life, under which the boys soon began to chafe, clamoring to be led into battle. On October 7, 1861, the company being assembled for dress parade and drill as usual, the captain, upon taking command, said: "We'll not have any dress parade this evening. I have on hand to-night a very hazardous expedition, and I want from this company sixteen volunteers; and I do not want any man to go who is not willing to die to-night, if necessary." The company was standing at "order arms." "Now," continued he, "those of you who are willing to go will bring your guns to 'shoulder arms.'" If he had given the command "Shoulder arms," the order could not have been more promptly and completely obeyed. "Well," said he, "I can't take you all, as I should like to do; so I'll be compelled to make a detail." He then selected ten men from the right of the company, who were, of course, the tallest men. Then, after reflection, the captain said: "This is not giving the little men a chance." Whereupon he proceeded down the line, selecting a man here and there, until the number was completed. Being one of the "little men," I was near to the left end of the rear rank. My heart thrilled with delight when he pointed his finger at me and said, "You," and I proudly stepped to the front with the others. I really did not expect it, for I felt that it was an honor to which I was not entitled. The company was then dismissed and the "elect" ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march at any moment, with forty rounds of cartridges. The camp was a bustle of excitement and preparation. Those detailed were busy getting their arms and accounterments in suitable condition. Some of the boys found a grindstone and ground their saber-bayonets as sharp as butcher knives. Charles E. Staples, one of my messmates, approached me with tears in his eyes, saying: "You are not entitled to this honor. I'll give you twenty-five dollars [Confederate money was then almost as good as gold] to let me go in your place." Think of conquering an army of such soldiers! I replied: "My opportunity is not for sale. I am going." Speculation was at its highest as to where we were going and what we were to do. Soon after dark we were called out, and the several detachments from the different companies of the regiment were marched to the wharf at Pensacola, where we were joined by a number of other troops, constituting, I learned afterwards, altogether a force of about twelve hundred, commanded by Gen. R. H. Anderson. We were embarked upon a steamboat and two barges which it carried in tow. The steamer was then headed across the bay toward Santa Rosa Island, at a point about two miles eastward of Billy Wilson's camp. The tide being in, the boat and barges were enabled to approach very near the beach, and we landed by wading ashore. Here the command was formed into three columns, one moving along the north beach, commanded by Col. Jackson; one moving along the south (or gulf) beach, commanded by Col. James R. Chalmers, of Mississippi; while the third, commanded by Col. Patton Anderson, of Florida, moved along the center of the island between the two other columns. Our detachment was in Col. Jackson's command. When all was ready pickets were placed in front, and we marched cautiously toward the Federal camp. After we had proceeded some distance, a body of troops was seen through the darkness coming up in our rear. Excitement was intense. Were they the enemy, and had they discovered us? or were they our men? Upon near approach we could discern the strip of white cloth upon their left arms which was to be our mark to distinguish friend from foe, and they were found to be one of the other columns which in the darkness had lost its way and found itself marching in our track. A halt and a readjustment having been made, the columns again moved silently toward the doomed camp. A few minutes later a shot was fired in front. Either we were discovered and the enemy's sentinel had thus given the alarm or our pickets had fired upon us. In either case our presence could no longer be concealed. We now marched in line of battle, hurriedly and with less caution. We passed the dead body of the sentinel, who had just been shot by our picket. A moment later, and we were in the camp, from which the Federals fled in great haste, not waiting to dress. Some were captured before they could make their escape. The camp was then burned, for which purpose some of our boys had been provided with matches and canteens of spirits of turpentine. The flames soon lit tip the sky for miles around. Our object being accomplished, we turned to effect our retreat to our boats, for daylight was approaching and we were within easy range of the men-of-war just outside, while the guns of Fort Pickens were frowning upon us. Our troops, having disbanded to bum the camp, were necessarily in great disorder, and could not now stop to organize. In this manner we had gone only a few steps when we saw glistening in the light of the burning camp a line of bayonets just across our way and only a few yards distant. Some one said: "They are our men." A volley from them, which killed and wounded some of our men, caused the cry, "They are Yankees!" and the