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Confederate Veteran Misc Confederate Veteran, Vol. XIII, No. 8 Nashville, Tenn., August, 1905. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- GENERAL R. E. LEE AS A COLLEGE PRESIDENT T. A. Ashley M. D. Almost every side of Gen. Lee's life work and character has been written upon by the historian. But little can be said about him as a soldier and citizen except in the nature of a personal reminiscence. I much doubt whether Gen. Lee's ability and renown as a soldier are more deserving of praise and admiration than his simple, natural, and inspiring life as a college president. In the larger and more renowned field of action as a soldier he exhibited all the ability and manliness of the hero and warrior. In the discharge of the quiet duties of a college president he manifested that sweetness, charm, and simplicity of character which only a great and noble soul can possess. As the leader of a great army, the pride and support of a great cause, he was no greater man than when he undertook to guide the educational training of a small band of young men who gathered around him for instruction in the arts of peace. It will be recalled that after the surrender at Appomattox Gen. Lee was left without an occupation and almost without the means of support for himself and family. His property had been almost entirely swept away by war and confiscation. He was in the fifty-ninth year of his age and without training, except as a soldier. A number of propositions came to him, offering him positions with remunerative salaries for the use of his name and influence. He promptly rejected every suggestion looking to the improvement of his fortune through business ventures. On the 4th of August, 1865, the trustees of Washington College, located at Lexington, Va., elected him to the presidency of that institution. This college, endowed by Washington and named after him, was at that time a school with only a local reputation and a small endowment. It enjoyed an honorable name and a favorable position in the rich Valley of Virginia. The selection of Gen. Lee as its President was a happy stroke of fortune for the college, and gave great satisfaction to Gen. Lee as well. The position and the surrounding circumstances were in harmony. Gen. Lee at once saw an opportunity to round out the closing years of his life in a work which would gratify his pride and result in advantage to the youth of the South. He recognized that his influence in such a position would do more to reestablish confidence among the Southern people and to restore their pride and loyalty toward constitutional government than any course of action he could take. With that firm but quiet resolution which was the foundation of his true greatness, he entered upon the duties of President in October, 1865. He began the work of reorganizing the college in all of its departments at once, and when the college session opened students from all over the South and a few from the North and Northwest flocked to the institution. In the first class perhaps as many as twenty-five per cent of the students had been old soldiers who had carried a musket or held a commission in the Confederate army. A colonel, several majors, and a half dozen captains and lieutenants, besides numerous sergeants, corporals, and privates, made haste to enroll under President Lee as students of literature, science, and law. Never, perhaps, in the history of any institution in the world did such classes of young men assemble for an educational training. The majority of the students who had not carried arms in the Confederate service had seen war as boys under trying circumstances. The young men of the South under age to hear arms were for four years practically without school training. Many of them had been at work on farms and in factories, or were growing tip in a training school of excitement and danger that poorly prepared them for college discipline. When I entered Washington College, in February, I867, I found an undisciplined and raw crowd of college classmates. Many of them, like myself, had seen war from the boy's standpoint in its most thrilling and exciting aspects.. We had been in battle and on the firing line, and yet had not carried a musket or fired a shot at the enemy. We were only waiting for the age limit, when we would be better material for shot. Many of our friends and relatives, only a year or two older than ourselves, had enlisted in service and had found soldiers' graves. As rough, uncouth, and poorly trained as this class of young students were, they were almost without exception the sons of Southern gentlemen and boys of pride, ambition, and spirit. Many of them had made great sacrifices to obtain a college training under "Marse Robert," as he was affectionately called. They were with few exceptions, industrious, earnest students, in each of whom Gen. Lee took the warmest personal interest. I recall many incidents which show the solicitude and anxiety of Gen. Lee over this large class of young men who had gathered around him. At times we were a wild and excitable crowd of youths. War and race prejudice still ran high, and more than once some of our number were guilty of indiscretions that brought pain to the heart of our noble President. As much as we loved and admired him, as a student body there were among our number a few individuals that the most rigid discipline could not at all times hold in check. But retributive justice was sure to overtake the offender of college authority when he came into the presence and under the piercing eye of Gen. Lee. He was at once either subdued by his benevolence and fatherly tenderness or returned to his parents at home. No student could riot long or waste his time in idleness under Gen. Lee's observation. His sins were sure to find him out, and he either yielded to the superior influences exerted over him or ceased to be a member of our student body. Each year from October, 1865, to 1870 (the year of Gen. Lee's death) the class of students increased in number and in character. Crude and untrained boys were soon molded into educated and cultivated men. The corps of professors, associates, and instructors was enlarged to meet the requirements of the students. College buildings, laboratories, and an endowment were rapidly built up under Gen. Lee's leadership. I know of no institution in this country which began with so little that accomplished so much in four years' time. Gen. Lee's death came in the midst of this great up building. He had set in motion an influence which extended far beyond the walls of the college. I refer to the influence exerted over the young men who became his students and over the people of the South, whose eyes were ever on him. He taught all the value of character, the simplicity and nobility of life, and the highest duties of citizenship. No student could come in contact with Gen. Lee without absorbing the influence of his personality. It is safe to say that he knew nearly every student in college by name, the character of his work, and his conduct. He corresponded regularly with the parents or guardians of every student. He sought by every method to stimulate the best thought and work, and to promote the moral as well as intellectual training of those under him. To show his personal relations with the student, I shall mention a few incidents of a personal nature. Upon the occasion of my first meeting with him, February 2, 1867, the day after I entered college, I handed him a letter of introduction from my father. With a cordial shake of the hand and a personal reference to my family, he remarked: "I wish you to make as good a record at college as your namesake made in the army." On another occasion, a few weeks later, I carried to him a half dozen of his photographs for his autograph. He remarked: "Why did you bring these ugly pictures to me?" I replied that some young lady friends had requested me to send them his photograph with his autograph attached. "Why," said he, "did you not bring the photographs of the young ladies? I would much prefer to see them." He then turned to a cabinet and drew out his photograph with his autograph attached and presented it to me, with the remark that it was a better likeness than the one shown in the photographs I had brought to him. It is needless to say that I still value this photograph above all of my treasures. Upon other occasions when I had to call at the President's office he invariably inquired after the young ladies, and made some pleasant remarks that removed all embarrassment and made me feel his friendly interest in me. Upon a rainy, muddy day I happened to meet him on the path leading from the college to his residence. We were alone. He halted me in the rain, inquired after my friends at home, wished to know how I was getting along with my work, and then suddenly changed the subject of the conversation with the remark: "This is a good day for ducks. Good-by." I happened to meet him on another afternoon, when it was as rainy and as wet under foot as one could imagine. My roommate and I had ridden horseback that day to the Natural Bridge and back, a distance each way of fourteen miles. The road was muddy, the horses were bad, and we were drenched in water and covered with mud. As we were returning from the livery stable in the town to our room in the college we met Gen. Lee face to face on the sidewalk, He noticed at once our mud-stained appearance, and halted us. I thought that we would be rebuked for some violation of college rules. But he pleasantly remarked: "Where have you young men been to-day?" We replied: "We have been out to see the Natural Bridge for the first time." He said: "Did you walk out or