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This page is part of The Georgia GenWeb Project a AHGP Project and is hosted by USGENNET |
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Confederate Veteran Misc
Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 5 Nashville, Tenn., May, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- WOMEN OF NORTH CAROLINA M. L. Shipp Our women have always been active in advancing any good cause, and especially were they helpful in the dark trials during and directly after the war. The women of North Carolina were no exception to this rule, and by their untiring exertions have done much to keep alive the memory of those who so nobly sacrificed themselves upon the altar of their country. The following extracts were made from a paper hy Mrs. M. L. Shipp, in the woman's edition of the News and Observer, May 20, 1895, in regard to the most prominent association of the state: "The Ladies' Memorial Association of Wake County was formed in 1865, when it was necessary to remove from the grounds of the Pettigrew Hospital the remains of the Confederate soldiers buried there. It was but a short while after the Federals took possession of Raleigh before the Mayor was notified that they admired the spot where rested the Confederate dead, and ordered that they be moved at once, or they would be thrown out in the country road. A town meeting was called, and the association formed, Mrs. L. 0'B. Branch being made President; Miss Sophia Patridge, Secretary; and Miss Annie Mason, Treasurer. The other charter members were Mrs. Henry Miller, Mrs. Lucy Evans, Mrs. Robert Lewis, Mrs. Mary Lacy, Vice-Presidents; Miss Margaret Iredell and Mrs. John Devereaux. "A resting-place was selected for the re-internment of the beloved dead, and, with the help of the young men and boys of the town, the work was successfully accomplished. The graves were comparatively few at first, but none were safe from Sherman's 'bummers,' as there was scarcely a new-made grave anywhere but what was opened by these men, in search of treasures; so it was a sacred trust, most religiously kept by the young men and women, to visit these graves almost daily and see that they were kept in order. The association grew in numbers and the interest increased. Many Confederate dead from the country were moved to this spot, and the grounds were laid off and improved by Serg. Hamilton, a soldier of the Confederate army who lost both eyes from a wound. "After the death of Gen. Jackson the 10th of May had been selected as Memorial Day, when the citizens were to repair to the cemetery to participate in the services there. No procession was allowed unless the United States flag was carried, and, as it was several years before the ladies were so much 'reconstructed' as to march under this flag, the gathering was without special order or ceremony. The services were very simple, but impressive in the stillness of the forest. "To raise funds to care for the Confederate dead and erect a monument to their memory every legitimate means was resorted to by the association. Many entertainments were given in town, and the young people would go to villages near the town and assist in giving entertainments there. This was not done without risk, as it was reported that contraband articles were for sale, such as Confederate flags, a strand of Gen. Lees hair, pictures of President Davis or any Confederate general; so there would be the sudden appearance of a bluecoat with orders to search the room for these contraband articles. None were ever found however, and the efforts of the ladies were so successful that they were able to raise funds sufficient, with appropriations from the state, to erect the monument now standing in the cemetery. By this time the town and sta¢e were in a measure relieved from martial law, and a fitting dedication was allowed. "The Ladies" Memorial Association of Wake County is still in existence, and through its efforts not only the Confederate dead of North Carolina, but of other Southern states, have been brought from the field of Gettysburg and the United States burying-ground at Arlington, and now rest together in this cemetery. Through their efforts, also, the Home for Old Soldiers was secured, and after thirty years the state has honored her soldiers by placing a monument to their memory in the capitol grounds at Raleigh. "The success and noble work of the association is mainly due to its first President, Mrs. L. O'B. Branch, who so nobly put aside her own grief to care for those who, with her husband, had given their lives to the cause of truth Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 5 Nashville, Tenn., May, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- SHIPS THAT PASSED AT NIGHT Capt. E. C. McDowell Account of Passing the Batteries at Port Hudson, 1862. The following interesting account of the fight between the Confederate shore batteries at Port Hudson, La., and the lower Mississippi fleet, under the command of David G. Farragut, the renowned Federal admiral, was written by Capt. E. C. McDowell, who participated in that memorable encounter as a lieutenant of artillery. The Captain is a tried and true veteran, and a member of the John C. Brown Bivouac. His recenk appointment by the President as Assistant Quartermaster U. S. A. gives marked expression to the sentiment for genuine unity between the North and South. Such acts by the dominant party will hasten the realization of mutual sympathy and interest. It is a vivid, as well as correct, account of the fight at Port Hudson, La., between the Confederate shore batteries and the fleet of Admiral Farragut, March 14, 1863. In this fight the man-of-war "Mississippi," on which Lieut. George Dewey was executive officer, was burned and the "Richmond" and "Essex" disabled: In 1863 the Confederates held Vicksburg, Miss., and Port Hudson, La., and thereby controlled the Mississippi River between these points. This part of the river was very essential to us, as we thus kept up communication between the departments East and West. Red River emptied into the Mississippi same miles above Port Hudson, and down it we brought thousands of cattle and great barges of corn to feed our army in the Eastern Department. The Federals had undisputed control of the Mississippi as far down as Vicksburg, and from its mouth as far up as Port Hudson. For the purpose of cutting off our supplies from the West and also as preparatory to the besieging of Vicksburg and Port Hudson, it was all-important that the Federals should get control of the river between these points. The fleet of the upper Mississippi, taking advantage of a dark night, ran a gunboat, the "Indianola," by the batteries at Vicksburg, and thus they secured control of the disputed part of the river. Gen. Gardner, in command at Port Hudson, called for volunteers. An old ferry-boat was barricaded with cotton bales, and, manned by as brave spirits as ever trod the deck of any craft, joined a similar expedition sent from Vicksburg, who went in search of the "Indianola." The combined expeditions found the "Indianola," sank her, and captured the crew, with all her supplies. This enterprise should be written up by some old Confederate who was in it. He would confer a great favor on the readers of the VETERAN in giving a detailed account of this expedition and the names of the volunteers. Lieut. Sherwin, who was subsequently killed by a hand-grenade at Port Hudson, was one of the volunteers aboard the ferry-boat " Beaty." Then it became necessary to run other ships by the batteries, and this was done by the teacher and trainer of Dewey, Commodore Farragut---a Tennessean, by the way who was in command of the fleet below Port Hudson. He selected a dark night, March 14, 1863. About 11 P.M. his fleet was put in motion. Our signal corps on the west side of the river gave warning with signal-rockets and also set fire to a pile of combustibles than had been prepared opposite our batteries. This bonfire lighted up the river and put the ships attempting to pass in bold outline. Our first battery was a single gun, a rifle siege-gun, commanded by Lieut. Kearney. The next battery was a single gun; an old navy "thirty-two pound smooth bore. This was the only hot-shot battery served at Port Hudson, and was commanded by Lieut. E. C. McDowell. The next battery was a two-gun battery, commanded by Lieut. Castalanos. The next was a two-gun battery of twenty-four pound siege-guns, commanded by Lieut. D. D. Phillips. Then, next, came two Columbiads, one commanded by Capt. Sewell and one by Capt. Coffin, and then came three thirty-two pound smooth-bore guns, served by a detachment of the First Alabama Artillery Regiment. In all, our guns on the river front numbered only thirteen, and they were "out-of-date." The Federal armament consisted of fifteen mortars, on boats advantageously located under a bluff below the fort, and which made the "heavens lurid with bursting shells. The "Hartford," the "Richmond," and "Mississippi" were men-of-war carrying ---"Hartford," twenty-eight guns, and "Richmond" and " Mississippi" twenty-four guns each. I do not know how many guns the "Essex" carried. Besides, there were other gunboats that lay out of our range below, and kept up an incessant fire upon us. The "Hartford," which was the commodore's flagship. came in the lead, with Farragut fled in the rigging (this was protection against his falling, if he should be wounded), and the "Albatros," as tender, lashed to the side presented to our batteries. Next came the "Richmond," with her tender lashed to her side. These seemed to be the only men-of-war they sought to run by. The man-of-war "Mississippi" came next, followed by the "Essex." The rest of the fleet took position just below, and poured shot and shell into our batteries. When the "Hartford" was abreast of our batteries we open~ed fire. The "Hartford" and "Richmond" did not respond, their purpose being to run by; but the "Mississippi" poured a broadside into us, and was gallantly supported by the " Essex," an ironclad. The "Hartford," with tender, dashed by, but a lucky shaft cut the pipe of the " Richmond," completely disabling her. She floated at the mercy of the current; she drifted almost against the shore. We poured shot into her at close quarters with great damage. Her officer cried for quarter. Her tender, had cut loose and retreated down the river. Finding the "Richmond" disabled, we concentrated our fire upon the "Mississippi." She fought gamely, but was soon disabled, and ran aground on the bar opposite and in full range of all our batteries. When she was fully in flames the current carried her stern around, her bow released its hold on the bar, and she floated off down the river, turning round and round as she went. Just as her broadside was broadly on us the fire had reached and heated her guns, and she delivered a grand broadside fire on us, as if herself fighting. The "Mississippi" was commanded by Capt. Malancthon Smith, and Lieut. George Dewey was executive officer. I suppose the wounded and a number of her men escaped in the small boats. Capt. Smith and one hundred and twenty-five of his men swam or waded ashore, and were made prisoners. The Lieut. Dewey is now Admiral Dewey, of Manila fame. When we had ceased firing upon the "Richmond," and she floated out of reach, her tender took charge of her and towed her down the river. The "Mississippi," grandly beautiful, floated on down the river. The fleet saw its danger and made all haste to flee. When she had floated to a point a short distance below where the fleet had been the fire reached her magazine. The flames and fire leaped heavenward hundreds of feet, then went out, and all was darkness, succeeded in a few seconds by a it thundering explosion. The next morning the river was free of the enemy's fleet, and we had peace for forty-eight hours. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 6 Nashville, Tenn., June, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- MUCH ABOUT RETURNING CONFEDERATE FLAGS Unknown When making the plea in the April VETERAN for worthy recognition of patriotism in the South and asking that, as evidence, Confederate flags be returned, there was hardly any hope of such generous response. The leading spirit in cooperation is Capt. Theodore F. Allen, of Cincinnati, who took it up promptly, and wrote to leading newspapers and to eminent men in the North, and it has become a theme of public discussion. The Press-Post, of Columbus, Ohio., through an entertaining contributor, Mary Hobson (Hobson is a fine name, and especially so at this time), says: The ex-Union soldiers of Columbus and vicinity, touched by the readiness with which the Southerners now spring to the defense of the flag which they once assailed, are preparing to receive the ex-Confederates with every token of good will. I talked with more than fifty ex-Union soldiers in regard to the return of the captured flags, how they expected to greet the ex-Confederates, and the advisability of having reunions with them in the future, and during these talks was given an exhibition of moral grandeur unparalleled. An "open letter" of Col. Alien, which has been published extensively, addressed to the veterans of 186-65 ----Loyal Legion, the Union Veteran Legion, and the Grand Army of the Republic---states: The present war for humanity having demonstrated that the ax-Confederate soldiers and their sons and the ex-Union soldiers and their sons are one in devotion to our united country, and that we are all good Americans now, fighting under one flag---is not this the right time to wipe out the last trace of ill feeling engendered in the "argument" of 1861-65, and return to the survivors of the Southern regiments the battle-flags which have been held for the last thirty years or more as war trophies at state capitals of the North and at the War Department in Washington? Is it not best that this shall be the free act of the survivors of the Union army, the men who won the battle trophies, rather than leave it for our descendants, another generation, to do? There is not much that the veterans of "our war" can do in the present war except, maybe, to make the way smooth for the younger men, whose fathers fought on either side during 1861-65. In this connection A. O. Mitchell, present Commande of Wells Post, said: "We shall welcome the ex-Confederates who come here with all the cordiality due from soldiers to soldiers." Mr. John A. McKenna's reply was equally cordial. Mr. John H. Sherry: "They took defeat like the brave men they were, and now, after thirty-seven years, they are proving themselves worthy of every consideration. So, in my opinion, their flags should be returned and everything possible done to maintain the unity of interest that now exists." Mr. William Gittan said: "Reunions between the blue and the gray are a good thing, especially since our numbers are getting smaller each year. I shall welcome most heartily the veterans who come here this week, but I shall not shake hands with them." "Why not?" was asked, thinking the expression very strange. "Because they didn't leave me any hands," he replied, holding up two gloved artificial semblances of such. "Worst of all, they were taken just three days before the surrender of Lee." Mr. Richard Albrittain, whose left arm is mutilated and almost useless from a gun shot wound received at the siege of Vicksburg, said: "As to the flags, I can see no reason why they should not be given back. The people of the South began to return swords and other trophies of war to our soldiers in the early seventies; and if they really wish the flags, I favor their return." Gen. Wilson said: "As to the flags, send them back. The men who fought under them are as loyal to the stars and stripes now as if they had never thought of any other standard. They know as well as we do that their flags represent nothing that exists to-day, but they are dear to them because of associations connected with painful memories. 'All sentiment,' some would say; but it is the kind of sentiment that lurks in many American hearts, and is rather difficult to eradicate. I would like to have some one send me the sword which contains my name, and was valued more than ordinary arms because the gift of a dear friend. It may be perfectly useless, and I know if it were not that I should never use it again; but still I would like to have it." Mr. A. J. McCune, an ex-prisoner of war, said: "Every Southerner is as true as steel, and it's time for the wagon drivers and bounty-jumpers to keep still and let the past be buried in oblivion." Capt. J. B. Allen, who carries an empty sleeve, said: "Between the soldiers who fought there never was personal animosity like that which existed among some who never knew the real meaning of war. When, at Appomattox, Lee with proud dignity surrendered to Grant, who said, 'Let us have peace,' there was no true soldier heart that did not echo the seritiment; and, following the example of their great leaders, each of these deemed it best to keep silent. But of course there have always been some fools and fire-eaters who have engendered more bitterness among the young people of to-day than we had in the ranks at any time." Mr. William M. Armstrong replied: "I heartily endorse everything that will bring us into closer friendship with the people of the South. I have an intense admiratian for them, and it's odd that this was first awakened during a fierce engagement. It was in Tennessee. Our men were stationed on a slope of ground behind parapets with head-Logs. You know what head logs are? Yes? Well, the only danger to which we could possibly be exposed during an attack was from our own batteries, which were so placed that they could fire over our heads. In such cases shells often burst before they reach their inttended destination, and thus play havoc in the ranks they are meant to serve. Everything was against any who should attempt to come up, that line, but a force of Confederates tried it. Their front lines were mowed down by the batteries, but on they came, as though they meant to take everything before them, until one could but wonder what madness possessed them. Again and again they were repulsed by merciless firing, but every time they would reform and come marching back as proudly as if on review, until---would you believe it?---they charged us seven times, and every time they came nearer, until in the last desperate assault our defenses were reached, and, clambering upon them, they fought like madmen with the butts of their guns until our batteries swept them down in a heap. I never saw anything that could equal it in my life, and I have seen some thrilling sights. While they were fighting so "heroically I felt like cheering them myself. It was such a magnificent effort that, although victory was ours, it seemed trivial and mean because so easily won, especially when we watched the remnants of that gallant band fall slowly back, leaving the ground covered with gray-clad figures. Since then I have always thought that such foes would be worthy having as friends. I have made frequent visits in the South of late years, and have met many ex-Confederates, with whom delightful friendships were formed. They have such exquisite courtesy in their own homes that I should have much regretted it if arrangements had not been made to make their visit here as pleasant as possible. If they wish for the return of the flags, I don't see why they should not have them." Said Mr. Joseph Baker: "The return of the flags would doubtless strengthen the regard which the people of the sections now have for each other." Mr. Simon Small exclaimed: "I think our soldiers should not only welcome the others as guests of the city, but like comrades go out and help them decorate. That's wthat I intend to do. Their flags should have been returned long ago as proof that their loyalty, which is now so evident, is unquestioned." Mr. Walter Weber, an ex-prisoner, replied: "We have asked the ex-Confederates to a camp-fire with us, and have thus expressed our good will toward them, but they have not invited us to participate in their memorial exercises. I think we should wait until they do so before we give this any serious consideration." Mr. John Logan exclaimed: "There is nothing that I would not do to make the 'Johnnies' feel that we are pleased to have them with us, but there is just one thing I'll never do, and that is help decorate at Camp Chase, or any other place where the Confederates are buried. The Southerners are brave and noble men. I honor them for their many high qualities, I appreciate meeting them in reunions and elsewhere; but I maintain that there should be a difference in the honors given to the men who died under our flag, true as steel, and those who died with their faces turned away from our government and toward one which they hoped to have. It's the proper thing for them to rememiber their dead in this way, but the Southerners themselves would be the last to expect us to assist them." C. W. Fowler: "As we have but one flag now, and as all Americans are supporting it, I don't see why we should keep the flags taken in battle." Mr. Thomas Jeffery, Past Commander of McCoy Post: "The combatants in the civic struggle, as individuals, felt no bitterness even during the war. The flags should be given back to those to whom they are dear because of personal associations connected with them." Col. William Knauss "The Press-Post knows my opinion of these subjects like a book. I have been advocating the decoration of the graves of ex-Confederates at reunions with those who are living for a long time. Yes, I believe in the return of the flags, and in everything conducive to the harmony among our people. But talk about being patriotic! I have just returned from Louisville, and for every flag that cities of the Nortth have on their public buildings that city has five. Loyalty to the Union is intense throughout the South. I am glad that the majority of our people are not like the prominent man who to-day remarked that he could see no reason why the Southerners should wish the return of the flags, unless it was to perpetuate the old principles, just as their organizations aim to do. Against this I have in my possession a copy of the bylaws of a Kentucky order, and there is not a single sentence in it that would not be a credit to any society however patriotic." Capt. J. Hobensack's statement was: "There is no animosity toward the South to-day, but I don't think the flags should be returned unless the regiments that captured them are willing that this should be done. They secured them at fearful cost, and if they consent to this no one else should object." Mr. Charles Robbins replied: "I advocate the return of the flags and as many reunions as possible. We can not see too much of the men whom we ardently admire, even when they were our sworn foes. Respect for bravery can not be controlled." Mr. Frank Betts: "I am heartily in favor of everything that will show that soldiers can fight and then be truest friends." Said Adj.