Proceedings & Collections - NSHS - Vol. IV

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SENATOR W. V. ALLEN.

March 4th, 1893--March 4th, 1899.

   William Vincent Allen, of Madison, was born in Midway, Madison County, Ohio, January 28, 1847; removed with his step-father's family to Iowa in 1857; was educated in the common schools of Iowa and attended the upper Iowa University at Fayette for a time, but did not graduate; was a private soldier in Company G, Thirty-second Iowa Volunteer Infantry, during the war of rebellion, the last five months of his service being on the staff of Gen. J. 1. Gilbert; read law with Hon. L. L. Ainsworth, at West Union, Iowa, and was admitted to the bar May 31, 1869, and practiced law from then until elected Judge of the District Court of the Ninth Judicial District of Nebraska, in the fall of 1891. He moved from Iowa to Nebraska in 1884; was married May 2, 1870; was elected United States Senator, to succeed Algernon Sidney Paddock, February 7, 1893, for the full term of six years, commencing March 4, 1893, His term of service expired March 3, 1899.
   The first appearance of Senator Allen in a legislative session was in the extra one commencing August 7, 1893, convened by order of President Cleveland, to consider and relieve the country from financial panic.
   Having been a resident of Nebraska only nine years, he had yet to acquire state and national recognition by force of character and talent.
   Coming from the ranks of a new party, which had equally inflicted political injury upon each of the old ones, the pious of the leaders drew upon their Bible treasures for, "What will this babbler say?" But it was immediately evident that he came not to "sit at the feet of Gamaliel," but to "tread upon his toes," as indicated in his first speech, August 23, 1893.

MR. ALLEN: I deem it to be the highest duty of a member of this chamber, now that the nation is confronted with gloom and threatened with financial and industrial ruin, to lay aside all partisan tactics and prejudice and give to

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the proper solution of this important question his most enlightened and profound judgment and fervent devotion; and I must confess that I was somewhat surprised and pained on the second day of this session to witness a fruitless and partisan discussion, somewhat acrimonious, and in my judgment entirely unprovoked, precipitated upon the Senate, which consumed valuable time to no useful purpose.
When witnessing such scenes I am not surprised that the American people are losing confidence, if they have not already lost it, in the ability and purpose of congress to legislate in their interests.

He did not come into that august presence to apologize for his party but rather to utter its eulogy.

Mr. President, I am an humble member of a new political party that has recently come into existence and public notice, made necessary by the constant drifting of the Nation from its original constitutional moorings into the shallow and treacherous waters of unchecked power. The people-and I speak of the masses-have so frequently appealed to the general government for wise and humane monetary legislation, only to have their appeals fall on deaf or unsympathetic ears, that it became necessary as a matter of self-preservation for them to create a new political party, founded upon Jeffersonian simplicity, and imperatively demanding a return of the Nation to first principles of government; and I am pleased to say that this party, full of hope and confidence. is hourly growing in numbers, in courage, intelligence, and discipline, and will, sooner or later, force the two old parties of the Nation into administering the affairs of the government in the interest of the people, or into political disintegration and death.

He magnified their sagacity:

The People's party of America, while taking strong grounds on the subject of national taxation, asserted in the most positive terms that the crowning question of this country and this age was the question of money; and in less than five months from the close of the election in November last the Nation was confronted with an industrial and financial depression such as has not been witnessed in this country for fifty years, if indeed its equal has ever been known.
To-day the Democratic and Republican parties are brought face to face with a condition of public affairs that was foretold by the common people months before it happened.

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Now within the arena, with banner bearing the motto, "In enemies, in peace friends," as though "to the manner born." all comers are challenged in unequivocal terms.