fire was returned by us. Col. Jackson, coming up about this time, gave the order to cease firing, saying: "They are our men." In obedience to his order to form a line, I ran and placed myself on the Colonel's left. One or two others did the same, but most of the men seemed not to hear or understand the Colonel's order. At any rate, it was not obeyed, and the firing was kept up by some of our men, while others were saying: "Don't shoot! They are our men!" In the meantime the unknown men were pouring a hot fire into us. About this time I saw a man on a mule riding up along the beach, meeting us. He said something to the men nearest him, and instantly several guns were aimed at him and he was ordered off of his mule. He proved to be Maj. (afterwards Brigadier General) Vogdes, commander of the battalion of United States regulars who had been obstructing our march, and he had come to demand our surrender. While we were busy burning the camp the commander of the fort had sent this battalion around on the gulf beach to get in our rear and capture us. His battalion now gave way and fled, leaving the way open for the continuance of our retreat. One of the boys mounted the mule, while the Major, together with the other prisoners, was taken along with us. We now proceeded as rapidly as we could, carrying such of our wounded as it was possible to move, toward our boats, expecting to have the guns of both the fort and the ships outside open upon us. This, however, they did not do, either from fear of killing their own men or because we were shielded from view by the bushes on the island. Upon arriving at the boats we found that the tide had receded and they had been moved farther out into the water, in consequence of which we had to wade a considerable distance to reach them. No order had been observed in the retreat from the scene of the battle, and each man waded in and got aboard as soon as he arrived. The steamboat was headed from shore with the two barges behind, read to start as soon as the order was given. While we were thus embarking, the enemy, who had followed at a safe distance, approached the boats under the protection of the brush and opened fire upon us with their long range guns. We returned the fire, but with little or no effect, as they were, besides being concealed from view, out of range of our guns. After all had gotten aboard, the order was given to the steamboat to move, when it was discovered that the barges were aground, caused by the receding tide and the added weight of the troops. The situation was critical. We were exposed in a helpless mass to the enemy's fire from their long range guns, while our fire was perfectly harmless to them. The confusion and consternation became greater as the enemy's fire increased. Our commander, Gen. Anderson, was among the wounded. All who could find room had crowded upon the boat to lighten the barges, with the hope of floating them. I was standing on the middle barge and firing in the direction of the enemy's smoke as fast as I could load and shoot. While thus engaged I saw a man who had just waded out from the shore throw his gun up on deck, preparatory to climbing up, when the piece was discharged, the entire load passing through the ankle of a man, terribly mangling the foot and ankle. The steamer continued to tug at the barges with all her might, but still they would not move. A man on the steamer raised a hatchet to cut the rope by which the barges were attached. Another man standing on a barge, seeing him, raised his gun and said, "If you do, I'll kill you," and he didn't. Finally the barges were discovered to be moving. Slowly, very slowly, we began to recede from the shore and beyond the range of those rifles. Another fear, however, still beset us, as a rifle ball from one of the ships, or from Fort Pickens, in full view, could send us all to the bottom of the bay. About eleven o'clock we reached the wharf at Pensacola in safety, where we were greeted by crowds of soldiers and citizens, among whom were many ladies with refreshments for the hungry and bandages for the wounded. I think our loss, including killed, wounded, and missing, was about eighty or eighty-five. Among our killed was young Lieut. A. Nelms, of the McDuffie Rifles, said to have been one of the brightest intellects the State of Georgia ever produced. Among the wounded and captured was Ben Holt, of our company, beloved by all who knew him. I have learned that he was a brother of Mrs. Wallace Screws, of Montgomery. I found myself with no further injury than a bullet hole through my coat and one through my cap. Confederate Veteran, Vol. XI, No. 5 Nashville, Tenn., May, 1903. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- WHY THE SOUTH SECEDED Hon. John H. Reagan [Address of Hon. John H. Reagan, only surviving member of the Confederate States Cabinet, before the R. E. Lee Camp, at Fort Worth, Texas., April 19, 1903.] Comrades, Ladies, and Gentlemen: I answer your request for a statement of the cause of the war. It would be pleasant to speak of the heroic valor of the Confederate soldiers, of the skill and intrepidity of their officers, of the patriotism and wisdom of the members of Congress who enacted the laws for the organization and conduct of the Confederate government, of the great and patient labor of the Confederate cabinet and their assistants, of the masterly statesmanship, self-sacrificing devotion, and sublime courage and constancy of President Jefferson Davis, and of the matchless devotion, services, and holy prayers of the women of the Confederacy for the success of the cause in which their fathers, husbands, and sons were engaged. But for the present I must forego the discussion of these interesting themes, and call your attention from the glories of the past to the questions of future interest. During the war, 1861 to 1865, and ever since there has been a studied, systematic effort on the part of those who were our adversaries to pervert and falsify the history of the causes which led to that war, and the conduct of the war, and to educate the public mind to the belief that it was a causeless war, brought about by ambitious Southern leaders. And it is much to be regretted that this policy has had a very large measure of sticcess. This has been brought about largely by the baseless assumptions in acts of Congress and the doings of the Executive Department, iu the action of State Legisla tures and of political conventions, the declarations of public speakers, and by the writers in newspapers and magazines. It will be the purpose of what I shall say to-day to show the great wrong and injustice done to those who supported thc Confederate cause, by this systematic falsifying of the great facts of history on this subject. In proposing to do this we must recognize the fact that that great war ended nearly forty years ago, and that we are now fellow-citizens with those who occupied the other side, living in the same government, under the same Constitution, laws, and flag, and interested as they are in the peace of the country and the welfare of all its people, with no desire to revive the passions and prejudices of the war, and with an earnest wish for the best fraternal relations between the people of the two sections of the country. While this is our earnest wish, we cannot consent to a perversion of history which would brand the defenders of the Confederate cause as rebels and traitors, and teach that falsehood to our children and to posterity. And we are led to hope that in after times, when the passions of the war have subsided, and when the prejudices engendered by it have died out, that none of the people of this great republic will wish such a stain to be attached to any part of their fellow citizens. However this may be, iL is a paramount duty on our part to preserve and perpetuate the real history of the causes of that greatest war of modern times, as those causes are witnessed by the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, by the history of the action of the Congress, of the courts of the country, of the messages of Presidents, by the acts of the Governors and Legislatures of States, by the declarations of political conventions in fact, by the political history of the United States down to the time when that political crusade was actively commenced which led up to that bloody conflict. Fortunately for the truth of history, these facts appear in the imperishable records of the Federal and State governments, and in the entire history of this country which preceded the war, and it is to these facts, which cannot be successfully controverted, that I shall appeal to-day. It has been to a large extent assumed that negro slavery was the cause of that war. This is not strictly true. It was the occasion of the war, but not the principal cause of the war. The real cause of the war was sectional jealousy, the greed of gain, and the lust of political power by the Eastern States. The changing opinions of civilized nations on the subject of slavery furnished the occasion which enabled political demagogues to get up a crusade which enabled them in the end to overthrow, in part at least, the Constitution of the United States, and to change the character of the Federal government by a successful revolution. This sectional jealousy was strongly developed at die time of the purchase of the Louisiana territory, in 1803. That purchase was bitterly opposed, especially by the people of the New England States, one of the grounds of opposition being that it would add to the power of the agricultural States and be opposed to the interests of the manufacturing States, for then, as ever since, they desired to control the policy of the Federal government, and to use it as an agency for the promotion of individual and sectional interests. And in their opposition to this measure they threatened to secede from the Union. This jealousy was still further manifested at the time of the war of a war which was gone into more for the protection of the shipping interest of the New England States, and for free trade and sailors' rights, than for any other cause. They denounced that war and gave encouragement to the enemies of the United States, furnishing signal lights to the enemy. Their Members of Congress, their Governors of States, their State Legislatures, and a convention called for the purpose threatened to secede from the Union. This jealousy again