At this point of his speech, Mr. Tipton presented a list of the names of fifty-four supervisors and special deputies appointed by Judge Woodruff of the United States Circuit Court of New York, to enforce the above mentioned law, which was read by the clerk of the Senate. These officers were divided among jail-birds, penitentiary convicts, thieves, burglars, robbers, keepers of low dives and houses of ill fame, showing beyond a possibility of a doubt that a law was considered infamous when such degraded characters were called on to enforce it.

   Mr. Tipton called attention to the fact that the army had adopted the doctrine of the supreme authority of the military over the civil power, as illustrated after the great fire in Chicago; in which a military commander, in utter defiance of the Governor of the State, and without shadow of law, organized troops and held control against the protest of Governor Palmer, which was in the following words: "That the duty of the president is to see that the laws of the United States are enforced, and that of the Governor of Illinois is confined to the enforcement of the laws of the State." The Governor declared "The disastrous fire in Chicago did not relieve the state of Illinois from any of its duties, nor transfer any of them to the Government of the United States." But notwithstanding all his efforts to vindicate the dignity of the State, Governor Palmer asserted, more in sorrow than in anger, "Military officers seem to believe that, under our system of government, it is a part of the duty of the officers of the army to superintend the administration of the local governments." Said Mr. Tipton, "The point I make is this, that when we have legislated so recklessly, the army has followed us equally as heedlessly and

Federal office-holders, taking example, have set themselves up also, with as much despotic arrogance as the military has ever assumed."

   On official corruption he quoted largely from the Message of Governor Warmoth, of Louisiana, January, 1872, in which that Republican Governor said:

   In addition the Governor detailed a greater outrage, as follows:

   Having submitted a vast array of evidence which could not be questioned, and never was, with a lively remembrance of the struggle, just then passed over the effort to annex San Domingo, when New York landsharks and White House officials used war steamers to intimidate Hayti, Mr. Tipton closed his discussion, as follows, referring to General Grant:

   After the churches and schools and cemeteries were released front the penalties of the Sumner amendment, the bill was passed, to supervise common carriers, hotels, theaters and other places of amusement, the Nebraska Senator voting in the negative. In a few years his vote was vindicated, by a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, declaring the law unconstitutional.

   Fifty years ago the cry went out from Washington that a democratic president, Mr. Van Buren, had "gold spoons" upon his table at the White House. The country was horrified, and the orator who described the digression from primitive simplicity to European aristocratic extravagance, was ever after known as "Spooney Ogle," his name being Charles Ogle, of

Pennsylvania. Never since government was established on earth was there such an exciting campaign as that of 1840. The Whigs nominated General Harrison, and adopted the emblem of the log cabin, decorated with coon skins, hard cider barrels, latchstring hanging out and chimney half burned away. The political cyclone was irresistible, and Hail Columbia and Yankee Doodle were shelved for an introduction to a tempest in a teapot.
   On the 7th day of January, 1874, the question of repealing a bill regulating congressmen's salaries, passed in a preceding session, was before the senate. The law in question had placed salaries at $7,500 per year, but had taken away excessive mileage, put a limit on stationery and left members without the franking privilege. Previously a senator from Oregon might receive $7,500 in pay and mileage, where one from Maryland could only draw $5,000; his mileage being so small. The law had been made to act back to the beginning of the session and thus raised the salaries of that present congress. But as congress was the only power that could establish salaries, the question of when an act should take effect was one for their own discretion, and in this case they followed universal precedent. It was not a party vote that had established the laws, but the democratic party were attacking the republicans for extravagance and a portion of the republican press was preaching economy and hence they vied with each other in denouncing the new law as a "salary grab." Some senators who had always received their pay in this manner before became suddenly virtuous and turned the "back pay" into the treasury, others promising their constituents that if forgiven they would vote for the repeal of the law, and others asked to be instructed so they could do the will of their political friends. In the next general election, after the new enactment, the party in power lost members of congress and assembled at Washington to make speedy atonement.
   To this state of affairs Mr. Tipton alluded in the subjoined extract in reply to a correction made by a senator from Iowa:

   Mr. Tipton believed from the first that, unless a change was made in salaries, poor men were doomed to stay at home, and millionaires occupy the senate and house; and hence when a proposition came up to take back by future legislation what members had received by express law there was no alternative but to use recorded facts, "without fear, affectation or favor."

