pitted against the interests of the people that traitors are not found to betray the latter. The Judas who took the thirty pieces of silver and by kisses betrayed the Savior of mankind betrayed the divine man who by his teachings has always stood by the great plain people has found -- his vile counterpart throughout all the ages. He has been here in Lincoln through the contest. He had three doubles in the Senate . . . We dislike to defile our pages with their names.
   Collins made a weak attempt to justify his course, but it placed him in a worse plight than Turner's silence left him; and Taylor shirked the ordeal altogether by flight. The full force of conventional cunning and all the arts of scared capitalism were turned against the all but untutored populists. The World-Herald openly, and the Bee really were for Boyd, while the State Journal, if not warmly for Thayer, was hotly against the populists. Of the larger dailies, the Lincoln Daily Call alone battled for a fair and square deal. For effect the independents were constantly called prohibitionists by their allied opponents.
   On the 6th of February Governor Boyd delivered a business-like message to the legislature. He counseled acceptance of the decision of the people against prohibition of the liquor traffic and gave cautionary advice as to railroad legislation. "The people," he said, "appear to regard the present board of transportation as having accomplished little or nothing in their behalf. Their interests might, and doubtless would, be better subserved by the creation of such a commission as exists in the neighboring state of Iowa. Your right to establish maximum tariff rates is not denied. Such legislation, however, is deemed to rest on delicate ground, because of the vast diversity of commodities and the many peculiar and distinguishing features which enter into the carrying trade. The present board of transportation has the right to establish reasonable maximum rates though it has never exercised its authority. If your honorable body, however, should decide to take this matter in hand, I would respectfully suggest that your work in that direction be confined to a limited number of commodities in carload lots such as coal, grain, live stock, lumber and others."
   He recommended the passage of an Australian ballot law and strongly argued that presidential electors should be chosen by congressional districts. Deprecating the fact that a proposed amendment to the constitution to provide for two more judges of the supreme court had been defeated, he advised calling a convention for a general revision of the constitution.
   The governor congratulated the people over the fact that peace with the Indians had been restored, after the ill-starred Wounded Knee campaign, without the loss of a man killed in battle. It had not been his intention to recall the Nebraska National Guards until the Indians had been disarmed, and he had sent a telegram to that effect to Brigadier-General Colby January 13th; but it was received after Major-General Miles had informed Colby that he could safely withdraw his troops and he had already ordered the Nebraska National Guards to their homes.
   The legislature promptly repealed the sugar bounty law of 1889, the measure passing the house by a vote of 78 to 16 and the senate by 25 to 6. The nays in the house comprised five democrats, eight republicans, and three independents; in the senate, one democrat and five republicans, thus the repeal was mainly a party measure. Boyd county was constituted out of unorganized territory. The most important measure of the session, probably, was the Australian ballot act which both of the old parties also had promised. The bill was introduced by W. F. Porter of Merrick county, as house roll 141. It passed the house by a vote of 80 to 20 and in the senate it received 32 ayes and no nays. Of the 20 nays in the house thirteen were independents, four democrats, and three republicans. Fifteen of these were farmers. Congressional districts were apportioned, the number being raised from three to six on account of the increase in population as shown by the census of 1890. Judicial districts were increased from twelve to fifteen. An act was passed requiring that railroad stations should be given the same names as towns in which they are situated.