manifested itself when Missouri was admitted as a State, because, as they assumed, it would increase the power of the agricultural States and be against the interest of the manufacturing States. And on like grounds they opposed the acquisition of Texas and or the territory of Mexico, acquired as a result of the war with that country. And in their greed to levy tribute on the South by means of high protective tariffs they drove South Carolina into nullification in 1831, and an armed conflict was only averted by a compromise reducing the duties on imports. Up to 1820 there had been no serious trouble over the question of African slavery, and, as shown by Mr. Bancroft, New England's great historian, in his history of the United States, slavery in some form then existed in every civilized government in the world. It had been planted in the American Cobrues by the governments of Great Britain, France, and Spain, and by the Dutch merchants, all of them participating in the African slave trade. And it was defended and justified by the Churches and the priesthood on the ground that it was transferring the Africans from a condition of barbarism and cannibalism to a country where they could be at peace, learn something of the arts of civilized life and of the Christian religion. And the New Englanders became largely engaged in the African slave trade, and they, to some extent, as their history shows, made slaves of the Indians and shipped them off to the West Indies. And African slavery existed in all the colonies at the date of the Declaration of Independence (1776), and it existed in all the States except Massachusetts in 1787, the date of the formation of the Constitution of the United States. The question of slavery was first brought seriously into our Politics in 1820-21, when Missouri was admitted as a State. Public opinion in this and other countries began to change on this question, and Great Britain and France abolished slavery in their West India possessions and the question began to be agitated more extensively in the United States in 1852. The great number of immigrants from Western Europe made white labor cheap in the Eastern States, and slave labor was not regarded as profitable there, and those who owned slaves then sold them to the rice, cotton, and sugar planters of the South, where their labor was more profitable. In this way the States which contained a majority of the population of the United States became what were called free States, and the politicians, to secure advantage of the South in legislation and to secure offices by popular favor, appealed to this sectional majority, and aroused and cultivated hostility to the people of the South because of the existence of slavery in those States. In 1856 the agitation of this subject developed a political party strong enough for a national organization, which nominated John C. Fremont for President and William L. Dayton for Vice President, and this ticket received one hundred and fourteen votes in the electoral college, all from the free States, as against one hundred and seventy-four for Buchanan and Breckenridge, who were elected---all the Southern States and the States of Pennsylvania and New Jersey voting for the Buchanan ticket, making nearly a strict sectional division. This demonstration of sectional strength caused an increase of the aggressiveness of the politicians of the North, and their appeals in favor of the liberty of the slaves greatly fired Northern sentiment and led to the national success of the anti-slavery party four years later, when Mr. Lincoln was elected President and Hannibal Hamnlin Vice President, by a purely sectional majority. In these appeals to the sentiment in favor of popular liberty no consideration was given to the question of race and the capacity for self-government and for the duties of freemen. A reference to the British and French West India Islands, in which the blacks have been in a condition of chronic revolution ever since they were set free, was calculated to have given pause to a people not blinded by partisan zeal. The leaders of that party, including President Lincoln and Mr. Seward, insisted that this country could not remain half free and half slave, and their party leaders proclaimed that there was a higher law than the Constitution of the United States. They claimed that their mission was to liberate the slaves, and, without the consent of the Southern States, they could only do this by substituting a popular majority of the people of all the States in place of the Constitution, with its limitations on the power of the Federal government, and by a revolutionary movement in plain violation of the Constitution. Article I, Section 3, of the Constitution recognizes the persons bound to service, in defining the free people of the country. Article I., Section 9, of the Constitution provides that the slave trade shall not be prohibited before the year 1808, twenty years after its adoption. Article IV., Section 2, Clause 3 of the Constitution provides for the return of fugitive slaves escaping from one State and found in another. So it is seen that in this solemn compact between the States and the people of the Union African slavery and