ride out?" Our reply was "We rode out, of course, General." "Ah!" said he. "You should have walked out; it is such a fine day for marching." I might mention numerous incidents of this character, showing his pleasant humor and friendly interest in the student. I may be pardoned for relating an anecdote, perhaps known to many, which Gen. Lee told on himself. It so fully illustrates his quiet humor that it will hear many repetitions. On one occasion when Gen. Lee was riding along the road alone be met an old Confederate soldier on foot. The old veteran addressed the General, and remarked to him that he had one request to make of him; would he grant it? Gen. Lee replied that he would gladly grant any request within his power to an old soldier. The old veteran then said: "I wish you to dismount from your horse whilst I give three cheers for Gen. Lee." Accordingly, Gen. Lee dismounted, and in the public highway, with no one present but the two, the old private gave three long and loud cheers for his chief. The conditions were complied with, to the joy of the old soldier, and the General remounted and rode away. Could any scene be more touching and pathetic, and at the same time so full of genuine humor? Gen. Lee's interest in tile moral as well as intellectual training of the student was manifested in many ways. He was a regular attendant upon the religious services conducted in the chapel every morning, and by his example encouraged the students to attend these religious exercises. He took a deep interest in the Young Men's Christian Association, and in all the college societies that tended to promote the morals and culture of the student. Violations of college discipline, evidences of bad conduct, and neglect of study upon the part of any student were sure to call from him a reprimand or suggestion which the offender was not likely to forget. Upon one occasion I was an innocent victim of one of his admonitions, which I have remembered since with great discomfort. One of the college rules forbade the students playing baseball during recitation hours on the college campus. This rule was frequently broken during Gen. Lee's absence from his office in the college building. The time selected was when he had gone home for his dinner. At such a time a few of the boys with ball and bat would exercise with the same. A student was usually posted to give the alarm on the appearance of Gen. Lee. On one warm day in June a few boys were batting and catching ball while the General was at dinner. The boys had failed to post a sentinel, and Gen. Lee made his appearance in an unexpected manner. As soon as his presence was known the offenders ran to hide in the college building. Gen. Lee followed them in their retreat. it happened that I had been in the rear of the building, and as I came out of the hall onto the portico I met Gen. Lee face to face. The day was exceedingly warm, and I was in my shirt sleeves. I was not aware that the boys were in hiding for breaking rules. I was at once taken by the General for one of the offenders. Calling me by name, he asked if I did not know it was a violation of college rules to play ball during recitation hours. In my embarrassment I pleaded that I had not been playing ball. The circumstantial evidence was against me. I have always felt that my answer was doubted; but the noble old gentleman simply remarked that the boys must not violate this rule, and then walked away. I was too stunned to think, and did not realize my position until some of the offenders had come from out of their hiding places and made the situation plain to me. During the remainder of my college life I was always careful when I ventured on the campus in my shirt sleeves. Gen. Lee was one of the most modest as well as one of the most diffident of men. Notoriety and applause were not only distasteful but painful to him. On commencement or public occasions he avoided publicity, and was embarrassed by remarks which referred to him in any way in person. He disliked display and ostentation of manner and speech. Whilst his heart was said to have been broken by the results of the war, he had the faculty of concealing his feelings to a degree seldom equaled. He was less emotional than any human being I ever saw, and yet possessed the most gentle and sympathetic nature. I never saw him smile or frown. The expression of his face was as calm and placid as a child's. His features were noble, his eyes soft and benevolent, but piercing, and expressive of both thought and feeling. He could express with his eyes an authority and command which volumes of words could not convey. His voice was soft and gentle, and seldom raised above a whisper, but with sound so clear and distinct that every word was clearly heard. His influence over those thrown in his presence was magnetic. His poise, expression, and bearing commanded respect and exercised an authority which no one dared to deny in his presence. The great secret of his character was its simplicity and manliness. He seemed to tower above the heads of every one by nobility of mind and heart, which created the feeling that greatness was personified in him. Whether on foot or horse, he looked the soldier that he was. Except on rare occasions, he wore the Confederate gray uniform without its trimmings and brass buttons. When mounted on Traveler, his old war horse, he wore high-top boots, which gave him a military bearing never to be forgotten by those who had seen him at the head of the army. He was devotedly attached to Traveler, and the horse and the man seemed to be made for each other---the one proud of the other---and inseparable in spirit and noble bearing. Art has tried to represent these two noble specimens of the man and of the horse as they appeared in life, yet all that the genius of the artist could do was to present forms and colorings. The life and pride of spirit can never be shown on canvas as they are recalled by eyes which saw the reality. In good weather Gen. Lee rode Traveler almost daily. The exercise was beneficial to both, now growing old in years as well as in service. When death came to Gen. Lee, Traveler was not long in following his old master. I have only touched upon a few of the many impressions made upon a student by the greatest of all college presidents. Years have rapidly passed by, and the students of Gen. Lee's day are growing fewer and fewer. Those of us who remain still recall the noble influence he exercised over our lives. Confederate Veteran, Vol. XIII, No. 9 Nashville, Tenn., October, 1905. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- HORRIBLE NIGHT AFTER BATTLE OF MANASSAS A faded clipping from Public Opinion comes to the VETERAN with the following thrilling and pathetic experience of a Confederate picket while following the retreating Federals from Bull Run after the great battle of July 21, 1861: "When we came to throw out pickets in front of our lines on the night after dealing the Federal army the hard blow at First Manassas, we were right among the dead and wounded. We had won a victory, and the bulk of the Federal army was making for the Potomac; but there was a rear which fought sullenly and with a thirst for vengeance, and along the front of my division the bluecoats were alert and ready for any night attack. It was about nine o'clock in the evening when my company was pushed out, and to get the place assigned us we had to crawl on our hands and knees for the last two hundred feet. When I finally got settled in place, it was at the base of a shade or fruit tree standing alone in an open field. A ball or shell had struck the trunk of the tree and cut it in two, and a portion of it lay on the ground. The Federal picket, as I presently ascertained, was about fifty steps distant from me, and had the cover of a heap of rails. I did not locate him until he had fired upon me. I do not think he knew of my presence, but rather mistrusted it, and blazed away to draw me out. "There were dead and wounded all about the tree. I had crept over two dead bodies, and two wounded men had begged me for water, and, although the evening was dusky, I could count at least ten bodies on my side of the tree. I had come out with a full canteen, knowing that the front was covered with wounded. Close to me, on my right, was a Federal corporal, belonging to a New York regiment. He was shot in the right leg, midway between the hip and the knee. This happened two hours before dark and considerably nearer our lines, and he had managed to crawl twenty rods to get the shelter of the tree. It was only a flesh wound, and could he have been taken into the lines that night he would have been fit for duty in thirty days. Some men would have almost walked off with such a hurt as that; but the poor fellow seemed knocked all to pieces, and had quite lost his courage. I was holding the canteen to his lips, having raised his head and put a haversack under it, when the Federal picket fired the shot. The bullet crashed into the head of the wounded man, and with a sort of quiver he fell back dead. "The incident upset me considerably, and, being under orders not to fire a shot unless the enemy were advancing, I hugged the ground at the foot of the tree and remained quiet. Two more shots were fired at me, but they were aimed too high and went over. I had been on duty about an hour when the pleadings of a wounded man about fifty feet to my left for water determined me to succor him. He knew of my presence, and talked directly to me, saying that he was shot in both legs and had been lying there seven or eight hours. I left my gun on the ground and started off on my hands and knees. The corpse of a Federal lay directly in my way, and I was just making a half circle around it when the supposed dead man scrambled up, seized his musket, which lay directly beside him, and whirled on me with a sort of scream. You see, it all came so suddenly that I was confused; and when he came at me, I was still on my hands and knees and helpless. He held the gun at 'charge bayonet,' and made an awful lunge at me. The point of the bayonet passed through the back of my blouse, the lunge pushed me over, and the steel went into the ground almost to the muzzle of the gun I was thus pinned to the earth, and the man let go of the musket and fell across me, uttering a groan of pain as he fell. "My position was such that I could not free myself for two or three minutes; and when I did, the man Was dead for sure. He had probably been unconscious for a long time before the frenzy of death caused him to attack me in the singular manner he did. So firmly was I pinned to the earth that I had to 'skin' out of my blouse to get free, and it took a stout twist at the butt of the musket to pull the bayonet out of the hard, baked soil." Confederate Veteran, Vol. XIII, No. 9 Nashville, Tenn., November, 1905. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- VISIT OF THE PRESIDENT TO THE SOUTH The Associated Press, under the management of Mr. Melville Stone, made so accurate and so complete report of the President's every utterance on his visit to the South Atlantic States and across to Little Rock, thence back to Memphis and to New Orleans, whence he returned by a government transport to the North, that it will hardly be read as new in the VETERAN. However, record concerning Confederates is made, as it will thereby be preserved in better form than elsewhere and by thousands who will most thoroughly appreciate his utterances. The beginning was in Richmond. in his remarks at the capital of the Confederacy he said: "I trust I need hardly say how great is my pleasure at speaking in this historic capital of your historic State, the State than which no other has contributed a larger proportion to the leadership of the nation for on the honor roll of those American worthies whose greatness is not only for the age but for all time, not only for one nation but for all the world, on this honor roll Virginia's name stands above all others. And in greeting all of you I know that no one will grudge my saying a special word of acknowledgment to the veterans of the War between the States. A man would indeed be but a poor American who could without a thrill witness the way in which, in city after city, in the North as in the South, on every public occasion, the men who wore the blue and the men who wore the gray now march and stand shoulder to shoulder, giving tangible proof that we are all now in fact as well as in name a reunited people, a people infinitely richer because of the priceless memories left to all Americans by you men who fought in the great war. "Last Memorial Day I spoke in Brooklyn at the unveiling of the statue of a Northern general, under the auspices of the Grand Army of the Republic, and that great audience cheered every allusion to the valor and self-devotion of the men who followed Lee as heartily as they cheered every allusion to the valor and self-devotion of the men who followed Grant. "The proud self-sacrifice, the resolute and daring courage, the high and steadfast devotion to the right as each man saw it, whether Northerner or Southerner---these qualities render all Americans forever the debtors of those who in the dark days from 1861 to 1865 proved their truth by their endeavor. Here around Richmond, here in your own State, there lies battlefield after battlefield, rendered forever memorable by the men who counted death as but a little thing when weighed in the balance against doing their duty as it was given them to see it. "Great though the meed of praise is which is due the South for the soldierly valor her sons displayed during the four years of war, I think that even greater praise is due to her for what her people have accomplished in the forty years of peace which followed. For forty years the South has made not merely a courageous, but at times a desperate struggle, as she has striven for moral and material well---being. Her success has been extraordinary, and all citizens of our common country should feel joy and pride in it; for any great deed done or any fine qualities shown by one group of Americans of necessity reflect credit upon all Americans. Only a heroic people could have battled successfully against the conditions with which the people of the South found themselves face to face at the end of the War between the States. There had been utter destruction and disaster, and wholly new business and social problems had to be faced with the scantiest means. The economic and political fabric had to be readjusted in the midst of dire want of grinding poverty. "The future of the broken, war-swept South seemed beyond hope; and if her sons and daughters had been of weaker fiber, there would in very truth have been no hope. But the men and the sons of the men who had faced with unfaltering front every alternation of good and evil fortune from Manassas to Appomattox, and the women, their wives and mothers, whose courage and endurance had reached an even higher heroic level---these men and these women set themselves undauntedly to the great task before them. "For twenty years the struggle was hard and at times doubtful. Then the splendid qualities of your manhood and womanhood told, as they were bound to tell, and the wealth of your extraordinary resources began to be shown. Now the teeming riches of mine and field and factory attest the prosperity of those who are all the stronger because of the trials and struggles through which this prosperity has come. You stand loyally to your traditions and memories ; you also stand loyally for our great common country of to-day and for our common flag, which symbolizes all that is brightest and most hopeful for the future of mankind; you face the new age in the spirit of the age." The President at a banquet spoke as follows: ". . . Coming to-day by the statue of Stonewall Jackson, in the city of Lee, I felt what a privilege it is that I, as an American, have in claiming that you yourselves have no more right of kinship in Lee and Jackson than I have. "There was an uncle of mine, now dead, my mother's brother, who has always been, among all the men I have ever met, the man who it seemed to me came nearest to typifying in the flesh that most beautiful of all characters in fiction, Thackeray's Col. Newcome---my uncle, James Dunwoody Bulloch, an admiral in the Confederate navy. "In my regiment, organized at the beginning of the Spanish American War, I think that there were more men whose fathers wore the gray than there were whose fathers wore the blue. The only rivalry that ever entered their heads was rivalry as to which man could show himself best entitled to the praise of having done all that in him lay for our country and our flag. "I noticed that the statue of Stonewall Jackson had been raised as a gift by certain Englishmen. The best biography of Gen. Jackson was by an Englishman, Col. Henderson. It is a curious and rather lamentable fact that he died just as he was about to undertake another biography, which I had earnestly asked him to undertake. I had written him, urging that he should finish his very remarkable military study of Stonewall Jackson by writing a military biography of Gen. Lee, and he had written me back that he intended to do so. Shortly afterwards I learned of his death. "Gentlemen, I cannot sufficiently express to you my deep appreciation of the way in which you have greeted me to-day. You cannot be nearly so glad to see me as I am to see you." After the banquet, the presidential party visited points of interest about the city. The party first stopped at the Lee monument, where the Confederate veterans from R. E. Lee Camp, Soldiers' Home, were gathered to greet the President. Addressing the old soldiers, the President said: "My friends and fellow-Americans, I honor the State of Virginia because she has taken charge of the Confederate veterans in their old age. All Americans must ever show nigh honor to the men of the War between the States, whether they wore the blue or whether they wore the gray, so long as they did their duty as the light was given them to see their duty with all of the strength that was in them. Here I greet you in the shadow of the statue of your commander, Gen. Robert E. Lee. You and he left us memories which are part of the memories bequeathed to the entire country by all the Americans who fought in the War between the States." While at Charlotte, N. C., the President was greeted by many thousands of people. The press report states: "The feature of his stay here was his meeting with the widow of Stonewall Jackson. Mrs. Jackson lives in a stone's throw of the station, and she was present there when the train pulled in at the head of a committee of ladies appointed by Mayor McNinch to receive Mrs. Roosevelt. When he was introduced, he took her hand and remained talking for fully five minutes. 'Mrs. Jackson, you do not know how glad I am to meet you. What? The widow of the great Stonewall Jackson? Why, it is worth the whole trip down here to shake your hand.' He referred to her grandson, Jackson Christian, whom he appointed to a cadetship at West Point. 