   The state board of health was established, consisting of the governor, attorney-general, and superintendent of public instruction; and the act provided that the board should have four physicians as secretaries to assist and advise it. A "Girls' Industrial School for Juvenile Delinquents" was established at Geneva, on condition that forty acres of land should be donated therefor; and an appropriation was made of $40,000 for the erection of buildings and maintenance. The sum of $100,000 was appropriated from the state treasury "for the immediate relief of the drouth stricken counties of the state of Nebraska." A "relief commission" was created by the same act, consisting of Samuel M. Elder, Luther P. Ludden, R. R. Greer, Louis Meyer, George W. Martin, John Fitzgerald, Andrew J. Sawyer, Charles W. Mosher, J. W. Hartley, W. N. Nason. The act provided that county commissioners, county clerks, and sheriffs should distribute supplies furnished by the relief commission. Bonds to the amount of $100,000, to run five years at four per cent interest, were authorized; and the governor was empowered to appoint, with the consent of the senate, a "board of relief" of nine members, who should sell the bonds and deposit the proceeds in the state treasury for the use of the relief commission. A tax of one-eighth of a mill was levied for the interest and principal of the relief bonds. County boards were authorized to use the surplus general funds of the county to buy food, fuel, seed grain, and food for teams and sell them to the needy families at cost, taking promissory notes running three years with interest payable annually. County boards were also authorized to issue bonds, not to exceed in amount three per cent of the assessed valuation of the county or $20,000 in the aggregate, for providing seed and feeding teams for raising crops in 1891. This authority required a majority vote, and the bonds were to be payable in ten years and draw interest at a rate not over seven per cent. A depository law which was destined to cause much loss and trouble was passed. It authorized state and county treasurers to deposit current funds in state or national banks, three per cent interest to be paid therefor on daily balances. Personal bonds approved by the governor, secretary of state, and attorney-general were required. It was bad policy on general principles to loan public money upon personal bonds, but the conjunction of drouth and panic illustrated this truth in an unexpected and harmful manner. The sum of $50,000 was appropriated for an exhibit at the World's Columbian Exposition, and the governor was authorized to appoint six commissioners, two from each congressional district and two of them from each of three parties, with compensation of $5 a day for actual time devoted to duties, and traveling expenses. The sum of $24,000 was appropriated to pay the militia and its maintenance, and $13,200 for railroad transportation on account of the Wounded Knee Indian campaign. The sum of $300 was allowed to each executive officer for attorney's fees in the election contest, Majors getting $125 for witness and sheriff's fees also; to John H. Powers $300 for attorney fees and $250 for witness and sheriff's fees; to Boyd $100 and Dech $125 for witness and sheriff's fees; and from $250 to $350 each to eleven notaries public and lesser sums to two others; also $5,000 for reporting and transcribing testimony.
   It was left to the so-called revolutionary populist movement to respond in a material or practical way to the long continued popular demand for railroad legislation; and, notwithstanding the doubtful propriety of reform by this necessarily somewhat crude method, the measure at least deserves that credit. The Newberry bill (H. R. 12), so called because it was introduced by Representative Newberry, was passed in the house by a vote of 78 to 17 and in the senate by 23 to 7.
   Boyd belonged to the class, distinctive at the time, known as railroad men; so that his veto of the bill was not a surprise but, on the contrary, was expected. Notwithstanding that the bill was necessarily crude in form and that it might be unfair to the railroads, yet it was the deliberate response to the explicit demand of the majority party represented in the legislature, and also to the republican platform. The veto, therefore, was in derogation of the spirit of modern representative government,



and it was rightfully resented as such. Accordingly it was an act of political suicide on the part of the governor, and it emasculated his party besides. Disapproval of the veto was so strong that J. Sterling Morton, in spite of his fixed opposition to legislation of that sort, could, as he did, publicly denounce it, as bad party policy, at once thereby getting revenge out of his political enemy and gaining such popular approval as to be unanimously nominated as Boyd's successor.
   The republican convention for 1891 was held at Lincoln September 24th. George H. Thummel of Hall county was temporary and permanent chairman. Alfred M. Post of Platte county was nominated for judge of the supreme court on the fourth formal ballot, receiving 294 votes to 135 for M. B. Reese, 126 for Amasa Cobb, the incumbent of the office, and 17 for Judge William H. Morris of Saline county. The platform was devoted especially to national questions. It approved the silver coinage law of the administration "by which the entire product of the silver mines of the United States is added to the currency of the people," but denounced the democratic doctrine of free and unlimited coinage, and it repeated the usual generalities about railroad control. John L. Webster of Douglas county was chairman of the committee on resolutions and Charles H. Gere was also a member of the committee. H. B. Shumway of Dixon county and C. H. Marple of Douglas were nominated for regents of the University.