-Gen. Axline: "Of course reunions between the blue and the gray are advisable; they develop fraternity in a remarkable degree. Now that the boys of each section have enlisted to fight a foreign foe, the last vestige of resentment has been swept away, and every act of ours should demonstrate tthis to the world. As to the flags, I was sitting by Gov. Foraker when he wrote that message in regard to them, and at that time I fully concurred in it; but this war has changed my views, and now I say, Give them back." Capt. C. T. Clark said: "There never was enmity between ithe fighting soldiers North and South; they always respected each other, and with us the respect deepened into pride that our opponents were Americans. Ever since the war we'have talked over the events of it in a friendly way, so I favor reunions. The Confederate was a rebel, not a traitor. We fare are rebels against laws and institutions we don't like; so why not decorate the graves of rebel soldiers?" Dr. James C. Krosen: "Now, about the flags. Were I an ex-Confederate, I should not desire them. because of the painful memories they would arouse. It would be like opening an old wound long healed, but if they think differently, and the return of the flags will strengthen the bonds of fellowship between us, then I should advocate giving them back without delay" Said Capt. Jothn Dana: "I was out such a short time that my experience as a soldier scarcely counts, but I think their standards should be sent back." Maj. John Chaplin, an ex-prisoner of war, responded: "Reunions between the soldiers North and South are certainly to be commended. We favor the coming of the ex-Confederates to pay tribute to the memory of those who were dear rto them in their darkest, saddest days, and we shall accord them most hearty welcome. As to the flags, we would just as soon have the flags under which we suffered things too hideous for "history to record kept out of sight." Mr. Henry Kalb: "I was at Camp Chase and helped decorate last year. That is convincing proof of how I feel toward our opponents in the war of the rebellion." Dr. N. Elliott: "There are no narrow antipathies between the soldiers, and they will do all in their power to convince others that this is so." Isaac Hussy: " Manv ex-Union soldiers intend to help decorate the graves at Camp Chase. I favor reunions and the return of the flags." B. F. Minear: "I worked at Camp Chase all day last year, and shall, of course, do everything possible to demonstrate ito the men wtho will be there next week that the feeling which brings them is understood and respected. Yes I favor the return of the flags." John A. Lawrence "The return of the flags will accomplish more toward convincing others that we do not cherish resentment than any words we may utter." Mr. Lewis Kline: "Returning the flags will be an act in accord with what we have decided to do: welcome the ex-Confederattes and bury the past completely." Mr. George W. Gossan: "The return of the flags is in accord with the feelings of those who will be with the ex-Confederates at Camp Chase this week." Mr. C. D. De Vennish: "When our last camp-fire has gone out others will remember that we welcomed to one in Columbus men who came to decorate the graves of those who died our foes. Can even the return of the flags, which I consider proper, give better proof of our having buried animosities?" Fred Weidman: "We face our foes and decorate our graves together now; so why hesitate about returning a few flags if the Southerners desire them." Mr. Frank Drake: "Give the boys a hearty welcome, return the flags, and bury the past." Dr. Saddler: "The return of the flags would have a decided effect upon those who do not yet understand that the blue and the gray are united in thought and action." Col. W. A. Taylor: "The Confederates, after they thad appealed to the tribunal of war, accepted its decision as final. This settled itt between the soldiers. Most certainly the flags should go back to them. Thoughtful people do not malign the motives of the Southeners in desiring them, and do not hesitate to say that this much should be conceded to those who are proving their loyalty in every way." G. W. Bassett: "All meetings of blue and gray are of interest, but this one will shave even greater significance than any that have preceded it. I shall go to Camp Chase because I believe in everything that can further cement the bond existing between former combatants." Capt. Kennedy: "As we near the time when we shall all camp elsewhere old animosities fade away." Mr. H. K. Forbes: "Give back the flags, I say, to the men whose loyalty is unquestioned---those whom we shall welcome as guests next Saturday." Mr. W. S. Brazilius: "I am for reunions, return of flags, and everything that will show that the spirit of fraternity is complete between the soldiers North and South." Mr. John Jones said: "Life is too short to keep alive any feeling that may once have been manifested between the sections. Their differences were settled in battle. The soldiers cherish no resentment now; and even in the bitterness of strife individuals, when they met, could not forget that they were brothers. I remember one instance when this brotherhood particularly impressed me. It was when it was thought advisable to remove my foot because of gangrene resulting from a wound. The surgeon, a kindly faced man, said to me: 'Where are you from?' I replied: 'Columbus, Ohio.' 'Indeed!' said he. 'Do you know Dr. Hamilton?' 'Certainly,' I answered; 'I lived near his office when he first hung out his shingle.' My questioner's face brightened as he said: 'Dr. Hamilton and I were classmates at Philadelphia. It is singular that while we are no relation we have the same name. A warm friendship existed between us. It is pleasant to meet with some one that knows him. I will see what I can do for you.' He did much, for through his skill and care I was compelled to lose only a portion of the foot. I do not see why the flags were not returned long ago." History does not record a more sublime spectacle than that furnished by the veterans, who, seemingly forgetful of their own wounds, would cover the scars of their former adversaries with the folds of the captured flags and the flowers which they shall scatter upon the resting place of men who died their foes, but whose comrades in arms are now their loved and trusted friends. Their words are typical of the whole North's better self. The Baltimore Sun: "With the outbreak of rhe Spanish war the American civil war seems to have ended for good. Lee and W'heeler are wearing blue uniforms, and they and many others who wore the gray, or whose fathers followed the fortunes of the Confederacy, are now marching under the stars and stripes. Nor is this all: Senator Foraker, of Ohio, one of the most ultra Northern partizans, says: 'It would be a good thing at this time to return the Confederate battle-flags." The Cincinnati Commercial Tribune, a strong Republican paper, says: "The time to give back the captured flags has come. Ohio wants no longer the trophies taken from her sister states so long ago. She would rather restore them once more to the hands and tender care of those who first bore them aloft, as a token of love for her sister commonwealths, whose defeat in war thas long since been turned into a victory of peace." The Philadelphia Press, another leading Republican paper, says: " It is believed that the time has come when the North should no longer cherish these tokens of a divided country. The spirit shown by the South in the war with Spain, the loyalty it is displaying to the flag of the Union, the readiness to volunteer and bear its share of the burdens, and the willingness for the time being to sink all political differences and present a united front to ithe enemy have made a profound impression on the country. It is the final and convincing proof that the war between sections is ended, that the country is united as it never was before in aim and purposes, and that the American people form an indissoluble nation." It is announced that at the annual meeting of the Grand Army of the Republic, which will be held in Cincinnati in September, a proposition will be made for the return to the South of all the battle-flags captured during the war. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 7 Nashville, Tenn., July, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- THE SOUTH IN THE PRESENT WAR WITH SPAINS The Albany Journal ---The Albany (N. Y.) Journal graciously states: "Except the work done by Dewey, the honors of this war so far are being carried away by the sons of the South. Bagley, of North Carolina, was the first officer killed; Gibbs, of Virginia, was the second. Hobson, of Alabama, has won enduring fame by his act in sinking the 'Merrimac;' and now Blue, of South Carolina, has settled the question of the location of Cervera's fleet by going into the country and overlooking the city of Santiago, where the bottled-up squadron was recognized. Sons of the South are showing the same acts of heroism that they have always shown in time of war, and, unless the sons of the North bestir themselves the honors of this conflict may go to the Southland." Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 7 Nashville, Tenn., July, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- GETTING EVEN WITH GENERAL ROUSSEAU Unknown Among Tom Ford's chums were several incorrigible foragers. When Gen. Rousseau, the gallant Kentuckian, commanded the division he gave strict orders against foraging. One day he saw Ford's chums carrying a dressed sheep to camp. And was directed to arrest the foragers and march them to his side. "You have been stealing sheep," said the General. "We killed this one in self-defense," said a young butcher. " He was about to collide with us." "Non-sense! Take that mutton to my headquarters, and go to your camp," snapped the General. The next day the same batch of foragers was again caught with a large, fat sheep(?), well dressed. This time the General scolded them savagely. As on the previous occasion, the mutton was sent to the General's mess and ea~ten by him and his staff. A few days later, when he and some friends rode through camp, the men in Ford's company barked like so many Newfoundland dogs. He demanded of the captain to know what it meant. One of the foragers was trotted out. "What do you mean by barking as I came into this camp?" "Well, General, you remember that last sheep you had taken from us and sent to your mess?" "Yes; but what has that to do with this infernal bowwowing?" "Everything, general. That wasn't a sheep at all; it wets a Newfoundland dog." For half a minute the proud-spirited officer looked hard at the man. Then he laughed and rode away. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 7 Nashville, Tenn., July, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- AN INCIDENT OF ROCKY FACE RIDGE Lieut. Andrew M. Sea, Louisville, Ky. Thirty years ago the Confederate army of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston was camped in the vicinity of Dalton, Ga., in a fertile and beautiful valley, although destroyed fencing and uncultivated fields indicated the presence of armed men whose trade is destruction and war. A mile north of the town ran a chain of small mountains, called Rocky Face Ridge, which were impassable for horse or vehicle, except at gaps, several of which were within a few miles of Dalton. Across the ridge on the north side lay the Federal army of Gen. Sherman. Several spirited engagements had taken place at Rocky Face and Snake Creek Gaps, invariably resulting in an enforced order to "shinny on your own side" to whichever army attempted or temporarily effected a passage of the ridge. After several days of maneuvering and ceaseless vigilance on both sides it became apparent that Gen. Sherman intended forcing a passage through the lower gap, which, if successful, would have turned our left flank and placed his army in our rear, and, of course, cut off our communications. But, able soldier as Gen. Sherman was, he had in Gen. Johnston a foeman worthy of his steel;" and if the passage had been attempted, the enemy would have found braver and more determined men than defended the pass at Thermopylae. Indeed, nearly our whole army was within striking distance of the lower gap. To mask his real purpose, Gen. Sherman sent a division of his army under Gen. to make an attack and, if possible, force a passage at the upper gap, some two miles northeast of Dalton. It is to this division my story relates. My section of artillery was encamped by the side of the main road, which led up the valley and was halfway between Dalton and the gap. The battery boys were lounging about the guns in rather a listless, lazy sort of way, unsuspicious of danger. I was lying under the shade of a small tree, aimlessly gazing across the open ground in my front, when I became interested in the movement of a rapidly approaching horseman. Upon his nearer approach I at once recognized Maj. Gen. S_____ , who I briefly informed me that a division of Federal troops was driving our small command through the gap, and would soon be upon me on its way to capture the town of Dalton and the supplies of our army. He ended his hurried information by ordering me to put my guns in position for action and "fight them to the muzzle of the guns." Meanwhile he would hurry any command he could find to my support. Well, this was an eye-opener sure enough! Just think of it! "Fight them to the muzzle of the guns" simply meant to die or be captured in your tracks; sacrifice yourselves and guns to gain a little time, and that, too, absolutely without support. Why the order fairly took my breath. I was not one of those men who never felt the sensation of fear. Still I had hitherto summoned courage enough to go in and stay when comrades were around me and I felt that I had a fair chance; but with two pieces of artillery and without support to fight a division of the enemy flushed with success seemed preposterous. I