'He is a mighty fine fellow, Mrs. Jackson, a mighty fine fellow.' "The citizens' committee stood in waiting while he escorted Mrs. Jackson to Mrs. Roosevelt and introduced her. While the President was speaking in the park Mrs. Jackson entertained Mrs. Roosevelt at her home, and a hundred Charlotte ladies helped to make her stay pleasant. After Mrs. Roosevelt returned to the car, she sent a handsome bouquet of American Beauty roses and a note to Mrs. Jackson. "In his speech the President said: 'As I got off the train here I was greeted by one citizen of North Carolina (and I know that neither the Governor, the Mayor, nor the Senators will blame me for what I am going to say) whose greeting pleased and touched me more than the greeting of any man could have touched me. I was greeted by the widow of Stonewall Jackson.' He paid tribute to Lieut. Shipp, of North Carolina: 'Here, as I came up your streets, I saw a monument raised to a fellow-soldier of mine who fell during the Spanish War at Santiago (Lieut. Shipp, of North Carolina). The morning of the fight he and I took breakfast together. It wasn't much of a breakfast, but it was the only breakfast that was going, and we were glad to get it. The night before I had no supper, and his comrades gave me out of the very small amount that they had a sandwich. In the morning they had no material for breakfast; but by that time my things had come up, and I shared my breakfast with them. That was at dawn. Before noon one of them was killed, and the other, as we then thought, badly wounded.' "The visit to Roswell, Ga., was indeed very pleasant. A remnant of the old-time servants of his family were there. and did the white people credit in what they said to him. In his visit to Birmingham the President was greeted cordially by Confederates. Ex-Gov. Joseph F. Johnston, their speaker, said: 'It is made my duty, as it is my pleasure, Mr. President, by unanimous vote of Camp Hardee, No. 39, United Confederate Veterans, to present to you these young ladies, descendants of Confederate soldiers and sponsors and maids of honor of our Camp, who will tender you a badge of our Camp. We present this too, sir, because we believe that you come nearer standing for the ideals that have inspired our lives than any President that we have had since the war. Had we been born north of Mason and Dixon's line, Mr. President, many of us in the War between the States might have followed the flag of our fathers, the stars and stripes; but we are sure that had you been born twenty years earlier, and in Georgia, where you should have been born, you would have been a gallant leader of a brigade under Forrest or Stuart. Sir, with your permission, these young ladies, the sweetest and loveliest product of the Old South or of any other country in the world, one of them having in her gentle veins the blood of Raphael Semmes, will now, in behalf of the Camp, present you this badge with our good wishes for your health and happiness.' "The Confederate badge was presented to the President by Miss Sophia Wittichen. "During his Atlanta visit the President paid high tribute to Joel Chandler Harris ('Uncle Remus'). He also cordially commended United States Senator Clay's public career. Senator Clay had attended the President's party to Roswell, the girlhood home of Mr. Roosevelt's mother, and in a talk there the President said: 'It has been my great fortune to have the right to claim that my blood is half Southern and half Northern, and I would deny the right of any man here to feel a greater pride in the deeds of every Southern man than I feel. Of the children, the brothers and sisters of my mother who were born and brought up in that house on the hill there, my two uncles afterwards entered the Confederate service and served in the Confederate navy. One, the youngest man, served on the Alabama as the youngest officer on board her. He was captain of one of her broadside 32-pounders in her final fight; and when, at the very end, the Alabama was sinking and the Kearsarge passed under her stern and came up along the side that had not fired hitherto, my uncle, Irving Bulloch, shifted his gun from one side to the other and fired the last two shots fired from the Alabama. James Dunwoody Bulloch was an admiral in the Confederate service. Of all the people whom I have ever met, he was the one that came nearest to that beautiful creation of Thackeray, Col. Newcome. Men and women, don't you think that I have the ancestral right to claim a proud kinship with those who showed their devotion to duty as they saw the duty, whether they wore the gray or whether they wore the blue? All Americans who are worthy the name feel an equal pride in the valor of those who fought one on one side or the other, provided only that each did with all his might and soul and strength and mind his duty as it was given him to see his duty.' "While there was a great demonstration in every city visited, it seemed to be in Mobile that the happiest association occurred. This is perhaps because of the fact that the President's proudest Southern association was through two brothers of his mother who performed service for the Confederacy under Admiral Raphael Semmes on the famous Alabama. The guard of honor on the parade was by members of the Raphael Semmes Camp, Confederate Veterans. "Hon. Oliver J. Semmes, son of the great Confederate admiral, Raphael Semmes, presented to the President and pinned upon the lapel of his coat a handsome souvenir badge; as the gift of the people of Mobile. This badge consists of a heavy cross bar of 18-karat gold, inscribed: 'Mobile, Ala.' In delivering the badge, Judge Semmes said: 'Mr. President, I have been delegated by the people of Mobile to present to you this token, a symbol of their fealty as citizens of the United States. Though itself of little intrinsic value, yet in sentiment it represents the loyalty, the worth, and the honor of as brave, chivalric, and noble a people as is to be found on the face of God's green earth. We proud citizens of a proud republic feel and believe that you, as the head of that republic, will, by your broad views and judicious actions, so unite in bonds of friendship all sections of our loved country that Americans will advance till they become the foremost of nations and may without a misgiving defy a world in arms. Should this awful necessity ever arise, then the sons of the South will be found a mighty armed camp. Take this little reminder; and when you look upon it amid your arduous and multifarious duties, feel and know that the people of Mobile have buried the past and look without fear to the future, recognizing that you, as is shown by your later utterances, are the President of the North and the South, our whole country. They regard you as a broadminded American, and as such offer this badge, its pendant a magnolia blossom, pure and spotless, typical of the womanhood and manhood of our Southland and peculiarly appropriate, as you are half Southern.' "Judge Alford, Chairman of the Committee on Arrangements, then introduced the President. "The formal welcome to the President was delivered by Col. E. L. Russell, a Confederate veteran of fine record, who said to him: 'Your coming into our midst has been a source of inspiration to our people, and my selection by my neighbors to welcome you to this old city I shall preserve as one of the great events of my life. Our people are familiar with your record as a soldier and as a citizen. Your wise statesmanship, coupled with your public acts and public declarations, have given them confidence in your sincerity of purpose and patriotism. Since you have been President yot have demonstrated by your administration of our Federal affairs that you are loyal and devoted to our free institutions coined out of the blood, sacrifices, and treasure of our ancestors. Such is the faith of our people in you as a patriot that they believe you would cheerfully surrender your life rather than endanger the sacred trust that has been confided to your patriotic keeping. They look upon you as the stanch friend of an honest and faithful administration of our Federal government. They look upon you as the friend of the honest and faithful public officer. They regard you as the enemy of any man connected with our government who forgets his responsibility as such and descends into peculation and corruption. You have demonstrated that under your administration no man can hold Federal office and be unfaithful to his trust. Our people applaud you for the many brave acts you have performed in your exalted position. 1 hey applaud you for the part you took in order to secure the Panama Canal, which will directly contribute to the commercial growth of the Gulf States; they applaud you for the intelligent and diplomatic manner in which you brought about peace and the conclusion of the bloody war between Japan and Russia; they regard you as the friend of our country and of the home; they are familiar with your home life, and it has been of such a high character as to commend itself to every intelligent, patriotic citizen within this broad domain. You have been so clean, frank, and sincere in all of your public acts and in the performance of all of your public duties that the mere recital of them sends a thrill of patriotic pride through the hearts of your countrymen. Our people are deeply grateful to you for coming to their rescue as soon as the appalling pestilence of yellow fever had made its appearance in some of our neighborng cities by ordering the Marine Hospital Service to take control and handle this dread scourge under the scientific methods that have been discovered. This act of yours resulted in arresting this terrible plague, thereby saving many valuable lives and preventing the suffering of our people living along the shores of the Gulf of Mexico.' "The President thanked the people for their magnificent reception, and spoke a special word of greeting to the Confederate veterans who formed a portion of his escort. He referred to the fact that one of his uncles was on the Alabama during the War between the States. The last time he came through Alabama he said he was going with his own regiment to the Spanish war, and in that regiment were more men whose fathers wore the gray than those who wore the blue. They emulated but one spirit in common, the spirit of seeing who could do the most for our common flag. "There was anxiety all the while concerning what the President would say at the Booker Washington school at Tuskegee, Ala. He was very complimentary to the school speaking at length in its praise; and he did the wisest and best thing possible when he told them that their best friends were the white people of the South and that they must look to them for protection and for help." Confederate Veteran, Vol. XIII, No. 10 Nashville, Tenn., November, 1905. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- MISSOURI GIRL'S PRISON EXPERIENCES Mrs. John R. Cason, Washington, D. C. On August 5, 1864, I came to Marshall from Boonville to visit a friend; was happy in displaying a calisthenic uniform, worn at the closing exercises of our school, giving an exhibition of the different movements. A negro girl innocently reported to some Union women that I was dancing with a Rebel flag around me. The next day, August 6, about ten or fifteen Southern soldiers came into Marshall. There were Union troops there at that hour. They assisted one or more Union men in handing out their surplus goods. Several of these Southern boys rode to the gate of my friends' home, and we (there were three other girls) had a few words with the Confederates. While engaged in this little "byplay" some one shouted, "The courthouse is on fire." We looked and saw the Federal flag burning, and the whole building was destroyed in a short time. Our boys left town shortly after this, having burned besides only an old shack, a shop. By 11 AM, everything was quiet, and all were gratified that nothing worse had happened. A friend from the country invited me to spend the following Saturday and Sunday with her. Hastily packing a carpet sack with the belongings of a girl in her eighteenth year, I left town about noon, reaching my friend's home in time for a fine Southern dinner. Afterwards, while enjoying a nap, the gentleman of the house called me and said, "You are wanted." I immediately arose and faced a Federal captain with about twenty soldiers. He gave me a military salute, with the information "Miss Bryant, you must return to town with me as my prisoner." I asked by whose authority, and he produced an order from the provost marshal, named Woodruff. I asked how I was to go, and he said: "You can ride behind one of us." I indignantly declined, when he said: "O you will have to go, and I hope you will not give us trouble." At this time Southern people in Missouri were afraid to show much sympathy toward each other. My old friend suggested, however, that I go in his buggy. The captain remarked that one of his soldiers would drive the buggy. Accepting the situation, I returned to Marshall, and was driven to my home, occupied then by Federal officers as headquarters. Their troops, about one thousand in number, arrived in town at 12 M., August 6. After a few words with the matron, I requested to see the provost marshal. Stating to him my objection to being held a prisoner in my home, he kindly ordered a guard to escort me to a hotel. I came to Marshall with a large trunk of clothing suitable for a summer outing---my father had ample means. On the arrival of the troops referred to, they were piloted to the house of my friend, Mrs. S___ , by some Union women. The soldiers were allowed to loot the house, destroying every article I had except a few things in a carpet sack, also everything in Mrs. S___'s house. Feather beds were emptied on the floor, and the entire contents of a well-filled pantry were emptied into this mass of feathers. On asking the officer of the day for an explanation why the soldiers had been allowed to destroy my clothing, he sarcastically replied, "You may find a few of your things;" but I didn't. With defiance and hatred in my heart, I went on to my prison (the hotel), which I was not allowed to leave but once, then with a guard. This all occurred on the 6th of August. The affair spread all over the country in a short time, reaching my parents in Boonville. My father dared not return to Marshall, but my mother did, accompanied by my teacher, hoping to explain satisfactorily why I had this calisthenic dress, which was red, white, and red with the immortal thirteen red buttons down the front of the waist. In the melee it was saved, and exhibited on the public square. The excitement it created was like a Spanish bullfight, the soldiers furious that a slip of a girl should dare to glory in those colors---the red, white, and red. My freedom was offered me provided I would take the oath, a copy of which I send herewith. I would rather have carried a ball and chain than have submitted to such humiliation. After keeping me in Marshall one week, I was notified by the captain to prepare for a journey to Warrensburg, nearly two days' travel by land. Imagine my consternation when, instead of a carriage, a four horse government wagon loaded with corn drove to the ladies' entrance. I protested against the journey in primitive style, but was told that I should be glad that I did not have to walk. After adieus to a few heartbroken friends, we climbed up and into this canvased wagon with an old dirty army blanket spread over the corn. All day long with no lunch and the sympathy of no one except our driverùa Southern man in disguise. The party numbered about three hundred Federal soldiers, and more than that number of negroes followed us. We arrived at a small village (Brownsville) for the night, and were placed ill a hotel with a guard at the door. After a nice stipper and lodging, we again started on our journey. At 12:30 P.M. we arrived in Warrensburg, alighted at Col. Crittendon's headquarters, and were marched into his august presence. He did ask us to be seated. After a few questions concerning the cause of my arrest and discovering that I had refused to take the oath, I was ordered to be placed behind the bars. I said : "We are starving; may we have something to eat?" "O yes, we will see you have all yon wish." After parading us through town that hot August day, we at last reached our prison---a room about eighteen feet square, windows heavily barred, one door, with a guard's watchful eye on us every minute. Our promised dinner was a pint bowl of pickled beets, a few slices of stale baker's bread; this only to satisfy the hunger of three girls. We slept that night on the bare floor, with our carpet sacks for pillows; an army blanket was thrown over us for cover or pallet, as we chose. Our breakfast the next morning was weak tea and stale bread, a regular Yankee breakfast, minus tea, cakes, and apple butter. We remained in this place, as well as I remember, about five days; our fare about the same, though occasionally coffee was allowed. The atithorities were quite reticent as to our punishment. In ignorance we lived from day to day, fearing nothing. While here we were shocked to see a wagon driven up to our door with about forty women prisoners with babies--- one lady sixty years old, and so on. We forty odd without supper were taken that night about nine o'clock to a larger room. In a few moments a soldier asked for Miss Bryant and seven others, I forget their names. We were told to be ready at 5 AM, for a trip to St. Louis. After a sleepless, restless night, we were ready (without breakfast, but were told we should have dinner at Jefferson City), and were put on the cars. We arrived at Jefferson City at noon, and the guard gave us a cynical smile and passed on. Arriving at St. Louis sometime that evening, we were forced to walk from the station to the St. Charles Street Prison (about two hours' walk it seemed to me). Tired, starving, with bursting headache, we were assigned to rooms after a light supper--cup of tea, one potato, one slice of baker's bread with butter. Here I was told by old Mr. Dixon, our prison keeper, that, as my father was a prominent and well-known man, I should have privileges not accorded others. In my youthful ignorance visions of pleasure and a speedy return home soon vanished. The worst experience of my life was those two or three weeks in the St. Charles prison. The keeper was so unkind and fed us so poorly that those in authority were ashamed of him, and his removal was ordered. About the 1st of September I was taken to the famous Gratiot Street prison. For the first time since leaving Boonville on this ever-to-be-remembered visit, I met men in the Federal garb who were gentlemen. We were treated as human beings, every attention was shown us that was consistent with the rules and regulations of war. My life there was full of sad experiences: Friends were formed with sweet girls with whom, however, we were never to meet again; ties were broken, and tears were shed over recollections of home and home fare. The bare memory of the crumbs falling from our fathers' tables caused many sighs and evil wishes on the heads of our capturers. It was there that I learned the art of washing and ironing, the accomplishments of the kitchen, how to prepare a meal for forty or more, how to arrange a table of two boards, tin cups, tin plates, with a dish pan for soup. One great happiness for us girls was the correspondence, smuggled from the boys in gray, who were in the male prison across the street. All these experiences ended by one of the prison authorities calling in a carriage at the prison one afternoon, stating that my father was in his office, and that he wished me to prepare immediately to accompany him home. I was