   The democratic convention was held at Grand Island September 17th. Frank P. Ireland was president of the convention. Judge Jefferson H. Broady was nominated for judge of the supreme court and F. A. Brogan and S. F. Hermiger for regents of the University -- all by acclamation. Judge Broady resolutely declined to accept the nomination, and the democratic organization favored giving the support of the party to Edgerton, the people's party candidate. The platform condemned the state board of transportation for "refusing in the face of overwhelming demands to fix reasonable freight rates and give the people relief from exorbitant transportation charges" arid declared in favor of a constitutional amendment providing for three elective railroad commissioners. It declared for a tariff for revenue limited to the necessities of the government economically administered -- and the election of United States senators by popular vote. It favored "a law establishing reasonable maximum freight rates." The friends of Governor Boyd in the convention wished to endorse his recent veto of the Newberry maximum freight bill, notwithstanding that it had been denounced by nearly all the democratic newspapers of the state; but, largely through Bryan's influence, the question was left without action. The World-Herald, which disapproved the veto, sharply and justly criticised (sic) the convention for dodging the issue. The first sharp contest between the gold democrats and Mr. Bryan and his following upon the money question occurred at this convention. He proposed a plank advocating the free and unlimited coinage of silver; but most of the Lancaster delegates stood stoutly against the proposal, and a compromise was agreed upon to strike out "and unlimited" so that the plank read: "We favor the free coinage of silver."
   The people's independent convention was held at Hastings August 18, 1891, seventy-eight counties being represented by over six hundred delegates. William A. Poynter, then a state senator from Boone county, was chairman, and C. H. Pirtle secretary of the convention. Joseph W. Edgerton was nominated for judge of the supreme court, without opposition, and A. D'Allemand of Furnas, and E. A. Hadley of Greeley, for regents of the University. The platform contained the now recognized orthodox planks of the populist faith -- all money to be issued by the government; abolition of national bank currency; free and unlimited coinage of silver; no alien ownership of land; graduated taxation of incomes; government ownership of all means of public communication and transportation; election of president, vice president, and United States senators directly by the people. It denounced the veto of the maximum freight rate bill and expressed sympathy for laborers in their efforts to enforce the eight-hour law. After a virulent campaign in which the World-Herald



insisted that the judicial contest was a sharply defined railroad issue and, in particular, indulged in violent personal attacks upon Judge Post, he was elected, receiving 76,447 votes against 72,311 cast for Edgerton, If the independents had nominated a stronger lawyer than Edgerton fusion would have been successful. Mrs. Ida M. Bittenbender, the prohibition candidate, received 7,322 votes.

   The national convention of the people's independent party for 1892 was held at Omaha July 2d.
   The republican state convention to elect delegates to the national convention was held at Kearney April 27, 1892. Bradner D. Slaughter of Nance county was temporary and permanent chairman. John L. Webster of Douglas, Edward D. Webster of Hitchcock -- who was a delegate from Nebraska to the national republican convention of 1860 -- Lucius D. Richards of Dodge, and Amasa Cobb of Lancaster, were elected delegates at large. A motion that Edward Rosewater be made national committeeman was carried after a spectacular fight. Opposition raised in the convention to choosing John L. Webster as a delegate, on account of doubt of his fealty to President Harrison, compelled him to come before the convention and spell the name of the president in staccato fashion. The platform endorsed the McKinley bill, Blaine's reciprocity scheme, and Senator Paddock for reëlection. The delegates were instructed to support President Harrison for renomination.
   The first democratic convention for 1892 was held at Omaha April 13th and 14th. It was one of the most exciting and spectacular political conventions ever held in the state. By this time Mr. Bryan had become characteristically positive and aggressive in the advocacy of the free coinage of silver, while a majority of the democrats were loyal to Cleveland and approved his conservatism with reference to the silver question. At the Lancaster county convention, held for the purpose of choosing delegates to the state convention, there was a very heated contest between the Cleveland democrats and the followers of Mr. Bryan. The former were in the majority but, being unwilling to deal too harshly with so promising and popular an acquisition to the party as Mr. Bryan had become, and, moreover, not appreciating at that time the length to which his audacity might hurl itself, they magnanimously put him upon the delegation. Robert A. Batty of Adams county was chairman of the convention. The first controversy was between the Boyd and anti-Boyd factions for representation. At the county convention of Douglas county there had been a breakup, and a double set of delegates asked for admission to the state convention. Charles Offut and Charles Ogden were the leaders of the Boyd faction and Euclid Martin, Timothy J. Mahoney, and Michael V. Gannon of the anti-Boyd faction. The contest resulted in the seating of Boyd's friends. The Lancaster delegation elected Andrew J. Sawyer, a gold democrat, as its representative upon the committee on resolutions; but the convention added Bryan as a member at large of the committee. The platform as reported by the committee merely emphatically endorsed the national platform of 1884, saying nothing specific about the money question. Mr. Bryan in a minority report introduced the additional resolution that, "We declare ourselves in favor of the free coinage of silver."