confess that I was decidedly rebellious, and my thoughts while preparing for action were not the most pleasant. Still the order was peremptory, and left me no discretion. What could not be helped must be endured. The enemy did not approach as rapidly as I anticipated, and our little band was disputing every inch of ground; but the firing was perceptibly getting nearer and nearer. Just then my attention was called to another rider coming directly from the front. He was kicking with both feet and beating his jaded horse with his saber-scabbard. He was a badly demoralized, straggling cavalryman. On he came to the battery, and, checking up his horse, breathlessly asked what command that was. Upon being informed, he partially turned in his saddle, and, looking in the direction of the enemy, he said, "Now, damn you, I reckon you'll stop!" and away he went, kicking and spurring for dear life. The incident was so supremely ridiculous that my poor boys forgot their own peril in their jeers and laughter. Looking at the figure of the retreating cavalryman, our eyes were gladdened by the sight of a body of infantrymen coming from Dalton at a double quick, and riding at the head of the column was Gen. Reynolds, who commanded a small brigade of Virginians and North Carolinians. He was a small, delicate looking man, calm and absolutely fearless; a stouter heart never beat in human breast. These qualities had been apparent on many a bloody field. Early in the war, on Gauley River, W. Va., his splendid judgment and dauntless courage had saved the day, and ever since he had been known as "Old Gauley." My relief at seeing him may be imagined, and I said: "Well, General, you never saw a man so glad to see another." "Why, what's the matter? Had you in a tight place, didn't they? But it's all right, Lieutenant. If I can't take my fleet-footed Virginians and my 'tarheels' and whip any division of Yankees that ever lived, my name ain't Gauley Reynolds, and I want you to see me do it." The absolute confidence of his assertion and his evident eagerness to begin were inspiring and contagious. Asking him if he would take the responsibility of ordering my gun, to accompany him, he answered, "Certainly!" and told me to fall in after his first regiment. Very soon the column was thrown into line, and, the proper distribution of troops made for the reception of "our friends the enemy." When our gap-guard, which had been steadily and surely driven before overpowering numbers, came in sight of our line of battle they and we raised a tremendous yell, which was doubtless the first intimation the enemy had of our presence. But they too were veterans, and not to be stopped by yells. On they came, confident and defiant. When they had advanced within forty yards of our line Gen. Reynolds gave the command to fire, and instantly flashes of fire and storms of lead and iron succeeded each other in rapid succession. The enemy recoiled as from the mouth of a volcano. Several times they rallied, but only to met the same murderous fire. Verily, "hell had broken loose in Georgia." Their loss had been heavy; they knew that they were on our side of the ridge, and they doubtless imagined our force much greater than it was. They fought with less determination, and there was some evidence of confusion in their lines. Gen. Reynolds detected this, and gave the command to charge with the bayonet. Nothing could with stand the impetuosity of that charge, led by the General in person. The enemy gave way in defeat, and utter rout followed. Everything was abandoned in their eagerness to reach the gap, and our victory was complete. What a change within a short hour! Then I fully expected to be butchered or captured at my guns; now I was exultingly pouring shot and shell into the ranks of the beaten foe. The General's entire confidence in his command had been verified. The genial, convivial gentleman, the able and intrepid general of whom I write, has also passed over the dividing-line between time and eternity. Peace to his ashes! We shall not soon see his like again. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 8 Nashville, Tenn., August, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- GENERAL JOSEPH WHEELER Unknown Gen. Joseph Wheeler is one of the most remarkable military men of history. As a major general in the United States army down in Cuba his character was illustrated by him being on the skirmish line with fifty soldiers and climbing a tree to inspect the situation about Santiago. He is associated with some of the most thrilling events of the Confederacy. In February, 1865, it became necessary to know about the movements of Sherman's army across Pedee River, in South Carolina, so he selected Mr. J. B. Nance, and the two, a lieutenant general and his bugler, swam the stream to the side of the enemy, going on a regular scout. The river was swollen and very swift, and it took a three mile swim for them to land where desired. The General was dressed as a private, and was to be called "Sam Johnson" in the event of capture. This thrilling story deserves place in the VETERAN. Dr. J. A. Wyeth, of New York, has written recently for Harper's Weekly a thrilling story of how Gen. Wheeler kept the Federal army at bay in Shelbyville with a few men until it became necessary to leap their horses from an embankment on Duck River to escape. Maj.-Gen. Joseph Wheeler was born in Augusta. Ga., September 10, 1836, and graduated at the United States Military Academy at West Point in 1859. He was a lieutenant of cavalry in New Mexico in 1861 when he resigned to enter the Confederate service. He became a lieutenant of artillery in the Confederate army, then a colonel of infantry, a brigadier-general, and a major-general, and finally a lieutenant-general of cavalry. He commanded the cavalry corps of the Western army in 1862, and was made senior cavalry general of the Confederate armies May 11, 1864. He declined a professorship of philosophy in the Louisiana Seminary in 1866, and in 1869 became a lawyer in Alabama. He was a Representative in Congress from Alabama almost from early after the war. As a cavalry officer, at twenty-six years of age he received the thanks of the Confederate Congress for his magnificent service, and of South Carolina for defending Aiken. He was both a strategist and a fighter---audacious, tireless, aggressive. He was present at Pensacola, and captured Prentiss' Division at Shiloh, covering the retreats from Shildo, Corinth, and Perryville, and winning commendation from the Confederate generals. He turned Rosecrans' flank at Murfreesboro, capturing troops and wagons, and destroyed much of value to the enemy. He distinguis'hed himself at Chickamauga, and after the battle made his famous raid around Rosecrans' rear, destroying twelve hundred loaded wagons. In the East Tennessee campaign the retreat from Mission Ridge, and the struggle from Chattanooga to Atlanta, he performed prodigies of valor, capturing great wagon trains and thousands of beef cattle, and thwarting Cook's great raid. During Sherman's march to the sea Gen. Wheeler defended Macon and Augusta, and hung on Sherman's course through Georgia and the Carolinas, thereby evoking President Davis' commendation. Gen. Wheeler was wounded three times, and had his horse shot under him, and seven of his staff-officers were killed and three were wounded. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 9 Nashville, Tenn., September, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- WOUNDED CONFEDERATE PRISONER Chaplain Norman Fox, Seventy-Seventh N. Y. V. On the evening of May 10, at Spottsylvania, under the leadership of Gen. Upton, a column of a dozen selected regiments, including my own, all of the Sixth Corps (Sedgwick's), made a charge; and, although the movement was unsuccessful in the end, they held for a time a portion of the Confederate. works. Among the wounded brought to the rear was a boy in gray, Private Thomas J. Roberts, of Company I, Twelfth Georgia. We lifted him from the ambulance, and, having spread a blanket on the grass and laid him on it, I called a surgeon. A minie ball had struck him in the groin, and but a slight examination was enough to show that the wound was fatal. He was a mere boy, and I can still see his really beautiful face as he lifted his dark, lustrous eyes to mine. It was little that I could do for him, but I spoke such words of comfort as I could command. He showed fortitude and cheerfulness for one in so sad a situation, and he to'd me about his friends at home, speaking also of those from his own family circle who had already been killed in the war. While we were talking he asked for a drink of water. I brought it, and as I raised him to a sitting posture, so that he could drink, he leaned his head forward upon my shoulder, and without a struggle was dead. We could give him only the rude burial of a soldier, but over his grave was lifted the prayer that the God of all comfort would tenderly support those far away who would wait in vain the return of the boy of their love and hopes. Often since that night have I thought of that Southern soldier lad who died actually in my arms, as if in a mother's embrace, and I pen this reminiscence that possibly it may make known to some surviving comrade or dear one that in his last hour what little could be done for him was tenderly performed. More than one of those of my regiment who, being wounded, fell into the hands of the enemy spoke afterwards of kindnesses shown them by Southern soldiers. Thanks, noble Confederate veterans, for acts of tenderness to those whom the stern fortunes of war cast at your feet. Your names may be unknown to the Northern mothers and sisters of those to whom you showed kindness, but their prayers have gone up to God for you all the same. You yourself may have forgotten your gentle deeds, deeming them little things, but God's angels have kept the records of them all. Morristown, N. J., September 4, 1898. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 10 Nashville, Tenn., October, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- PICKETT'S BRIGADE AT GAINES'S MILL J. Cooper, Adjutant U. C. V., Fairfax, Va. The charge of Pickett's Division at Gettysburg on July 3, 1863, brought out that heroic commander so prominently as to obscure largely the facts of the charge of his old brigade at Gaines's Mill, June 27, 1862, which, I think, equaled, if it did not surpass, it. Never having seen an account of that battle from my standpoint as a participant, I write the facts as they occurred to me. Pickett's Brigade was composed of the Eighth, Eighteenth, Nineteenth, Twenty-Eighth, and Fifty-Sixth Regiments of Virginia Infantry. He took command of them in March, 1862, while on the way from Centerville to Yorktown. After falling back from Yorktown to near Richmond, Lee's army received orders, on June 25, to cook three days' rations, draw eighty rounds of ammunition, and be ready to march at sound of the bugle. About 8 P.M. that day the order was given to fall in, and a hard night march began. The next morning we were halted on the Mechanicsville pike and near the bridge that crossed the Chickahominy River. Jackson's troops were then arriving on the north side and rear of Mechanicsville to attack McClellan's extreme right and rear, so as to open the way across the river, which was then covered by the enemy's guns. The battle raged with varied success between Jackson and the enemy from the middle of the afternoon until after dark. At night the enemy fell back, and the way was clear. Then the army, under Lee, moved across the river. By sunrise the next morning, June 27, the two armies of Lee and Jackson were ready for the aggressive, and moved in the following order: Longstreet on the right, parallel with the Chickahominy, Jackson on the left, and Hill in the center in echelon. Heavy skirmishing was kept up in the front until Cold Harbor was reached, when McClellan formed line of battle, his left resting on the Chickahominy, his right extending in a crescent shape around, so as to protect his base of supplies at the White House and Savage Station, on the York River railroad. His extreme left was fortified by three lines of breastworks, with a line of battle in each one and artillery in their rear, so they could concentrate the fire over their heads to the front and an enfilade with heavy guns