ignorant as to what my friends had done to accomplish my release. I bade farewell to some sweet friends, drove with the officer to prison headquarters, there to learn the ruse resorted to by my father's friends. These same friends arranged for my bond of three thousand dollars. I took that ironclad oath. COPY OF THE "OATH OF ALLEGIANCE." I, Sue M. Bryant, of Cooper County, State of Missouri, do hereby solemnly swear that I will bear true allegiance to the United States, and support and sustain the constitution and laws thereof; that I will maintain the national sovereignty paramount to that of all States, county, or Confederate powers; that I will discourage, discountenance, and forever oppose secession, rebellion, and the disintegration of the Federal Union; that I disclaim and denounce all faith and fellowship with the so-called Confederate armies, and pledge my honor, my property, and my life to the sacred performance of this my solemn oath of allegiance to the government of the United States of America. SUE M. BRYANT. Subscribed and sworn to before me this 10th day of October, 1864, at St. Louis, Mo. WILLIAM A. KEYSER, Assistant Provost Marshal. Witnesses: J. C. Galbraith, of St. Louis, Mo.; clerk P. M. G. The above is a facsimile of an oath of allegiance taken by Miss Bryant, of Marshall, Mo. (Mrs. John R. Cason, of Washington, D. C.). Miss Bryant was the daughter of Judge John W. Bryant, of Saline County, who, at the opening of the war, was one of the ablest jurists of Missouri. During his public career he had sentenced many criminals to State prisons, and of these prisoners many who had been pardoned and others having served their allotted sentence had nurtured resentment toward Judge Bryant, and the war gave them the opportunity to vent their ill-cherished feelings toward his family. After some false rumors and the display of the Southern colors by Miss Bryant, she was taken prisoner and sent to the famous Gratiot Street prison, of St. Louis, where she remained for months, refusing to allow any discussion as to her taking the oath. After months of lingering anxiety, illness due to ill-ventilated quarters, and the reports that her father was dangerously sick unto death through anxiety as to her safety, Miss Bryant was influenced by her government friends to take the oath and secure her freedom for the sake of her father. This she did and hurried home to find all well and that the deception had been entered into by friends to force her out of the awful confinement of prison life. Mrs. Cason assures her children that she is yet true to the principles of the South that caused her to suffer for the Confederacy. Confederate Veteran, Vol. XIV, No. 1 Nashville, Tenn., January, 1906. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE BATTLE OF THE "CRATER" AS I SAW IT Capt. John C. Featherston, Ninth Alabama Regiment On the night of the 29th of July,1864, Wilcox's old brigade of Alabamians, at that time commanded by Gen. J. C. C. Saunders, which was one of the five brigades composing Mahone's (formerly Anderson's) Division, was occupying the breastworks to the right of Petersburg, at a point known as the Wilcox farm. The division consisted at the time of Wilcox's "old brigade" of Alabamians, Wright's Georgia Brigade, Harris's Mississippi, Mahone's Virginia Brigade, and Perry's Florida Brigade (by whom commanded at the time I fail to remember). All was quiet in our immediate front, but an incessant and rapid firing was going on to our left and immediately in front of Petersburg, where the main lines of the hostile armies were within eighty yards of each other. There was a rumor that the Federals were attempting to undermine our works, and were keeping up this continuous fire to shield their operations. The Confederate army had dug countermines in front of our works at several points, but failed to sink them sufficiently deep to intercept the enemy and thwart their efforts, as was subsequently proven. During the night of the 29th (I think about two o'clock) we received orders to get our men under arms and ready for action at a moment's notice, which convinced us that Gen. Lee had important information. We remained thus until between daybreak and sunrise of the 30th of July, when suddenly the quiet and suspense was broken by a terrific explosion on our left. The news soon reached our lines that the enemy had exploded a mine under a fort then known as "Elliot's Salient," subsequently named the "Crater" from its resemblance in shape to the crater of a volcano, and during the terrible struggle one in active operation, caused by the smoke and dust which ascended therefrom. Mahone's was the "supporting division" of the army while In front of Petersburg, and consequently whenever the enemy was making serious attacks this command, or a part of it, was sent to reinforce the point assailed. Hence it was in many hard-fought battles while the army was in front of Petersburg. Of the many battles in which this command engaged, however, none will equal or even approximate in bloody and stubborn fighting the battle of the "Crater," where the loss on the Federal side was five thousand and on the Confederate side one thousand eight hundred out of the small number engaged and all on about two acres of land. For quite a while after the explosion all was quiet, but then commenced a severe cannonade by the Yankees, which was promptly replied to by the Confederate artillery. Soon orders were received for two of our brigades to move to the point of attack. The Virginia and Georgia brigades, being on the right of the division, were withdrawn from the works in such a manner as not to be seen by the enemy, who were intrenched in strong force immediately in our front, and dispatched as directed. This occurred about eight or nine o'clock. About eleven o'clock an order came, delivered by that gallant officer, R. R. Henry, of Mahone's staff, for the Alabama (Wilcox's old) Brigade. We were quietly withdrawn from the works, leaving the space which the three brigades had covered unoccupied except by a few skirmishers one man every twenty paces commanded by Maj J. M. Crow, a brave officer of the 9th Alabama Regiment. By a circuitous route we arrived at Blanford Cemetery, and then entered a "zigzag," or circuitous, covered way, through which we had to pass in single file in order to shield ourselves from the fire of the enemy We soon came out of the covered way into a slight ravine which ran parallel with the enemy's line of fortifications and also our own, in which was the fort, now famous as the "Crater," and then occupied by the enemy. As we came out of the covered way we were met by Gen. Mahone, himself on foot, who called the officers to him, explained the situation, and gave us orders for the fight. He informed us that the brigades of Virginians and Georgians had successfully charged and taken the works on the left of the fort, but that the fort was still in the possession of the enemy, as was also a part of the works on the right of it, and that we of the Alabama Brigade were expected to storm and capture the fort, as we were the last of the reserves, it being necessary to retain our other two brigades in the main trenches. He directed us to move up the ravine as far as we could walk unseen by the enemy, and then to get down and crawl still farther up until we were immediately in front of the fort, then to order the men to lie down on the ground until our artillery, in the rear, could draw the fire of the enemy's artillery, which was posted on a ridge beyond their main line and covering the fort. When this was accomplished, our artillery would cease firing, and then we should rise up and move forward in a stooping posture at "trail arms," with bayonets fixed, and should not yell or fire a gun until we drew the fire of the infantry in the fort and the enemy's main lines, and then we should charge at a "double-quick," so as to get under the walls of the fort before the enemy could fire their park of some fifty pieces of artillery, stationed on the hill beyond their works. He further informed us that he had ordered our men, who then occupied the works on either side of the fort, to fire at the enemy when they should show themselves above the top of the fort or along their main line, so as to shield us as much as possible from their fire. As we were leaving him, he said: "Gen. Lee is watching the result of your charge." The officers then returned to their places in line and ordered the men to load and fix bayonets. Immediately the brigade moved up the ravine as ordered. As we started, a soldier, worse disfigured by dirt, powder, and smoke than any I had before seen, came up to my side and said: "Captain, can I go in this charge with you ?" I replied: "Yes. Who are you ?" He said: "I am ____ [I have forgotten his name] and I belong to _____ South Carolina Regiment. I was blown up in that fort, and I want to even up with them. Please take my name, and if I get killed inform my officers of it." I said: "I have no time now for writing. How high up did they blow you ?" He said: "I don't know; but as I was going up I met the company commissary coming down, and he said: `I will try to have breakfast ready by the time you get back.'" I have often since wished that, even under those desperate circumstances, I had taken his name and regiment, for he was truly a "rough diamond," a brave fellow. He went in the charge with us, but I do not know whether he survived it or not. I never saw him again; but if he is alive and this page should ever meet his eye, I trust he will write to me. Wilcox's old brigade, then commanded and led by the gallant and intrepid Brig. Gen. J. C. C. Saunders, as above stated, with Capt. George Clark, another brave