   Half an hour was allowed each side for discussing the minority silver plank. Bryan's friends conceded all the time to him for the affirmative, and the negative time was divided between Robert A. Batty of Adams county, Nathan S. Harwood, Andrew J. Sawyer, and Albert Watkins of Lancaster, Charles Offut of Douglas, and Judge James C. Crawford of Cuming. Immediately after the temporary organization was made permanent (by general consent as the writer remembers for the move was not strictly in order) Albert Watkins offered a resolution favoring Cleveland. As the Cleveland resolution was read, "it was wildly cheered and unanimously passed." As first offered the resolution contained instructions for Cleveland; but, on hearing a goodly number of objections to that part of it, the mover promptly withdrew it and the remainder was adopted without opposition and with great enthusiasm. Mr. Bryan's speech upon



his silver plank was the first taste that a general assemblage of the democrats of the state had of his magnetic eloquence; and, though at the beginning the convention was overwhelmingly for Cleveland, after he disclosed the fact, which he had theretofore kept secret, that he favored Horace E. Boies of Iowa, for president, it seemed as if the convention was almost willing to follow him. This part of the proceedings was very exciting. Mr. Offut, who was a dramatic Kentuckian, while speaking on the stage against the resolution, turned around and facing Mr. Bryan, who sat near, thinking to surely catch him in an inconsistency, demanded, "You are for Cleveland, are you not?" But Bryan promptly and unexpectedly answered loudly enough to be heard by the audience and with the utmost dramatic fervor, "I am for Horace E. Boies." The free silver part of the convention was very boisterous and unwilling to give the antisilver speakers a hearing. After the first roll call the chairman announced that Bryan's amendment was defeated by 237 to 267.
   And then! it was like the hot chamber of hell. Men climbed over the tables and yelled in angry denunciation . . . And that convention went mad -- absolutely insane. Men could not do things crazy enough. Batty was hooted at and sworn at Bryan tried to soothe things. It was impossible . . . Governor Boyd and three reliable gentlemen on the stage had kept tab . . . At last in the sheol of noise it was decided to take another vote . . . The recount was taken amid much excitement, and Chairman Batty finally announced its result -- 229 yes; 247 no! . . . The majority report was then adopted.
   In the midst of the collective brainstorm Bryan's livid face, compressed lips, and defiant eyes were a vivid reminder of Edwin Booth in his most dramatic moments. In after years Bryan could not have repeated that remarkable theatrical role because only the impetuous abandon and daring, the freshness and fire of youth, unhampered by knowledge and unrestrained by experience could accomplish, or would under-take it. The master actor had been nurtured in the low tariff or free trade school, and his speeches on the tariff question at that time were inimitably apt and taking; but he had given little attention to the deeper and more difficult principles of money, so that his sympathy and his ambition fell easy captive to the superficial shibboleth, "free silver." That great turbulent body of men, representatives of the state's sufferings, hopes and fears, was of course less schooled than the ambitious leader, and a majority of them, perhaps, were ready to give him the benefit of every doubt. It was from the first apparent to the maturely thoughtful that this captivating issue was destined to be short-lived, and it was discredited by the sober second thought of the people. Economic privation was an inevitable, if not legitimate source and stimulus of its strength in Nebraska. On the eve of winter in 1890 there were from 1,500 to 2,000 families in destitute condition in the western part of the state, and soulless railroads were hauling coal to them without compensation. It was even argued that the alleged gross election frauds of that year should be condoned lest investigation might delay relief by the legislature. "What does our legislature mean by this unseemly wrangle when 20,000 of our citizens are now starving?" This was not the temper to learn to labor and to wait before venturing, for possible immediate relief, to dislocate a vast national financial system. Under the influence of the Miller-Boyd faction President Cleveland had made the mistake of going to J. Sterling Morton's home town to select a revenue collector in the person of Morton's immemorial political and personal enemy, Stephen H. Calhoun.