   In order to show that the retroacting clause of the law was not the cause of the public clamor he pointed to the fact that, from the foundation of the government to the present time, every such law had acted back upon the congress in which it was passed. Mr. Tipton:

   The financial condition of the country was far better than in 1866. Mr. Tipton believed that the fact that certain senators hastened to denounce the law and turn their extra portion under the law into the treasury, had given them credit for conscientiousness to which they were not entitled and cast discredit on their honest associates. He said:

   Having followed the precedents of seventy-five years and duplicated the votes of senators who had cast them on two different occasions before, Mr. Tipton felt that new senators were treated in an infamous manner when abandoned by those of whom he had received instruction; and hence he uttered the following:

   Some of the most popular senators failed of re-election, and though they went down frowning, came up smiling in future campaigns and always having a vivid appreciation of the phrase--"After that--the fireworks." The members from Nebraska in the senate voted for the law, when passed, and received

their pay under it and Mr. Tipton voted against repeal, concluding a speech with the following:

   On the 12th day of January, 1875, one and a half months before the expiration of his term, in the 43d congress, the omni-present Louisiana case was before the senate. Senator Howe, of Wisconsin, had the floor, and was to be followed by Mr. Tipton, and he to be succeeded by General Logan, of Illinois. But inasmuch as some of the General's constituents were in the city and desired to hear him, Mr. Tipton yielded to his request and gave him the right of way, especially as he promised to give the Nebraska senator "something to stir him up and to answer."
   For two days the general ranged the field of discussion and, like Olympian Jove, commingling earth and heaven, dealt out eulogies upon friends and defiance and political death to all opposers. Mr. Howe closed his speech by comparing the Republican party to a sailing vessel,--"If the ship goes down before the voyage is ended, I propose to go down with it." The peroration of the general was in the same strain, while his inspired vision was cheered by the motto flaming from her side,--"Freighted with the hopes of mankind." Following such a display of oratorical pyrotechnics, Mr. Tipton essayed to satisfy the general that he had succeeded in "stirring him up," and inasmuch as the Nebraska senator had previously spoken upon the Louisiana case in all its bearings, he was de-

lighted with the "free and easy" range allowable in following the general, and was ready to decorate the statue of tragedy with the garlands of comedy. Quiet being restored, he proceeded.

   Mr. TIPTON: Mr. President, the honorable Senator from Illinois made yesterday and to-day the point, with a great degree of force and energy, that certain audacious editors are charging that there have been frauds committed in this country. So far as that question of frauds is concerned,

   Mr. President, the honorable Senator from Illinois has been very much excited because somebody has talked about the oppression of the republican party. Very well; he only can speak, I suppose, for the body that he is connected with in this chamber. Two years ago he gave you his opinion of the tyranny of the republican party in the Senate, and if he had been connected with the army he might have discussed the character of army officers; if he had been connected with office-holders outside he might learnedly have discussed their characters. But he was intimate with the Senate and he knew that the Senate stood here the great correcting instrumentality of the republican party of the country, and he turned his attention to the Senate; and I will give the country the benefit to-day of his deliberate opinion on the subject of what the republican party was just two years ago. The honorable Senator then said in a speech in this chamber: "By calling your little meetings and seeking to direct everybody no man can be an independent man in this Senate." I think his course in this debate has illustrated his opinion of it two years ago. "No man," said he then, "can be an independent man in this Senate."