officer, assistant adjutant general, was composed of the following regiments: 8th Alabama, Capt. M. W. Mordecai commanding; 9th Alabama, Col. J. H. King commanding; 10th Alabama, Capt. W. L. Brewster commanding; 10th Alabama, Lieut. Col. George P. Taylor commanding; 4th Alabama, Capt. Elias Folk commanding. The 9th Alabama, being on the right of the brigade, was in front as we ascended the ravine, or depression, to form line of battle. I copy from the Petersburg Express the names of the officers who commanded the companies of this regiment, and would include a similar list of the officers of the other regiments but for the unfortunate fact that their names were not given. They are as follows: "Company A, Capt. Hays commanding; Company C, Serg. T. Simmons commanding; Company D, Capt. J. W. Cannon commanding; Company E, Lieut. M. H. Todd commanding; Company F, Capt. John C. Featherston commanding; company H, Lieut. R. Fuller commanding; Company I, Lieut. B. T. Taylor commanding; Company K, Lieut. T. B. Baugh commanding." By the report of Capt. George Clark, assistant adjutant general, this brigade of five regiments carried into the battle of the "Crater" six hundred and twenty-eight men, and of this number it lost eighty-nine. The brigade early in the war had numbered about five thousand, It will be observed that such had been our losses in former battles that regiments were commanded by captains and companies by sergeants, some of the companies having been so depleted that they had been merged into other companies. After we had crawled up in front of the fort and about two hundred yards therefrom, we lay down flat on the ground, and our batteries, in the rear, opened fire on the enemy's artillery in order to draw their fire. This was done that we might charge without being subjected to their artillery fire, in addition to that of the fort and the main line, which latter was only eighty yards beyond the fort. But the enemy appeared to understand our object, and declined to reply. Our guns soon ceased firing, and we at once arose and moved forward, as directed, in quick time at a trail arms, with bayonets fixed. In a short distance we came In view of the enemy, both infantry and artillery, and then was presented one of the most awfully grand and cruel spectacles of that terrible war. One brigade of six hundred and twenty-eight men was charging a fort in an open field, filled with the enemy to the number of over five thousand, supported by a park of artillery said to number fifty pieces. The line of advance was In full view of the two armies and in range of the guns of fully twenty thousand men, including both sides. When we came within range, we saw the flash of the sunlight on the enemy's guns as they were leveled above the walls of the wrecked fort. Then came a stream of fire and the awful roar of battle. This volley seemed to awaken the demons of hell, and appeared to be the signal for everybody within range of the fort to commence firing. We raised a yell, and made a dash in order to get under the walls of the fort before their artillery could open upon us, but in this we were unsuccessful. The heavy guns joined in the awful din, and the air seemed literally filled with missiles. The Virginians, Georgians, and South Carolinians commenced firing from the flanks at the fort and at the enemy's main line, as did our artillery, and the enemy's infantry and artillery from all sides opened upon us. On we went, as it seemed to us, literally "into the mouth of hell." When we got to the walls of the fort, we dropped down on the ground to get the men in order and let them get their breath. While waiting we could hear the Yankee officers in the fort trying to encourage their men, telling them, among other things, to "remember Fort Pillow." (In that fort Forrest's men had found negroes and whites together, and history tells what they did for them.) Then commenced a novel method of fighting. There were quite a number of abandoned muskets with bayonets on them lying on the ground around the fort, Our men began pitching them over the embankment, bayonet foremost, trying to harpoon the men inside, and both sides threw over cannon balls and fragments of shell and earth, which by the impact of the explosion had been pressed as hard as brick. Everybody seemed to be shooting at the fort and doubtless many were killed by their friends. I know some of the Yankees were undoubtedly so killed. In almost less time than I can tell it we were in condition to go in. Col. J. H. King ordered the men near him to put their hats on their bayonets and quickly raise them above the fort, which was done, and, as he anticipated, they were riddled with bullets. Then he ordered us over the embankment, and over we went, and were soon engaged in a hand-to-hand struggle of life and death. The enemy shrank back, and the death grapple continued until most of the Yankees found in there were killed. This slaughter would not have been so great had not our men found negro soldiers in the fort with the whites. This was the first time we had met negro troops, and the men were enraged at them for being there and at the whites for having them there. The explosion had divided the pit into two compartments. As soon as We had possession of the larger one, the Yankees in the smaller one cried out that they would surrender. We told them to come over the embankment. Two of them started over with their guns in their hands, but, their intentions being mistaken, they were shot and fell back. We heard those remaining cry: "They are showing us no quarter ; let us sell our lives as dearly as possible." We then. told them to come over without their guns, which they did, and all the remainder, about thirty in number, surrendered, and were ordered to the rear. In the confusion and in their eagerness to get from that point they went across the open field, along the same route over which we had charged. Their artillery, seeing them going to the rear, as we were told, under a subsequent flag of truce, thought that they were our men repulsed and retreating, so they at once opened fire on them, killing and wounding quite a number of their own men. One poor fellow had his arm shot off just as he started to the rear, and returning said: "I could bear it better if my own men had not done it." This practically ended the fight inside the fort; but the two armies outside continued firing at this common center, and it seemed to us that the shot, shell, and musket balls came from every point of the compass and the mortar shells rained down from above. They had previously attacked from below. So this unfortunate fort was one of the few points in that war, or any other the history of which I have read, which had the unique distinction of having been assailed from literally every quarter. The slaughter was fearful. The dead were piled on each other. In one part of the fort I counted them eight bodies deep. There were hut few wounded compared with the killed. There was an incident which occurred in the captured fort that made quite an impression on me. Among the wounded was the Yankee general, Bartlett. He was lying down and could not rise. Assistance was offered him, but he informed those who were assisting him that his leg was broken; and so it was, but it proved to be an artificial leg made of cork. One of our officers ordered a couple of negroes to move him, but he protested, and I believe he was given white assistance. This general afterwards, so I have been informed, became an honored citizen of Virginia, though at that time, I must say, I never would have believed such a thing possible, One of our soldiers seeing the cork leg and springs knocked to pieces, waggishly said: "General, you are a fraud. I thought that was a good leg when I shot it." As the dust and smoke cleared away the firing seemed to lull, but there was no entire cessation of firing that evening. Indeed, by the sharpshooters it was continued for months After dark tools were brought in with which we reconstructed the wrecked fort. In doing this we buried the dead down in the fort by covering them with earth, as the fire of the enemy was entirely too severe to carry them out. We were therefore forced to stand on them and defend our position while we remained in the fort, which was until the following Monday night. As we went over the embankment into the fort one of my sergeants, Andrew McWilliams, a brave fellow, was shot in the mouth, and the ball did not cut his lips. It came out of the top of his head. He was evidently yelling with his mouth wide open. He fell on top of the embankment with his head hanging in the fort. We pulled him down in the fort, and that night carried him out and buried him. During the night in strengthening the wrecked fort we unearthed numbers of Confederate soldiers who were killed and buried by the explosion. I remember in one place there were eight poor fellows lying side by side with their coats under their heads. They seemed never to have moved after the explosion We buried down in the fort, in the excavation ("crater") made by the explosion, fifty-four negroes and seventy-eight Yankees, exclusive of those buried in the trenches. That night after the work was done we slept in the fort over those who slept "the sleep that knows no waking" and with those who slept that sleep caused by exhaustion. The morning came as clear and the day as hot and dry as the preceding one. The sharpshooters were exceedingly alert, firing every moment, each side momentarily expecting active hostilities to be renewed. While the wounded in the fort and our trenches had been removed during the night and were being cared for, the ground between the main lines of the two armies was literally covered by wounded