from across the river. McClellan and one of his corps commanders, Gen. Fitz John Porter, considered this point impregnable, and it looked suicidal to attempt to carry it, but three brigades were selected to charge it. They were Pryor's, Pickett's, and Kiemper's. It was plain that if that stronghold be carried the day was won. The sun shone brightly and the atmosphere was clear, and every move that Lee's troops made could be plainly seen by the enemy. Pryor's line advanced to the attack, and in a short time was almost annihilated. Pickett, with his five regiments, went in on a double-quick, and, being hid by the smoke of battle, approached to within thirty or forty yards of their first line of intrenchment, where, in the intense heat and the dense smoke, they involuntarily threw themselves flat upon the ground and commenced firing. The roar of musketry was so terrific that it was impossible to hear anything else. The men knew, however, that heavy work was intended, as each man had his eighty rounds of ammunition. This continuous firing was kept up, neither side knowing the proximity of the other, on account of the smoke. Finally the firing of the enemy somewhat slackened, and the sun set, as it were, in blood, with neither side having gained any advantage. At the slight lull in the enemy's fire, Gen. Pickett ordered a charge, to which his brigade responded promptly. The "Rebel yell" resounded over the din of battle, and soon his men were within the enemy's first fortified line, when its occupants surrendered. Then the second gave way and fled, and the other line became panic-stricken and fled also. One battery of four guns, about one hundred yards in their rear, out in a field, gave Pickett a parting salute of shot and shell as his men scaled the last breastwork, and they fled with the others. Twelve guns were parked on the edge of a peach orchard, somewhat in the rear of the Watts house, which the left of the brigade had not yet reached. The Eighth Regiment was below, on the extreme right of the Watts house, in pursuit of the fugitives and as soon as they got within range less than three hundred yards, the enemy opened fire with grape and canister from those twelve pieces, which stopped the pursuit; but they killed and wounded more of their own men than of the Confederates. Their terrible fire was of short duration, for as soon as the left of the brigade got close enough those guns were silenced and the fire in Pickett's front ceased, and the day was won. So strong did Gens. McClellan and Porter think this point in their line that the latter established his headquarters at the Watts house, but hastened away when the lines were broken. The defeat was complete; his left was broken, and the ground held by the Confederates, his right cut off from his supplies by railroad and York River. McClellan re crossed the Chickahominy under the cover of night with what he had left. Twenty pieces of magnificent-looking artillery were left in Pickett's front, but the horses were either killed or so badly wounded they had to be killed. I have seen if stated that Gen. Hood's troops carried those fortifications, but that is a mistake. Just as the left of Pickett's Brigade had captured those twelve guns Hood's troops entered the field, marching in column. The writer saw and asked an officer what command it was, and was told by him that it was Hood's. Should that officer be living and see this, he would corroborate this; so would Gen. Pryor. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 11 Nashville, Tenn., November, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- BATTLE OF CHICKASAW BAYOU Gen. Stephen D. Lee Gen. Stephen D. Lee, Agricultural and Mechanical College, Miss., replies to criticism of an address by him: Dear Comrade: In the September number of the VETERAN Comrade C. R. Orr has an article headed "Jealous of Well-Earned Honors," in which he takes exception to some remarks made by myself in presenting the flag of the Forty-Second Georgia Regiment at the reunion at Atlanta. The remarks were of a general character, and intended merely to. be complimentary to a gallant regiment which had done good service at the battle of Chickasaw Bayou, under my command. I was certainly unfortunate in my language if I conveyed the idea that the Forty-Second Georgia alone was entitled to all the credit for the victory gained at Chickasaw Bayou. My intent was to recall the gallant services of that regiment under my command in that particular battle. Several flags were presented at the same time, one to the Thirty-Ninth North Carolina Regiment by Gen. Gordon in which he stated that that regiment had been in fifty-seven engagements and "had won fifty-six of them." Certainly Gen. Gordon did not intend to convey the idea that that regiment had done all the fighting and won all the glory of fifty-seven battlefields. The official report is the one which always makes up the record, and I refer Comrade Orr to Vol. 17, Part 1, Series 1, in the record of the Union and Confederate armies, published by the government, to be found on pages 680-684. My report says: "About 9 A.M. (December 29, 1862) he (the enemy) attempted to throw a pontoon bridge over the lake to my left; as soon as the attempt to pontoon the lake was discovered my line of battle was pushed to the left by two regiments, to throw them in front of the threatened point. The two regiments were the Forty-Second Georgia and Twenty-Eighth Louisiana. About 10 A.M. a furious cannonade was opened on my position by the enemy. He at the same arranged his infantry to storm my position. At II A.M. his artillery fire ceased, and his infantry, 6,000 strong, moved gallantly up under our artillery fire (eight guns), crossing the dry lake at two points, one being in front of vacated pits and the other 200 yards from my line. Here our fire was so terrible that they broke, but in a few moments they rallied again, sending a force to my left flank. This force was soon met by the Twenty-Eighth Louisiana, Col. Allen Thomas, and the Forty-Second Georgia, Col. R. J. Henderson (sent to the left in the morning), and handsomely repulsed. Our fire was so severe that the enemy lay down to avoid it." In the same volume the following is found in Col. Allen Thomas' report, who commanded the two regiments, the Twenty-Eighth Louisiana and the Forty-Second Georgia: "At about 11 A. M. I observed the enemy crossing the bayou in large force and forming line of battle with evident intention of storming our works. At the same time he threw out a force across the fence to your left (S. D. Lee's), opposite my extreme right, for the purpose of turning your flank. I immediately advanced the remaining companies of the Twenty-Eighth Louisiana and Forty-Second Georgia, and compelled the enemy to retire with considerable slaughter. By this time you had completely routed his column which had attacked your center." This explains the gallant action of the Forty-Second Georgia, which I alluded to in presenting the flag. My report further says: "The troops under my command behaved with great gallantry, officers and men. Besides the regiments already mentioned for gallantry I would mention the Third, Thirtieth, and Eightieth (Sixty-Second) Tennessee Regiments, occupying the pits where the enemy made his most formidable attack. They displayed coolness and gallantry, and their fire was terrific." Further in the report, among the officers mentioned by name I find Col. C. J. Clack, James J. Turner, Third and Thirtieth Tennessee, and Col. J. A. Rowan, Eightieth (Sixty-Second) Tennessee. I was in a position to see the effect of the fire from the center of my line of battle where the Tennessee regiments were, and also the fire from the Forty-Second Georgia and Twenty-Eighth Louisiana to the left of the Tennessee regiments. The fire of these two latter regiments into the flank of the enemy, which was deploying to their right (to my left), and to the left of the Tennessee regiments, was the decisive and culminating feature of the battle. The terrible fire of the regiments in the center, coupled with the equally terrible fire of the two regiments named taking the enemy's troops in the flank in the act of deploying, was so terrific that the entire body of Federal troops lay on the ground. The loss to the enemy was 200 dead on the field, 21 commissioned officers and 311 noncommissioned officers and privates were taken prisoners, four stands of colors and 500 stands of arms were captured. My report puts down their loss at about 1,000. Reports of the Medical Department of the Federal army place their loss at over 1,700 killed, wounded, and prisoners. I hope that Comrade Orr will be pleased with these extracts from the official reports, and that he will generously consider, if he thinks the Third Tennessee bore the brunt of the fight, that there were other regiments on the field entitled to some credit also. He says further that the Third and Thirtieth Tennessee, with the aid of some artillery, did about all the fighting. These two gallant regiments did splendid fighting, but he is in error when he thinks they "did about all" of it. My report will show that all the regiments and artillery engaged were entitled to full credit for that splendid victory. Certainly the prevention of pontoons being thrown across the lake to my left, and the firing into the flank of the enemy in the act of deploying was a most important feature of that battle. I would not do wrong to any Confederate command of soldiers if I knew it. I am proud of being a Confederate soldier myself, and I am proud of being a comrade of the gallant men not only of the Third and Thirtieth Tennessee, but of all the commands I had the honor to serve with. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 12 Nashville, Tenn., December, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- TREATMENT OF PRISONERS AT CAMP MORTON Elder J. K. Womack That den of misery a little north of Indianapolis, known as Camp Morton, was constructed as a fair ground. Temporary stables for horses were erected in long rows. These were converted into barracks for Confederate prisoners. In the fall of 1863, soon after the battle of Chickamauga, Gen. Joe Wheeler made a raid into Middle Tennessee, during which event Joel Womack, Jim Hood, Pete Donald, Jeff Barlow, Josh Dillon, Will Pickett, and I were captured, near Cainsville, Tenn. We were first placed in jail at Murfreesboro, sent' from there to the penitentiary in Nashville, thence to the barracks in Louisville, and finally to Camp Morton. There was not a bunk in the division, so our bed during that winter was an oilcloth spread upon the earth in the aisle of these barracks. Those who had preceded us were in much want. They were dirty, pale, emaciated, ragged, and lousy. Only a few had a change of clothing. We slept in our clothing every night to keep from freezing. There were two hundred and fifty prisoners in No. 7, and about four thousand in the prison. Those who had occasion to be up at night walked upon us unavoidably, as we slept in the only outlet. We were often spit upon at night by comrades who had colds. Camp life as a Confederate soldier was hard, but prison life in Camp Morton was harder. Daily rations were eaten immediately upon being issued. We were supplied with one loaf of bread and one small piece of beef, and nothing more. It happened occasionally that we would draw this about eight o'clock in the morning, and then not get any more until the following day, late in the evening. When this was the case we became so hungry that we would stand and look for the wagons to come through the gates with our bread. Sometimes, by stealth, we would pick up potato peelings thrown out from the cook rooms, roll them into balls, and cook and eat them with a relish. The beef bones were broken into small pieces, boiled in clear water, the grease dipped off and poured into a saucer, and sold as bone butter at ten cents a half cake. Crawfish were caught in the ditches, boiled, their pinchers pulled off when hot, and then converted into most excellent soup. A cutler's dog, killed and barbecued, furnished food that we relished. Every man who was able to walk was required to fall in line for roll call about sunrise each morning. The Yankee sergeant who called the roll for our division was named Fiffer. I never heard a kind word fall from his lips. He was about grown and really a demon in human flesh. I have seen him walk through our barracks with a heavy stick in his hand, striking right and left on the heads, faces, backs, or stomachs of the poor, starving prisoners, as though they were so many reptiles, crying out: "This is the way you whip your Negroes." I dislike to write this, but it ought to go down in history. Our division was not the only one that suffered from inhuman treatment. Division No. 12, near the center of the camps, had a sergeant named Baker. One bitter cold morning while we were standing in line stamping the earth to keep from freezing a pistol shot was heard, and immediately the piteous cries of a prisoner were wafted to our ears. The poor fellow had stepped a little out of line at roll call, and for this crime(?) was shot down. I saw Fiffer strike prisoners over the head with a loaded pistol. Death had thinned our ranks so much during the first winter that we had a bunk the next. We were packed in like sardines on our sides in spoon fashion. When one became tired he would cry out, "Turn!" when all would turn from right to left or left to right. We existed in this condition, with the thermometer below zero, in open stables without door shutters, hungry, and shivering with cold, having only one stove for two hundred and fifty men. How good a piece of corn bread from home would have been at that time! While memory lasts I can never forget the great war and that cruel prison. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 1 Nashville, Tenn., January, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- CONCERNING THE BATTLE OF SHARPSBURG David E. Johnston, Bluefield, W. Va. In October last, after the lapse of thirty-five years, I visited the battle-field of Sharpsburg in company with Gen. Carman, of the Battle-Field Commission, and Sergt. White, of the Twenty-Fourth Virginia Infantry. Sergt. White and I went mainly to aid Gen. Carman in locating the positions occupied by the Seventh and Twenty-Fourth Virginia Regiments during the battle of the 17th of September, 1862. The plan of that battle by Gen. McClellan was substantially similar to that adopted by Gen. Lee in the opening of the seven days' battles around Richmond. Lee crossed the Chickahominy beyond the Federal right, withholding his center, and as the Federals were driven down the Chickahominy threw forward his right; and so Gen. McClellaur reversing the order of things, crossed the Antietam beyond Lee's left, withholding his center, and, as he pushed back Lee's left, threw forward his left, under Gen. Burnside. Lee's plan, like human plans sometimes do, succeeded; while McClellan's failed. Since my visit I have often thought of doing what every ax-Confederate should do: write something of the part he took and what he saw in the battles in which he was engaged, whereby much of the history of the war between the states might be preserved. In no great battle of that war was the disparity of numbers more marked than in the battle of Sharpsburg, and in none other were there greater prodigies of valor performed by Confederate soldiers. The battle of Sharpsburg was not a necessity on the part of the Confederates, but rather a gratuity. Harper's Ferry had been surrendered to Gen. Jackson early on Monday morning, September I5, and the greater part of the Confederate army was south of the Potomac, while the remainder, immediately under Gen. Lee's personal direction, was concentrated at Sharpsburg, only about three miles from the Potomac River, and had ample time and ways to have crossed over at any time before the morning of the 17th and draw to closer concentration with that portion of the army under Gen. Jackson, as well as to have secured the assistance of several thousand men, who, on account of either sickness or of being barefooted, had been left at Leesburg on our way across the Potomac, but had been sent forward from there to Winchester. Aided by these and on Virginia soil, we should doubtless have gained a great victory instead of having a drawn battle. But is is not my purpose to write a criticism on the battler but more particularly to briefly discuss that portion of it on the extreme right wing of the Confederate army, and in which I was engaged. As to the number engaged on each side, records differ quite materially. Gen. McClellan reported eighty-seven thousand one hundred and sixty-four engaged on the Federal side, and Gen. Lee reported that he had less than forty thousand men engaged. Some Confederate writers have placed the numbers as three to one and some five to three, while on the Federal side it is not generally admitted that such disparity existed. When it is remembered that Gen. Lee's army had fought the seven days' battles around Richmond and the second Manassas and Turner's Gap, in which it sustained heavy losses, it is not surprising that his battalions had been reduced to less than fifty per cent of what they numbered when the series of battles began around Richmond on May 31. At the second battle of Manassas the regiment to which I belonged, the Seventh Virginia Infantry, Kemper's Brigade, lost about thirty-three per cent of its number, together with its colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, and adjutant, and at the battles of Turner's Gap and Sharpsburg was commanded by Capt. Phil Ashby, of Culpeper County. On the morning of the 14th of September (Sunday) our division, under Gen. Longstreet, was at Hagerstown, Md. About 11 A. M. the long roll was sounded' and we were soon in line and on the march to Turner's Gap, some fourteen miles distant, reaching there about 3 P.M. We marched to the right in the direction of Cox's Gap, and when about half-way up the mountain we turned immediately to the left and into the turnpike road at the gap and moved forward up the mountain to the left of the gap; and on reaching the top we found ourselves face to face with the enemy. On our march from the gap up the mountain we were subjected to a severe shelling from a Federal battery on our right rear, and had one man killed by a shell. We must have reached the mountain-top about 4:30 P.M., and at once became hotly engaged with the enemy, the fight continuing until long after nightfall, when we withdrew to the turnpike and down to Boonsboro. My company (D) lost two killed, several wounded, and was reduced to thirteen muskets, and the regiment to one hundred and seventeen. We continued our march through Boonsboro and Keedysville, crossing the Antietam and reaching Sharpsburg about 10 A. M, on Monday, the 15th. The brigades of Jenkins, G. T. Anderson, part of Toombs's, Garnett's, Drayton's, and ours (Kemper's) were deployed on the range of hills to the east and southeast of Sharpsburg, while Gen. Toombs, with two of the regiments of his brigade, the Second and Twentieth Georgia, and a battery of artillery, was sent to guard a bridge across the Antietam, which was in our front and near our right center. The afternoon of Monday and the whole of Tuesday were spent by the armies in preparation-the one for assault, the other for defense. During all the day of Tuesday we were being shifted about from place to place, never getting far away from our starting-point, and during this marching and countermarching we were subjected to a most unmerciful shelling from the Federal batteries across the river. Gen. J. G. Walker's Division, consisting of two brigades, was withdrawn from the right and sent to the left, and at an early hour on the morning of the 17th Gen. G. T. Anderson's Brigade was also sent to the left, leaving alone Gen. D. R. Jones's Division, composed of Jenkins', Garnett's, Drayton's, Kemper's, and Toombs' Brigades, to hold the right and keep back Burnside's corps of fifteen thousand men. From---or, even before---daylight on the 17th until high noon the battle on the left center and extreme left raged and swayed to and fro, with varying fortunes to the combatants. About noon, or a few minutes thereafter, it was reported that Gen. Burnside's troops were pressing heavily against Gen. Toombs's at the bridge, and the Twenty-Fourth Virginia Regiment, with ours (the Seventh, of Kemper's Brigade), was detached and sent some six hundred yards to the south and right of the brigade, the Twenty-Fourth Regiment halting in an open field some forty yards east of the Harper's Ferry road and just north of a narrow strip of corn which ran from the edge of that road in a southeastern direction and toward the forty-acre corn-field into which the left wing of Harland's Federal Brigade subsequently charged. Our regiment took position at the southeast edge of the narrow strip of corn referred to, and, so far as we knew, we constituted the extreme right of the Confederate army. No other Confederate troops were in sight to our right. Burnside did not succeed in forcing the passage of the bridge until about 1 P.M., or a little later, and then only after he had found a crossing lower down, by which he was enabled to flank Gen. Toombs out of his position in front of the bridge. Toombs retired slowly, fighting all the while, and taking advantage of the shape of the ground to cover his troops from the fire of the enemy's artillery. It was past 3 P.M. when Gen. Burnside's skirmishers appeared in our front, and, meeting the fire of the skirmishers of our brigade, posted in part behind a rail fence at the base of the hill, they staggered, scattered, and fell back out of sight. In a few minutes Burnside's first line, composed, as it seems, of the brigades of Fairchild and Elarland, appeared on our front some five hundred yards away, and our skirmishers opened a rapid fire, which threw more than one of the Federal regiments into some confusion, and their ranks became broken and uneven, but they continued to advance at a rapid pace. At this juncture our regiment, occupying an advanced position, was ordered to fall back some two hundred yards into the Harper's Ferry road, here finding a lodgment behind an old board fence and embankment and just south of the narrow strip of corn. The distance between the left of our regiment and the right of the Twenty-Fourth Virginia was about two hundred yards and that between its left and the Seventeenth Virginia-the right regiment of Kemper's Brigade-was four or five hundred yards. The situation was grave indeed, and the outlook for a successful issue of the battle was most unpromising to us. In all the battles of the war in which I was engaged and they were numerous-never did I feel, not even at Gettysburg, so much solicitude for the safety of our army, for I knew that no help could be expected from our left, as our troops on that part of the field had been fought to exhaustion; and there we stood, our division covering nearly a mile of front and numbering not exceeding two thousand muskets, to engage with a force of fifteen thousand well-equipped and well-Fed men; while we had but little to eat, were almost naked, and many were barefooted (myself among the number). However. with proud, defiant spirits, with our muskets and forty rounds of ammunition, we prepared for the desperate conflict. It was near 4 P.M. when portions of Gen. Rodman's Federal Division crowned the heights, meeting at some points severe resistance. When the leading line of Fairchild's and Harland's Brigades had advanced up the heights in front of Draston's Brigade of two Georgia and one South Carolina regiments and Kemper's First, Eleventh, and Seventeenth Virginia Regiments, they were advanced, and took position behind an old worm fence and opened fire on the advancing line of Federals at fifty or sixty yards with their remnants of three hundred and sixty muskets. The Seventeenth Virginia, commanded by Col. M. D. Corse, was on the right, and numbered b~it fifty-five men and officers, of which seven officers and twenty-four men were killed and wounded and ten captured. Their commander was wounded in the foot and captured. The Federal left overlapped them b, more than a hundred yards. The two left companies of the Eight Connecticut Regiment, of Harland's Brigade, ran over and captured McIntosh's South Carolina Battery, which had been thrown forward on the right of the Seventeenth Virginia without support; and, in fact, it was run o~er before it had time to fire a shot. By the forward rush of portions of Fairchild's and Harland's Brigades the right of Kemper's and Dray-ton's Brigades was broken off and