papers on account of this platform and his other similar
declarations was unusual even in those days of unbridled
license of the political press.
And yet it would be unjust to deny to the
republican leaders of that day, such as Turner M. Marquett,
Oliver P. Mason, George B. Lake, John M. Thayer, Robert W.
Furnas, and Algernon S. Paddock, most of whom were recent
deserters from the democratic party, a measure at least of
that philanthropic desire for the amelioration of the
condition of the negro race, and belief that the ascendency
of the republican party at that time was essential to the
attainment of that object, and even for the preservation of
the Union, which so largely actuated the rank and file of
their party. But, on the other hand, it would be unjust to
deny to the democratic leaders, such as George L. Miller, J.
Sterling Morton, Andrew J. Poppleton, Eleazer Wakeley, James
M. Woolworth, George W. Doane, Charles H. Brown. and
Benjamin E. B. Kennedy, as well as their party followers,
the sincere belief that radical republicanism would
hurtfully enfranchise the negro and obstruct the real
restoration of the Union. Furthermore, it should be said, to
the everlasting credit of these veteran democrats, alive and
dead, that their unswerving allegiance to their party,
through its many years of ill-repute, plainly meant to them
political self-sacrifice and seclusion, while by cutting
loose from their unpromising moorings and floating with the
popular republican tide they would have gathered both honors
and emoluments. Nor may we of today felicitate ourselves
that the political fustian and buncombe of those early days
has changed in great measure, either in quality or quantity.
A well-known English writer illustrates their present
prevalence in a recent article entitled "Rot in English
Politics": ". . . The Disraelian myth, which has changed the
most un-English of all our prime ministers into an almost
sacramental symbol of patriotism, has been worth many a
legion to Lord Salisbury. The Primrose League is ridiculous
enough, but men who want big majorities must not scorn the
simply ridiculous, nor do they."
The democratic candidate for auditor was
John S. Seaton -- who, like his opponent, belonged to the
"old Nebraska First" -- and for treasurer, Saint John
Goodrich. The republican, nominally the "union" ticket, was
successful, Kountze having a majority of 852 and Gillespie
of 694. With the soldier vote added Kountze had 3,495 votes
and Goodrich 2,573. Bitterness to the extent of scurrility
characterized the campaign. The Advertiser in
particular, after Furnas left it, was mainly a mess of
scurrilous epithet of which this is a scarcely adequate
The consequences of inviting the
disfranchised renegades of the other states to Nebraska
City, as was done by the Nebraska City News, just
after the adoption of the new constitution of Missouri, are
becoming more apparent every day in the theft, larceny and
rowdyism of that city, which is alarmingly on the increase.
Men have been knocked down on the streets of that city and
robbed; men, boasting of being disfranchised Missourians,
perambulate the streets in bands and make it unsafe for
unarmed pedestrians. Horse stealing is again on the rampage.
Three horses were stolen on the night of the 14th from that
city; one from Julien Metcalf, which he has since recovered,
and two (over which we shall shed no briny tears) from J.
Sterling Morton. This is rather a steep contribution on
Morton for their assistance in "voting down the bluecoated,
The same organ assailed the democratic
territorial platform, and Morton "a pupil of Vallandigham,"
as the author of it, in language which it would be rather
complimentary to call billingsgate. And this illustrates the
ferocity of the appeal to war passions:
The so-called democracy of this county,
after due consideration and discussion, have hoisted the
name of Joseph I. Early as a candidate for councilman, for
the purpose of contesting the seat of Hon. J. W. Chapman . .
. Mr. Early proclaimed, in a public speech at Nebraska City,
last fall, that he looked upon Abraham Lincoln as a tyrant
and usurper of power, and denounced the union soldiers as
robbers, thieves and murderers. He also said publicly that
he had assisted in the notorious Baltimore mob, and that he
would yet assist in hanging Abraham Lincoln.
And there was little restraint in the
discharge of explosive epithet through the col-