   Mr. President--Is the President correct in his conclusion that the Sherman act is the cause of our trouble? In my Judgment, Mr. President, the Sherman act has nothing to do in the slightest degree with the evil that confronts us. No one has become frightened at the ability of this government to redeem every pledge it has made, as fast as its pledges shall become due.
   While we all understand that the purchasing clause of the Sherman act is a miserable makeshift, resorted to and enacted to avoid the blessing of the free and unlimited coinage of silver, as has been confessed in this chamber, yet it is wiser by far to retain it until something better is offered in its place, than to surrender to an enemy who has been constant in season and out of season for twenty years to strike down silver and deprive the people of one-half of their constitutional money; thus increasing in enormous proportion the debts of the people, shrinking the value of their property and labor, and making the rich richer and the poor poorer.
   Sir, the Sherman act is the last feeble barrier that stands between the patriotic and industrious masses of our people and that horde of insolent, aggressive and ravenous moneychangers and gamblers of Lombard street and Wall street, who for private gain would, through a shrinking and contracted volume of money, turn the world back into the gloom. of the Dark Ages with all its attendant evil and misery. We cannot suffer this to be done; we must stand like a wall of fire against its accomplishment, and only when the measure that is to succeed the present law is shown to us and enacted into a law can we with safety repeal the Sherman act.

Illustrative of the promptness with which Senator Allen espoused official duties, the fact is that on the ninth day of the session he offered an amendment to a bill, providing that interest should cease upon bonds as the basis of bank note issue during the time such notes were in possession of the bond-holders, and upon request, volunteered a few explanatory remarks, concluding:

I desire to say that a majority of the people whom I represent, I will say nine-tenths of the people of the State of

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Nebraska, are unalterably opposed to anything which looks like a perpetuation of the national banks. The time has come when we should take some radical steps to eliminate them from our institutions, and it occurs to me that this amendment, and especially the second proviso of it, if adopted, would give the country warning that we intend, as soon and as speedily as possible, to drive out of existence the national banks of issue.

He was neither astonished or alarmed at an exportation of gold, since the director of the mint stated that Austria and other European governments were raising the rates of exchange in order to enlarge their stock of gold; and especially since the International Gold Trust had forced some inferior nations to a gold basis. Said he:

Mr. President, of late we have heard it boldly asserted here and elsewhere, that silver is not the money of the constitution; and from the expression of the President in his message that "gold and silver must here part company, we have a right to believe that he, too, entertains this view of the question. I must confess my utter astonishment at this assertion, in view of the language and purpose of the constitution, the history of the time when it was framed and adopted by our ancestors, the treatment of the question by congress in our coinage legislation, the voice of the judiciary when speaking on the subject, and the treatment of the matter by the various political parties in their respective platforms. All these, when impartially considered, demonstrate that silver is, and ever has been, the money of the constitution, and it cannot now be abandoned by congress without a flagrant and inexcusable refusal on our part to, in good faith, enforce, in the interest of the nation at large, a power expressly enjoined upon us for the general welfare.

In behalf of silver coinage he gave the history of Washington's time of the constitution--the approving opinion by Webster--decisions of U. S. courts and friendly legislation for a term of 81 years. He supplemented this with many resolutions of Republican and Democratic conventions, both state and national. And finally overwhelmed Senator McPherson with a deluge of authorities to the following effect:

Intrinsic value of a thing stamped or coined has nothing to do with the question of power. Such metals so stamped

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are not issued or put in circulation on the faith or credit of the United States government, no pledges are made to redeem them, and they may possess little or no intrinsic value; yet it is not denied that such pieces of metal so stamped or coined may be lawfully issued and made a legal tender and thus become lawful money of the United States.

He was often very fortunate in giving a condensed view of arguments and statements, in a few well chosen words, as in the case of "balance of trade":

Mr. President, we have been told that the nation in whose favor the "balance of trade" exists at the close of the trading season is to be considered the most fortunate nation, and that we must so order the affairs of this country as to annually obtain this balance of trade. A balance of trade is only a national blessing when it represents some profit to our people. If it is bought by the sale of our products far below their cost, and at a sacrifice of our civilization, it is a curse rather than a blessing. Of what benefit can it be to the people of this country if they should obtain the entire stock of European gold by a sacrifice of their property and labor, while Europe may be enjoying their products as well as profits? If the balance of trade is to be purchased at a sacrifice, we have only to indulge in such luxury for a few years to completely pauperize our labor and destroy our national wealth. It would be better for our people, better for our aggregate wealth, if the balance of trade should be annually against us than to purchase it at too great a sacrifice.