forced back across the Harper's Ferry road into the edge of Sharpsburg. Having returned to the position formerly occupied by our regiment in the Harper's Ferry road, we had placed our guns through the board fence, drawn back the hammers, and stood with fingers on triggers, ready to fire as soon as the enemy emerged from the conl, the eastern edge of which his lines had about reached. While in this position Gen. Toombs, with his brigade at a double-quick, passe~d us, going to our left, and in less than five minutes after his brigade had gotten by Archer's Confederate Brigade moved obliquely across our front, striking the Federal line in flank and rear. Just then we saw another and another Confederate brigade rise to their feet and advance in the same direction. Our batteries opened, Toombs's men poured a volley into Rodman's advancing column that had broken off Kemper's and Drayton's right, then there was a grand, a wild Confederate yell and charge along the whole line, and Archer's gallant Tennesseeans and Alabamians and Branch's North Carolinians and Gregg's South Carolinians and Georgians opened a destructive fire on the flank and rear of Harland's Brigade, and Kemper's, Drayton's, Jenkins's, and Garnett's men returned to the charge, and Burnside's men fled in confusion toward the bank of the Antietam. The fight was over within thirty minutes. In the headlong rush of the Confederates they retook McIntosh's Battery and recaptured Col. Corse. On account of the destructive fire of the Federal batteries across the Antietam the Confederates halted about midway between the line occupied by them when the battle began and the Antietam. Gen. Branch, of North Carolina, was killed just as the charge ended. After night we returned to our brigade and occupied that night and the whole of the next day the same ground we had occupied in the forenoon of the 17th, and gathered up our wounded and buried our dead, as well as such of the Federal dead as lay within our lines also ministering to such of the enemy's wounded as we could reach, even risking our lives to accomplish this. In fact, while making an effort to care for the Federal wounded in our front of was shot dead by one of their sharpshooters. In front of our brigade lay some thirty-five dead men of the Eighth Connecticut Regiment. The flag of the One Hundred and Third New York Regiment, of Fairchild's Brigade, was captured by Lieut. W. W. Athey, of the Seventeenth Virginia. Lieut. Stone and Private Travis Burton, of my company, on the night of the battle, while looking up our wounded, captured a member of the Fourth Rhode Island Regiment, a mere boy. A very interesting story is connected with his capture, but I omit it now. Now, as to question of numbers engaged, Gen. D. R. Jones reports that in his five brigades on the morning of the battle he had about twenty-four hundred men, too high, in my opinion, by four hundred. Gen. A. P. Hill, who had made a rapid march of seventeen miles that morning from Harper's Ferry, reaching the field about 1:30 P.M., reports that his three brigades engaged in the battle numbered two thousand, which would make about four thousand against Burnside's splendid corps of fifteen thousand men. The losses in Kemper's, Drayton's, Toombs's, and part of Jenkins' Brigades was very heavy. The loss in Gen. A. P. Hill's three brigades is reported at three hundred and forty-six. Putting the loss of D. R. Jones's Division at five hundred, we have a total Confederate loss in the fight with Burnside's Corps of eight hundred and forty-six, while the loss in Burnside's Corps was twenty-two hundred and twenty-two. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 2 Nashville, Tenn., February, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- GENERALS GRANT AND ORD Judge Robert L. Rodgers, Historian of the Atlanta Ga. Camp, U. C. V. In the Atlanta Constitution of December 8, 1897, Mrs. Elizabeth Belt gave an account of reconstruction and the readmission of Georgia into the Federal Union. She told how General Grant was affected by an appeal made by a Southern woman, and how he received it as "information in regard to affairs in Georgia," and sent a copy of her letter to the Reconstruction Committee. It contained the usual flavoring of Gen. Grant's "magnanimity" toward Southern soldiers and Southern people. This idea is magnified beyond its proper measure. Let us not detract one iota from Grant's generous acts. Let us remember that President Grant was the general-in-chief of a victorious army of largely superior numbers when he received the capitulation of Gen. Lee. It may be that there was sufficient leniency, but it may be also that Gen. Grant was not alone or superior in his generous terms of surrender. The event was not so sudden as to cause general belief that it was on "the impulse of the moment." There may have been influences behind him which he adroitly utilized to his own personal advantage. He had been in communication by truce with Gen. Lee at least two days and nights, contemplating the surrender. In that time he had evidently conferred with his subordinate generals concerning the coming event, and he was manifestly anxious to crush Lee and his army. Grant was reticent as to his general methods, but his trend indicated his purpose to defeat his adversary by astounding him with unexpected hard blows. He did not fight on the idea of being generous, but to compel surrender. He obtained a reputation for great will force, with a generous, even magnanimous, disposition. His unceasing hatred of Halleck and other generals of the Union army simply shows the true personal character of the man. He was vindictive in spirit, and at times subject to violent outbursts of a cruel temper. This was manifested about a week after the surrender of Gen. Lee. Lincoln had the night before been assassinated. Of course we all know that Gen. Lee and his soldiers had nothing at all to do with that horrible assassination. Gen. Grant knew it as well; yet he flew into a rage, and still desired to "crush the rebellion" by a strong blow upon his vanquished foe after the combat had closed and Lee and our soldiers of the South had gone on parole. The telegraphic order of Gen. Grant and the answer of Gen. Ord demonstrate all that is claimed herein. My attention was recently directed to this by Capt. "Tip" Harrison, a brave Confederate soldier under Gen. Lee. The telegrams tell the whole story: -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- WASHINGTON CITY, April 15, 1865, 4 P.M. Maj.-Gen. Ord, Richmond, Va.: Arrest J. A. Campbell, Mayor Mayo, and the members of the old council of Richmond who have not yet taken the oath of allegiance, and put them in Libby Prison. Hold them guarded beyond the possibility of escape until further orders. Also arrest all paroled officers and surgeons until they can be sent beyond our lines, unless they take the oath of allegiance. The oath need not be received from any one who you have not good reason to believe will observe it, and from none who are excluded by the President's proclamation, without authority to do so. Extreme rigor will have to be observed while assassination remains the order of the day with the Rebels. U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- General Ord's reply: RICHMOND, VA., April 15, 1865. Gen. U. S. Grant: Cipher despatch directing certain parties to be arrested is received. The two citizens I have seen. They are old, nearly helpless, and I think incapable of harm. Lee and staff are in town among the paroled prisoners. Should I arrest them under the circumstances, I think the rebellion here would be reopened. I will risk my life that the present paroles will be kept, and, if you will allow me to do so, trust the people here, who, I believe, are ignorant of the assassination, done, I think, by some insane Brutus with but few accomplices. Mr. Campbell and Hunter pressed me earnestly yesterday to send them to Washington to see the President. Would they have done so if guilty? Please answer. E. O. C. ORD, Major-General. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES, WASHINGTON, April I5, 1865, 8 P.M Maj.-Gen. Ord, Richmond, Va.: On reflection, I will withdraw my despatch of this date directing the arrest of Campbell, Mayo, and others so far as it may be regarded as an order, and leave it in the light of a suggestion, to be executed only so far as you may judge the good of the service demands. U. S. GRANT Lieutenant-General. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- RICHMOND, VA., April 15, 1865, 9:30 P.M. Received, 10:20 P.M. Lieut.-Gen. U. S. Grant: Second telegram, leaving the subject of arrest in my hands is received. E. O. C. ORD, Major-General. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- These papers are in the Official Records, Series I, Volume XLVI., part 3, pages 762, 763. Is it not apparent that Gen. Grant was mad or affrighted, and temporarily lost the equipoise with which he has been credited? The order was given on his own assumption of authority, as though he were the supreme commander or dictator. Was he mad or frightened? Was it magnanimous or malignant? One was calm in the midst of paroled prisoners, while the other was excited and petulant in the midst of victors fresh from the field, in their own capital. Which deserves the credit for generous spirit---he who would then and there risk his life on the parole of these people, or he who would arrest old men and paroled prisoners, without civil or military authority, and hold them in Libby Prison with "extreme rigor," because "some insane Brutus" had become a mean assassin? Give honor to whom honor is due. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 2 Nashville, Tenn., February, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- CHIVALRY OF SOUTHERN PEOPLE Dr. Henry Van Dyke Rev. Dr. Henry Van Dyke is reported bv the New York Times as author of the following, illustrating the chivalrous sentiment of the Southern people: When I was a child, early in 1861, my father took me with him on a trip to Charleston, S. C. The state authorities had already passed the "ordinance of secession," the citizens were wrought up to a high pitch, and Maj. Anderson had been shut up in Fort Sumter. I remember my experiences at that time vividly. The Federal troops were almost destitute of provisions, and it was a question as to how long they could hold out at Fort Sumter. It was well understood in Charleston that any attempt on the part of the United States to reprovision the garrison would be resisted by force; but there stood Anderson with his handful of men, under the stars and stripes, facing starvation and surrender, possibly annihilation. I observed one day that a number of small boats were putting off from the docks and making for Fort Sumter, where lay the beleaguered Federal troops, and I learned that the women of Charleston had laden these boats with provisions of all sorts, from substantials to luxuries, and were actually sending them to the soldiers whom their brothers and fathers were trying to subdue by starvation or by shot and shell. As the boats were pulling out I looked into them to see what kind of food the ladies were sending to the enemy, and I saw every delicacy that could be found in the market. Shortly after the sending of these provisions to the beleaguered fort by the women of Charleston the men of that city, from their batteries on Morris Island, fired upon the "Star of the West," which was engaged upon a similar mission. Charleston would not have allowed bhe Federal major and his garrison to starve, but was determined not to permit the United States Government to provision the fort. The distinction was clear enough, and the presence of war itself could not hold in abeyance the obligations of hospitality. I remember just as vividly another experience in the South. Shortly after the war I was in Virginia with my father, and he took me to see Gen. Robert E. Lee, who was then at Washington and Lee University. I don't think than I have ever seen a man whose personality impressed me more. Gen. Lee was one of the few men I have seen who seemed to me to bear upon his brow the unmistakable stamp of greatness. He was exceedingly courteous and kindly. It occurred to him that I, who was a boy at the time, might like a ride on his war-steed, and Traveler was brought out, and the General placed me in the saddle. So for a few moments I sat upon the horse that his companionship in march and in battle had made famous. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 3 Nashville, Tenn., March, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- EFFORTS TO ESCAPE FROM CAMP CHASE W. H. Richardson Col. W. H. Knauss, of Columbus, Ohio, has had much of interesting correspondence because of his noble service in caring for Confederate graves at Camp Chase. He sends a letter from W. H. Richardson, of Austin, Tex. Extracts are copied from the letter: Now, to tell an unvarnished tale, the story as it was written in hunger and suffering, might bring to the surface bitter memories, and be considered unseemly and out of place. Therefore I will only deal in a general way. After thirty-three years, my memory is as fresh as if it was yesterday. Arriving at Camp Chase early in August, 1864, we found an order curtailing rations to the lowest minimum possible to sustain life. Therefore, a constant want of the necessary healthy food to sustain life fast filled those graves-with the weak first, those who contracted disease next, while the strong men, inured to hardship and rations, wore on. During this time the sutler was not allowed to sell anything, not even pepper. You can imagine the rest. No wonder, then, any scheme to escape was readily entered into. Our mess, composed of officers only, mostly border men, organized for the purpose of escaping. There were twenty-four of us in a room twenty-four feet square. The barrack shanty was built on posts two and one-half to three feet off the ground. In one end was a pine plank, one contract blanket, one suit of clothes. Cold and hungry, we dug and worked for eight long months, only to be disappointed again and again. Silent, scant tunnels, grand charging combinations, all failed. I will give you an account of one of the many efforts which failed, through spies or "weak-kneed" brothers. Nine of us formed a secret organization pledged to one another by all we held sacred, to get away. The wall of No. I, on the side next to Columbus, was moved farther out, making more room, and a new sink, about 8 x 16 feet, eight feet deep, was dug. We conceived the idea of getting into it as soon as opened for use and tunneling out, as we had only about twenty feet to go. I volunteered to take up the planks and let down a detail to dig. Mine was the post of honor. Immediately in front was a street lamp; on the wall, a sentinel; a trusty, five feet away. I worked long and hard. The planks were double nailed and the tools were not numerous. The faintest shadow hid the form of the Confederate soldier from the aim of the sentinel, only too willing to fire; but the boldness of the thing was its strong point. No one suspected; not even the "spy" saw the dark line of that desperate, hungry soldier, working for life and liberty. The first night the planks were raised, and the work progressed rapidly; two or three shifts were pressed rapidly, and the work stopped for another night. The ground was not frozen solid enough where the new sewer led off, and when the tunnel struck it caved in, and daylight revealed the plot. Then a howl went up. Under the very feet of the sentinel, in the light of a street lamp, a bold, daring attempt to escape was planned. The excitement in the Federal camp was great. It was ration day-rations were issued every two days. Instead of rations, an order was posted, which read: "Until the men concerned in the attempt to escape come forward or are brought forward, no more rations will be issued." "Razorbacks," or weak-kneed Confederates, were ready to sell us for a mess of pottage. But little we cared. We, the "picked nine," were known only to ourselves, and were not giving a circus. That we would be betrayed, and probably shot, bothered us but little. We found that hungry men Soon lose human feeling. Col. Hawkins, preacher and soldier, volunteered to go before the commandant, and eloquently presented the case, saying that "old men, innocent hundreds were being punished for the attempt of others." So rations were issued, and that job ended. Colonel, thirty odd years is a long time. You and I are through fighting, and after these long years are past we can look back on the scenes of long ago without bitterness. We can appreciate true manhood as we find it and can commend a noble act or condemn the reverse. We prisoners of war at Camp Chase were captured on the battle-field, fighting as best we knew how the battles of our section. We struck no dishonorable blows; we treated prisoners as true soldiers. Then for a great government-strong in all that made an army, blessed as Ohio was with the rich fruits of earth~to pen such men up and starve them till the silent testimonials within that tottering wall-out of all proportion to the number confined-tell the tale is a sad record. When the vast throng of spirits mustered under the white banner of peace on that far-off shore shall shout praises before the throne of peace, great will be the reward of the man whom God raised up to honor the resting-place of those who died in those prison-walls. Colonel, in our Texas home is a hearty welcome; a Virginia wife and a lot of Texas children will welcome you. Our rations are yours, and this old cavalryman of J. E. B. Stuart will swap yarns with you till the bugle calls us home. Excuse this scrawl; I write as I fought: at will. May the God of battles and the white-winged Messenger of Peace keep you always! P. S.-The chief of our mess was Col. Abuer, brother-in-law to Brownlow, of Tennessee. Col. Hawkins, author of several poems, among others the "Bonnie White Flag"---now misplaced---was from Tennessee. The writer, a Marylander, served under Stuart in Virginia, and came to Texas in 1866. Confederate Veteran, Vol. VI, No. 4 Nashville, Tenn., April, 1898. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- GENERALS FITZHUGH LEE AND WADE HAMPTON Unknown In a banquet-hall at Chicago the night previous to the dedication of the Confederate monument there, Gen. Fitzhugh Lee responded to the toast "Shall Not the South Grasp the Hand of Fellowship? " He said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen: The country seems to be safe to-night. I find myself surrounded on every side by the flag of the United States. I had a similar experience about thirty years ago at the little village of Appomattox, and I remember sleeping that night after I had received my parole, between two major-generals of the United States army. I had not felt so safe for many of the preceding days; both my flanks were well protected. History, in a measure, repeats itself. To-night the Mayor of what he terms the greatest city in the world sits here quietly, serenely smoking his cigar, between two rebellious Rebel generals of cavalry, Wade Hampton and Fitzhugh Lee; and he is not afraid. I can respond to the toast with great pleasure, because I feel that, as we are both Americans, we are citizens of this great country, and it is our duty to promote its glory, its grandeur, and its growth. BOTH HAD THEIR CAUSE. Each side had a cause to fight for; and, if you want to have true fellowship in the country, we must give you credit for fighting in behalf of a great cause gallantly and nobly and heroically, and you must give us credit for fighting for the faith that was in us. You fought, and maintained this great country as an undivided republic. It was a great republic; it was a great cause. We were brought up somewhat differently. We were brought up in the theory that our states could spear; through the action of a convention which was its highest representative body; we were brought up in the belief that when this great Union was formed, when the constitution said nothing about the secession of a state, that when the state spoke through its convention and determined to leave the Union, the action of the state was binding upon its citizens. And you could not get men out from their shuts and their cottages, and stand them in long rows and pour shot and shell upon them, as you fellows who wore the blue did, unless they were fighting for the faith that was in them. Thirty years have elapsed since the sound---the dead echo, as it has been termed---of the last gun of the last battle was heard. No more do camp-fires blaze through the land; no more do you hear the strains of martial music; no more are our men pitted against your men. We know that you had as brave soldiers as the Spartans who fought in the past at Thermopylae; you should know that we of the South had as brave a body of troops as the Old Guard of Napoleon when it was called upon to go to the front an hour before the field of Waterloo was won by Wellington. Both sides had brave men. I saw your men, as one example, at the battle of Fredericksburg, where the lightning was scorching the ground beneath their feet in front of Marye's Hill; and you saw our men leaving their lines at the battle of Gettysburg and moving io the heights crowned with fire-moving as calmly, as boldly, and as heroically as ever men marched in line of battle. Give us credit upon the one side, and we will give you credit upon the other; and, together, we will make this great republic what our forefathers intended it should be: the glory of America and the blessing of the world. Our men upon each side are rapidly passing away. The sound of the taps upon the eternal shores is already being heard by some of them almost every day, and many seasons will not pass before the veterans upon either side will have furled their battle-flags forever. Mr. Lincoln has gone, Mr. Davis is dead; the swords of Grant and Lee have returned to their scabbards; the tents of Sherman and Joe Johnston are pitched upon the eternal camping-ground; the swords of Sherman and Stewart will not longer flash in the forefront of battle, while many of the men that followed them are now but a handful of dust, and soon fame will shout with her trumpet voice: "Dead! dead upon the field of glory!" And so, my friends, our duty now is to believe that by united action we can indeed make this a great country. Englishmen, whose past battles are recorded upon the pages of history as evidence of their valor and endurance, are proud of their country, whose morning drum-beat follows the sun, and whose martial strains are heard in unbroken and continuous lines all over the world. And so we in America, we too, can be proud of our country; we too, upon either side, as I say, can build it up and make it a great and undivided republic. But we can't do it by abusing each other; we can't do it by firing at each other in times of peace; we can't do it by criticizing each other's action on a memorial occasion. I know we are always glad to see your great demonstrations in honor of the courage of your soldiers, and you should think that when we come together for the purpose of honoring the valor of our soldiers, for the purpose of paying respect to the memory of our dead, there is nothing inconsistent in that with all the duties which we owe to a great and united country. And now we can fervently pray with you that as the veil of futurity is raised you will see visible a great republic representing power and commanding more respect than ever the armies of Caesar and Augustus won for the imperial eagle, and you can unite with us in praying that state shall not lift up its hand against state any more, neither shall they know war again; but that the reign of peace, unity, and fraternity shall be as lasting as the home of the stars and as everlasting as the foundation of the everlasting hills. GENERAL WADE HAMPTON Gen. Wade Hampton was next introduced. He said: I came here with a grateful heart to thank the people of Chicago for doing what I think is the most honorable thing that has ever been done by-any people in the history of America. Narrow-minded and bigoted men may abuse you and us who come here from the South at your invitation, your invitation to do honor not to Confederate soldiers, not to victors in a great civil strife, but to dead Confederates, men who represented the bravery and courage and devotion to duty-the very highest type of American manhood. You have called us here to join you in doing honor to these men, and we have come here to take the hand of good-fellowship and comradeship you have offered us.
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