the right of property in such slaves was recognized and protected. In bringing to your view these great facts I am not doing so for the purpose of saying that slavery was right or wrong in itself, nor for the purpose of condemning those humane feelings which favored its abolition. And 1 say for myself, and I think I speak the sentiments of the great body of the Southern people, that I would not restore slavery if I had the power to do so. I am calling attention to these facts to show that the unconstitutional and revolutionary methods adopted by the Republicans to secure its abolition, involving as it did the breaking up of the social and industrial system of fifteen States of the Union, the confiscation of three thousand million dollars' worth of what the Constitution and the laws held to be property, the risk of a servile war (then much feared by the Southern people), the sacrifice of hundreds of thousands of human lives, the making of countless widows and orphans, and the sacrifice of many billions of dollars' worth of property, attended with all the sufferings and horrors of the greatest war of modern times. When the American colonies came to be formed into States, as the result of the Revolutionary war, warned by the oppressions and denial of rights imposed on them by the crown of Great Britain, each of them accompanied their State Constitutions with a "Bill of Rights" in which it was declared that the people possessed certain inalienable rights of which they could not be deprived, which they specified; so when the American people came to form the Constitution of the United States, animated by the same jealousy of the unlimited power of government, they created a government with delegated and strictly limited powers only, and for greater security for their liberty and rights they provided that the powers not therein delegated were reserved to the States and to the people respectively. The Federal government was given jurisdiction over questions of a national and those of an inter-State character, while the States retained jurisdiction over all the local questions and domestic institutions. This is the authority for the doctrine of State rights. Slavery was from the first treated by all the States as a domestic institution, to be controlled or disposed of as each State might choose for itself. And this is the reason why the Northern States abolished slavery without asking the sanction of the Federal government. And when the people of the Northern States commenced their crusade for the abolition of slavery by the numbers and powers of their people where slavery did not exist, and in the States where it did exist without their consent, they commenced a revolution in distinct violation of the Constitution and laws; they made themselves a lawless, revolutionary party, and became rebels against the Government of the United States. And when they levied war to carry out their policy they became traitors. But the minority could not try and punish the treason of the majority. Their pretense was that They were fighting to save the Union, and they made thousands of honest soldiers believe they were fighting for the Union. Their leaders knew that the Union rested on the Constitution, and that their purpose was to overthrow the Constitution. The Union the soldiers fought for was the Union established by the Constitution. The Union the leaders sought was only to be attained by the subversion of the Constitution, the annulment of the doctrine of State rights, the making of a consolidated central republic, abolishing the limitations prescribed by the Constitution and substituting a popular majority of the people of the whole Union in their stead, and to open the way for individual and corporate gain through the agency of the government. In the face of these great historic truths that party has habitually and constantly charged that the war was causeless and brought about by ambitious political leaders of the South, and that the Confederates were rebels and traitors. Can any one conceive of a greater departure from truth, or of a more audacious attempt to falsify history? And that, too, in the face of the Constitution and laws, in the face of the imperishable public record of the country and of the public history of their own actions. I have thus endeavored to give some of the facts and reasons which justified the Southern people in attempting to withdraw their allegiance from a government openly hostile to the rights of their State and people in order to form for themselves a government friendly to those rights. Our people were not responsible for the war; it was forced on them. They were not rebels or traitors. They simply acted as patriots, defending their rights and their homes against the lawless and revolutionary action of a dominant and reckless majority. I refer those wishing fuller reliable information on this subject to President Davis's "Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government," and to Vice President Stephens's "War Between the States." Confederate Veteran, Vol. XI, No. 5 Nashville, Tenn., May, 1903. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- EVOLUTION OF THE WOMEN OF THE SOUTH Mrs. T. J. Latham Mrs. T. J. Latham, President of the Tennessee Division, U D. C., read the following pacer at the last State convention: "If I were a painter, I would trace On canvas fair a beauteous face Crowned with a wealth of Titian hair, Cheeks whose crimson would compare With a Western sunset ever rare, Lips that only partly close As the dew-fed petals of a rose, And eyes that shine, as one draws near, Like stars at midnight bright and clear." "In painting the portrait of the women of the early South I would dip my brush in the blue of sincerity, the white of purity, and blending in rainbow tints the environments of her life. I would paint her as I found her---sweet, lovable, gentle, clinging in confidence to those of her family, and with a deep trust in her friends. A heart open to mother and father, a woman to give her whole heart to her husband, and one at once worthy to become the head of a household, the mother of well-born children, and a wife of whom it may be said, 'The heart of her husband doth trust in her.' "Nowhere existed a purer and loftier type of refined and cultured womanhood than in the early South, and the hospitality and social intercourse of our grandmothers and their friends were highly cultured and refined. Their modesty was womanly and native. They were unaccustomed to the gaze of the world, and shrank from publicity. Men were the breadwinners; women, the homekeepers. The graces in which the Southern women excelled, and which I would fain paint on my canvas, were neatness, grace, beauty of person, ease and freedom without boldness of manner, mind innately refined and cultivated, brilliant in gay wit and repartee, with thought and character spotless and pure, a laudable pride of family, and an untiring devotion to home, friends, kindred, and loved ones. When finished I would drape this picture in soft white stuff of cobweb texture, such as we see in dreams, and I would call it a type of the sweet long ago.' "Then I would set me another easel---another canvas ready for paints and brushes. But this time palette must needs have the crimson tints of war, tubes of black for many heart sorrows, and all these colors that portray courage, endurance, loyalty, ambition, and success, for the years are many since my 'Type of the Sweet Long Ago' made the world better and brighter by her being in it. The world has progressed; so also have our Southern women. But the virtues that adorn and ennoble the picture of my second easel find their origin in that womanhood which for forty years has been the product and the pride of the Southern people. These years in passing have brought to the Southern women many changes; they have put into activity the stronger qualities of character and mind, that were latent until stirred by trials, hardships, adversity, and, in some instances, poverty. How often we see it that many women weak in prosperity prove themselves towers of strength in adversity. Thought and action go hand in hand. Heart and brain in unison accomplish wonders. "In many States women have asked for property rights; they have petitioned for voice in the making of laws against licensed liquor, and for many other highly salutary enactments. They have- knocked at the doors of State universities and been admitted; they have been the moving spirit in establishing industrial and reform schools for girls; they have caused able women to be placed on boards of public institutions; they have taken an interest in municipal affairs, with the result of public libraries, public drinking fountains for man and beast, police matrons, public parks, and clean streets. In Colorado they have an organization for the consumption of home products, and by pledging themselves to purchase all articles made in Colorado in preference to foreign goods, provided the price and quality are the same, they have given an impetus to all lines of work, from market gardener to extensive manufacturer. This is worthy of emulation by the women of every State in the Union. "Education to-day is broader, and every woman is free to develop her own personality. We boast that any American boy may become President of the United States; so also may we add that any American girl may become mistress of and grace the White House. "Our free schools are becoming more perfect day by day; industrial schools are being built and industrial departments are being added to our free school courses. In the Sophia Newcomb Annex of the Tulane University, New Orleans, is given instruction in decorative art. Virginia has the Miller Manual Labor School in Albemarle County. In Washington, D. C., in Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee, Texas, Mississippi, and other States, these industrial courses are open to girls mainly through the efforts of Southern women. Our Miss Jennie Highee has done as much in the interest and to promote education in our State as any one, and there are Mrs. Pilcher, Miss Pearson, Mrs. McClung, and others. "Cooking is now considered a fine art, and our girls are gratified to be able to say that they have taken a thorough course in the intricacies of the culinary art. "It has been said that there are many more literary women now than formerly, yet among the papers and old letters