   It was the opinion of the most acute politicians upon the Nebraska delegation to the national convention that but for the aggressive fight made against Bryan in the Lancaster county convention and which was carried on in the state convention, the enemies of Cleveland would have defeated him. It will be remembered that the delegation from his own state was aggressively against him and without the sixteen delegates from Nebraska he could not have sustained his strength long enough to obtain a two-thirds vote under the rule of the national convention.
   The people's independent convention was



held at Bohannan's Hall, in Lincoln, June 30th. Jacob V. Wolf of Lancaster county was temporary and permanent chairman. All of the counties except ten participated in the convention with a representation of 722 delegates. The welcome return of Van Wyck to favor and the passing of Burrows was the principal incident of the proceedings. Though the name of the late imperious leader was presented as a candidate for delegate at large it was passed with apparently unanimous tacit assent, while Van Wyck received almost as many votes as John H. Powers, the high man. The independents proudly pointed out that whereas sixteen delegates to the republican national convention comprised seven lawyers, six bankers, and not one farmer, their own delegation of thirty-two contained twenty-four farmers, three lawyers, and three editors.
   The republican state convention for 1892 was held at Lincoln August 4th and 5th, John R. Hayes of Madison county was temporary chairman and A. E. Cady of Howard county, permanent chairman. Samuel D. Mercer of Douglas, chairman of the state committee, called the convention to order. Church Howe seconded the nomination of his immemorial political rival, Thomas J. Majors, for governor. On the first ballot, he received 344 votes; Lorenzo Crounse, 376; A. E. Cady, 82. On the second day Crounse was nominated on the fifth ballot, receiving 446 votes to 327 for Majors. The platform declared in favor of an elective railroad commission, empowered to fix local freight and passenger rates, and for postal telegraph and savings banks, besides approving the national platform.
   The state convention of the people's independent party was held at Kearney August 4th. The platform demanded reduction of freight rates to the Iowa level; declared against the restoration of the sugar bounty, and that all obligations payable in money should be payable in money authorized by the United States government -- stipulations to the contrary notwithstanding; favored a constitutional amendment authorizing the loan of the school fund to citizens on first mortgage real estate security at an interest rate of not more than five per cent; the settling of labor differences by arbitration, and equal pay for equal work to both men and women; denounced convict labor; demanded the election of president, vice president, and United States senators by direct vote of the people; denounced the state militia as an expensive ornament. A plank in favor of woman suffrage was laid on the table. Charles H. Van Wyck was nominated for governor on the first ballot, receiving 552 votes to 147 for William Leese and six for William A. Poynter. John H. Powers, the first candidate of the party for governor, refused to be a candidate for the office before the convention and also refused to take the nomination for state auditor. With a fickleness characteristic of politics the convention showed a continuing reaction against the late "Dictator Burrows" and in favor of Van Wyck.
   The democratic state convention was held at Lincoln August 30th. Matthew W. Gering of Cass county was temporary chairman and William H. Thompson of Hall, permanent chairman. A reaction of sentiment against Governor Boyd had taken place, due largely to his veto of the Newberry maximum freight rate bill. Even Morton himself, regarded as an ultra conservative on the question of railroad legislation, thought it expedient to publicly denounce the veto. In the convention there was a decided sentiment in favor of Morton's coming back -- explicable largely by the feeling in the party and especially on the part of the Morton faction of it, that Cleveland would be reëlected and that to strengthen Morton's leadership would be of material aid in the resulting division of federal spoils; and so the old leader of many campaigns and as many defeats was enthusiastically nominated by acclamation. The name of Samuel N. Wolbach of Hall county was presented to the convention by Constantine V. Gallagher of Omaha, and Frank P. Ireland of Otoe was also named, but both withdrew. Charles H. Brown of Omaha, a bitter opponent of Miller and Boyd, presented Morton's name to the convention.
   All three of the candidates for governor made aggressive speaking campaigns, Crounse and Van Wyck engaging in joint discussions

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