and dead Federals, who fell in advancing and retreating. We could hear them crying for relief, but the firing was so severe that none dared to go to them either by day or night. About noon or a little later there went up a flag of truce immediately in our front. The flag was a white piece of cloth about a yard square on a new staff, Gen. Saunders ordered the sharpshooters to cease firing. Then a Yankee soldier, with a clean white shirt and blue pants, jumped on top of their works, holding the flag, and was promptly followed by two elegantly uniformed officers. Gen. Saunders asked those of us near him if we had a white handkerchief. All replied: "No." A private soldier near by said to the men around him, "Boys, some of you take off your shirt and hand it to the General," to which another replied, "Never do that; they will think we have hoisted the black flag," The General finally got a handkerchief, which answered the purpose, though not altogether suitable for a drawing-room. He and Capt. George Clark, assistant adjutant general, tied it to the ramrod of a musket, and Capt. Clark, with one man carrying the improvised flag, went forward to meet the Yankee flag. (I have frequently thought that the "get up" of these flags of truce graphically illustrated the condition of the two armies.) They met halfway, about forty yards from each line. After a few minutes' interview, the Yankee officer handed to Capt. Clark a paper. They then withdrew to their respective sides. In handing this communication to Gen. Saunders, Capt. Clark said: "They are asking for a truce to bury their dead and remove their wounded." The communication was forwarded to the proper authorities, and proved to be from Gen. Burnside, who commanded the Federal troops in front; but, not being in accordance with the usages and civilities of war, it was promptly returned, with the information that whenever a like request came from the general commanding the Army of the Potomac to the general commanding the Army of Northern Virginia it would be entertained. Within a few hours the Federals sent another flag of truce, conveying a communication, which was properly signed and addressed, and the terms of the truce were agreed on. These terms were that they could remove their wounded and could bury their dead in a ditch, or grave, to be dug just halfway between the two lines. They brought in their details, including many negroes, and the work was commenced and continued for about four hours. In that ditch, about one hundred feet in length, were buried seven hundred white and negro Federal soldiers. The dead were thrown in indiscriminately, three bodies deep. When this work was commenced I witnessed one of the grandest sights I ever saw. Where not a man could be seen a few minutes before, the two armies arose up out of the ground, and the face of the earth was peopled with men. It seemed an illustration of Cadmus sowing the dragon's teeth. Both sides came over their works, and, meeting in the center, mingled, chatted, and exchanged courtesies, as though they had not sought in desperate effort to take each other's lives but hour before. During the truce I met Gen. R. B. Potter, who commanded as he informed me, a Michigan division in Burnside's Corps. He was extremely polite and affable, and extended to me his canteen with an invitation to sample the contents, which I did, and found it contained nothing objectionable. He then handed me a good cigar, and for a time we smoked the "pipe of peace." In reply to a question from me as to their loss in the battle on Saturday, he replied that they had lost five thousand men. While we were talking a remarkably handsome Yankee general in the crowd came near us. I asked Gen. Potter who he was, and was informed that he was Gen. Ferrero, who commanded the negro troops. I said, "I have some of his papers which I captured in the fort," and showed them to Gen. Potter, he then said: "Let me call him up and introduce him, and we will show him the papers and guy him." I replied, however, that we down South were not in the habit of recognizing as our social equals those who associated with negroes. He then asked me to give him some of Ferrero's papers. He wanted them for a purpose, I did so. The others I kept, and they are now lying before me as I write. He also asked me to point out to him some of our generals, several of whom were then standing on the embankment of the wrecked fort. (I noticed that none of our generals except Saunders, of the Alabama Brigade, who had charge of affairs, came over and mingled with the crowd.) I pointed out to him Gens. Harris, of Mississippi, and A. P. Hill, and finally pointed out Gen. Mahone, who was dressed in a suit made of tent cloth, with a roundabout jacket. Be it remembered that Gen. Mahone was quite small, and did not weigh much, if any, over one hundred and twenty-five pounds. Potter laughingly said: "Not much man, but a big general." When the dead were buried, each side returned to its intrenchments, and soon the sharpshooters were firing at each other when and wherever seen. Truly "war is hell." Saunders's Alabama Brigade continued to occupy the "Crater," which they had captured on Saturday about two o'clock, until Monday night, August m, when, under cover of darkness, we were relieved by another brigade, as was also the gallant Virginia Brigade, which had, by a superb charge, captured the Intrenchments on the left of the "Crater" The two brigades returned to their former positions at the Wilcox farm. I do not remember when the Georgia Brigade was relieved. I am not writing this alone from memory, but in addition thereto from letters contemporaneously written to my wife, whom I had but a short time before married, which letters as well as extracts from Richmond papers of that date, as contemporary records, will probably prove of sufficient interest to publish herewith. The Petersburg correspondent of the Richmond Dispatch of July 30, 1864, after describing the charge made by the Virginia and Georgia Brigades, says: "About this time Gen. Mahone, having ordered up Saunders's Alabama Brigade, sent it forward to recapture the rest of the works. Led by their gallant brigadier, they moved forward in splendid style, making one of the grandest charges of the war, and recapturing every vestige of our lost ground and our lost guns and capturing thirty-five commissioned officers, including Brig. Gen. Bartlett, commanding first brigade, first division, ninth corps, three hundred and twenty-four white and one hundred and fifty negro privates, and two stands of colors." Under date of Sunday, 31st, the Richmond Dispatch reports: "All quiet today. Our wounded are being cared for, and the dead on both sides in our lines are being buried. "Still they come. Saunders, of the Alabama Brigade, has just sent in another battle flag, thrown away by the enemy yesterday and picked up by Gen. Saunders's men this morning. "Gen. Saunders reports that he has buried in the mine alone fifty-four negroes and seventy-eight Yankees, exclusive of the men buried in trenches." The following extract is from the Dispatch of August 3, 1864: "For five hours the work of burying the dead went vigorously forward. The Yankees brought details of negroes, and we carried their negro prisoners out under guard to help them in their work. Over seven hundred Yankee whites and negroes were buried. A. P. Hill was there with long gauntlets, a slouch hat, and round jacket. Mahone, dressed in little boy fashion out of clothes made from old Yankee tent cloth, was beside him. The gallant Harris, of the Mississippi Brigade, and the gallant and intrepid Saunders, who but forty-eight hours before had so successfully retaken those works, the best-looking and best-dressed Confederate officer present, was sauntering leisurely about, having a general superintendence over the whole affair. "Whilst the truce lasted the Yankees and the 'Johnny Rebs' in countless numbers flocked to the neutral grounds, and spent the time in chatting and sight-seeing. The stench, however, was quite strong, and it required a good nose and a better stomach to carry one through the ordeal. About nine o'clock the burial being completed, the officers sent the men back to the trenches on each side. The officers bade each other adieu and returned to their respective lines." Congratulatory Order from Gen. A. P. Hill HEADQUARTERS THIRD, ARMY CORPS, Aug. 4, 1864. General Order No. 17: Anderson's Division, commanded by Brig. Gen. Mahone, so distinguished itself by its successes during the present campaign as to merit the special mention of the corps commander, and he tenders to the division, its officers, and men his thanks for the gallantry displayed by them whether attacking or attacked. Thirty-one stands of color, fifteen pieces of artillery, and four thousand prisoners are the proud mementos which signalize its valor and entitle it to the admiration and gratitude of our country. A. P. Hill Maj. Etheredge, of the 41st Virginia Regiment, an eyewitness, wrote of the event: "Gen. Mahone then ordered up the Alabama Brigade; they formed; the command was given; and when they reached the point where the Georgians suffered so severely, they too met with a heavy loss; but, unlike the Georgians, as soon as they received the shock every man that was left standing started in a double-quick, and before the enemy could reload the Alabamians were on then. A hand-to-hand fight took place, and in a few minutes the gallant Alabamians had driven out and killed those who couldn't get out, and were masters of the situation. The recapture of the "Crater" restored our lines in status quo and gave to history one of its most brilliant pages.
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