   Here a vast amount of official testimony was produced showing that the same policy of coercion was invoked again at Louisiana which was attempted against Georgia, Mississippi and Virginia. Mr. Tipton then said:

   The President sent them the military. What came of that? You know what came of that. Judge Durell, the aged and venerable--for they say he is too old to impeach now, and he goes free--Judge Durell put on his legal cap and came to the conclusion, as soon as they told him that the president allowed the army to aid the marshal to enforce the mandates of a court, that he would allow them to do the rest. Then he says by his action, "Let it be so; let the troops be stationed in the state house of Louisiana." Where did he make the decision? He never had a court organized to do it; he never had a clerk near him to put the seal of the State to it. He went into his garret, and there, I hope without even the light of a tallow dip, in darkness--and yet he thought he saw very clearly said, "Let the military at two o'clock go into the state-house and occupy it." No, he did not fix the time; he left it to their discretion, because he thought they could not get there before three; but they got in at two. The morning dawned, and the Army of the United States had control of a state-house; and a set of unmitigated political villians (sic), cutthroats of the first water, had concocted a list of members to go in under the dictation of the United States. They walked in; they took possession of that hall. Then came a protest long and loud; but no, that legislature promised to send a republican to sit over there where Kellogg had abandoned his seat and they proposed to send another republican for six years. We waited. They set their mill to grinding and then produced two senators in a short time. But the people of Louisiana, where were they? The Senator from Wisconsin (Mr. Carpenter) said they were under the foot of a Federal judge. That Senator is not a liberal republican; that Senator is not a democrat in his political affiliation. He is the Vice President of the United States pro tempore whenever our worthy presiding officer is

   When he gave them the army two years before, it was precisely on this same basis. They said to the President, "There are rumors that there may be difficulties, and we therefore ask you for the use of the army." Here he says they satisfied him that there might be difficulty and that they might want an army; and as he had an army, in the kindness of his disposition to his political friend, the governor of Louisiana, he says: "Certainly keep the army there and perhaps an opportunity may offer when I may be able to use it." He seems to have desired that his soldiery should not rust out for want of use, and that whenever there is an opportunity for them to do something they should be on hand, that the governor should have the privilege without any requisition of the President, according to the constitution, to use the army. Therefore we have it understood that that use of the army was given upon the same old basis of "Use it at your pleasure and return it when you are done with it." How does that agree with the Constitution of the United States?

   Here the startling doctrine is announced for the first time officially in the history of this country that the United States

   When it was charged that the Speaker of the Democratic House of Louisiana had called for protection of Federal troops, Mr. Tipton disposed of the charge thus:

   I do regret that a man of his position before the country should deem it necessary to attack the stricken people of the South in. the manner in which he has during this whole discussion. Senators from the South have been so attacked, they have been so denounced, they have been so pressed (if you look for the pressing to the reports that will go out of these speeches), that I scarcely know how they will be able to face a chivalrous, bold and fighting constituency; and I have fancied that the object was to take advantage of the circumstances under which they were placed here. I did feel that a great injustice was done to the Senator from Georgia (Mr. Gordon) the other day, when there seemed to be a studied effort to irritate and to goad that faithful representative. At that very time he had sent a dispatch to the people of Louisiana in which he had called upon them in words positive and unequivocal, "Bear all your tribulations; suffer, even suffer to manacles; but resist not the authority of the United States." While the honorable Senator from Georgia, in the spirit of the Cincinnati platform-of amity, of friendship, and healing of wounds, the spirit of conciliation, the spirit of magnanimity, the spirit of chivalry and of honor--was thus attempting to throw oil upon the troubled elements, that he should thus be attacked was to me most astounding, especially as he had just placed the fetters of peace upon hands that illustrated his valor in battle. The people of the country will understand it. Men are Dot to be badgered now from the North any more than it was once said, in the days of slavery, that they were not to be badgered from the South. We now stand upon a common platform, we now occupy the same position, and the people will apply the corrective. The people at the polls will give it the quietus; and the people of the North everywhere are

   Here followed a searching analysis of centralizing legislation, in which it was shown that almost every function of states rights was assumed by congress; though the Lincoln republican platform of 1860 had declared, it was "The right of each state to order and control its own domestic institutions, according to its own judgment, exclusively."

   Finishing his second day's speech Mr. Tipton called attention to the great political upheaval which had advanced democratic interests.

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