safely hid away in grandmother's trunk may be found sweet thoughts couched in pretty verse, and bright literary flowers pressed between the leaves of a prayer book or hymnal. We readily see hereditary genius in the granddaughter, burning all the brighter in that the literary fire in grandmother was kept smothered. "Necessity has forced some literary women from the retirement of domestic life. Whatever has been the incentive, we bless them that have brought us in touch with such writers as Miss Murfree (Charles Egbert Craddock), Will Allen Dromgoole, Ruth McEnery Stuart, Mary Johnston, Sara Beaumont Kennedy, Anna Robinson Watson, Mrs. McKinney, of Knoxville~ Hallie Erminie Rives, of Virginia, Sarah Barnwell Elliot, Mrs. Sneed, Ellen Douglass Glasgow, Augusta B. Evans, Catherine Cole, Grace King, Miss Cicor, of New Orleans, and Frances Hodgson Burnett. "In art we know that Caroline Brooks, whose Vanderbilt group at the World's Columbian Exposition created such favorable comment, and whose bust of Admiral Dewey was presented to him during his visit to St. Louis, is a Southern woman. In Helena, Ark., she began her career, and, as she expressed it, found her fortune in her churn.' She has become the world's greatest molder in butter, her work having been a special feature at the Omaha Exposition. Mrs. Brooks works out all her own conceptions in butter before beginning her marble work. A visit to her cold storage rooms is one of much interest. Among the many other artists, I mention Mesdames Herrick, Ross, and Shurtleff, of California, who excel in ceramic art. Mrs. Cora Whitmore, of Memphis, excels in china. Figure work is her specialty. Misses Yandell and Pattie Thum, of Kentucky, Mrs. Newman, of Murfreesboro, whose painting, 'Breaking Bread,'had honorable mention at the Paris salon. Matilda Lotz, of Knoxville, whose skill was appreciated by Rosa Bonheur, and to whom the famous artist willed nearly all her property. Sarah Ward Conley, of Nashville, designed the beautiful Woman' Building at the Tennessee Centennial. Mrs. Fannie May Longman and Mrs. Annie Stephenson Morgan, of Memphis, whose abilities are recognized as the finest in the State; also Misses Martha Day Fenner, of Jackson, Anthony, of Brownsville, Mary Solari, Margaret Ash, Minnie Lanier Rains, Fannie Gober, and Mrs. Carrington Mason, all of Memphis, gifted artists. "In music Southern women have taken high rank in the world, and those who can stir the noblest impulses by sweet harmony of sound are indeed benefactors of the human race. Miss Lillian Chenowth, a gifted Mississippi girl, since her solo at the McKinley Memorial at Washington, is in so much demand that it is impossible to meet dates offered her. Mrs. Joseph Reynolds, of Memphis, was president and instructor of a band of music when only eleven years old, and is a most proficient teacher and performer. Margaret Freeling, known as 'Mad Non,' of Jackson, Tenn., created a sensation in Italy with her wonderful voice. Mrs. C. P. J. Mooney and Mrs. E. C. Latta are gifted singers. Many others deserve mention. "In drama we need not go farther than our own loved Tennessee to find talented women who have achieved enviable success. Among those prominent are Maud Jeffries, Marcia VanDresser, Mrs. Tim Murphy (Saunders), Maud Fealy, Florence Kahn, Bessie 1\Iiller, of Memphis, and Kate Cheatham, of Nashville. "Self-support is laudable, and many of our most popular women in society are self-supporting. There are successful doctors, merchants, inventors, farmers, editors, lawyers, trained nurses, miners, educators, stock raisers, financiers, etc. In fact, when we see the success Mrs. Eilitch has attained with her botanical and zoological gardens, the skill with which Mrs. Goodnight, of Texas, manages her ranch, with its magnificent herd of buffaloes, Mrs. Cosgrove, one of the most successful dealers of real estate of Joplin, Mo., Mrs. H. W. R. Story, known as the woman fruit grower of Southern California, and who has the largest walnut groves in the world, we cease to believe that there are limitations to the aspirations and achievements of Southern women. For the Southern women the years are blended, the environments and conditions, as the artist blends his colors. Now I would that I could blend my colors and paint my second picture in the evolution of the women of the South, portraying the transition from 'A Type of the Sweet Long Ago' to 'A Southern Woman of To-Day.' Under the inspiration of such representative women as are assembled here, leaders in literature, art, club life, music, and every field of culture and utility, "If I were a painter, I would trace On canvas fair a woman's face." Well, ladies, frankly I know not better how to make that picture perfect than to produce a composite portrait of the faces I see before me."
|
|
We are part of ©The
Georgia GenWeb and AHGP 03/15/2008
This nonprofit research network is affiliated with the American History and Genealogy Project and hosted by USGenNet, a nonprofit historical and genealogical Safe-Haven Server. No claim is made to the copyrights of individual submitters, and this site complies fully with with USGenNet's Nonprofit Conditions of Use. Copyright 1991 - All Rights Reserved
|