Also in reference to equality or parity:

How is it expected to institute a comparison between two unequal things--two things that are, according to an imperative law of nature, considered as articles of commerce traveling in opposite directions? Gold daily growing more scarce and in greater demand throughout the civilized world, and silver crippled by being denied equal coinage privileges at the mints, growing more plentiful, with lessened money use, it must be expected that their commercial value will radically differ. But put both metals upon an equality before the law, and they will stand equal in the commercial and monetary world. I do not doubt that the very moment silver is permitted free access at the mints its price will go up throughout the civilized world. Only last week the London silver market advanced in anticipation of the action of congress retaining the present Sherman act.

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One valuable feature of the speech was an analysis of the gold of the world, showing that it was controlled largely by European and foreign powers; and the unavoidable conclusion:

   We have, then, one of three remedies open to us--
   First. We can issue bonds and purchase gold, and by that means saddle upon the industries and people of this country an endless national debt; or,
   Second. We can resort to overexpanded bank credits in the future as we have been doing in the past; or,
   Third. We can tap the silver mines of the Rocky Mountains and cause to flow into our volume of currency a stream of silver equal to the demands of our people.
   Which will we do?
   Mr. President, if we adopt the first course offered to us by gold monometalists, we have no assurance that the gold which we purchase and put in the treasury to-morrow will remain there twenty-four hours. The same means by which the treasury has been depleted and looted in the past of its gold may be resorted to in the future, and we will be compelled to issue more bonds to buy more gold, and by this means a perpetual national debt will be created and will rest upon our people for years to come. There is no end there can be none--to a system of this kind.
   If we resort, on the other hand, to bank credits, we resort, in my judgment, to an infinitely worse scheme. I am not prepared, so far as I am concerned, to have this government abandon the constitutional power of coining and controlling money. The power to coin and regulate the value of money, and control its volume, is a vital sovereign power devolved by the constitution on congress. I am not prepared for the time when this government shall abandon this sovereign power, which should be exercised in the interest of the masses of the people, and farm it out to bankers, brokers, and gamblers in stocks and bonds, that they may tax the industries and energies of this country ad libitum.

This maiden effort was prefaced with the statement that he had, in part, the honor of representing "nearly one million and a half of American citizens" though he feared he might be charged with too early seeking an opportunity to be heard on the floor of the Senate.
By the time he came to the following conclusion, the members were fully satisfied that they "had a foeman worthy of their steel":

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   Mr. President--I began this discussion with reluctance and I close it with reluctance; for, scattered over the great plains of our country, in its woodlands, on its mountain sides, and in its valleys, are millions of our countrymen who are suffering ineffable misery in consequence of this unholy warfare waged upon their rights.
   Their eyes are turned toward this city, and they are now earnestly looking and listening for the decree that is to go forth from this chamber, enslaving them and their children for generations to come, or that is to strike from them the chains of financial bondage and set them free.
   If we act wisely and patriotically, and give to the people of our country a sufficient volume of sound and scientific money to enable them to set all the energies of nature and man at work producing wealth, once more the sunlight of prosperity, like the natural sun that dispels the mist and the dew, will kiss away the clouds of doubt and fear, and we will witness an era of prosperity more wonderful than the. world has ever known.

On the 13th day of September we find him declaring that senators who are officers or stockholders of banks should not vote in cases where pecuniary interests are involved, on the principle of the common law, excluding judges and jurors, from action in eases where they were pecuniarily interested.
On September 27th his speech was a plea for deferring action on the absorbing question of "unlimited coinage of silver" till the States of Washington, Wyoming and Montana could elect each another Senator:

Here is a question, Mr. President, of vital importance not alone to those states but of vital importance to every state in this Union. The evil that may be done by the adoption of the measure before the Senate for the unconditional repeal of the Sherman act cannot be measured by to-day nor by to-morrow, and it cannot be measured for ages to come. It is a measure that ties the industrial classes of this Nation to the chariot wheel of the plutocrat now and hereafter. It is a measure that shrinks one-half of the value of the property and labor of this country. When the people of the great mountain states, six in number, and three territories, if I am not incorrectly informed, are upon the verge of starvation, when the cry of God's poor for something to eat is heard in a land of plenty, when the cry of the child stung by hunger is to be heard in those states,

W. V. ALLEN.

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is it not proper that the Senate of the United States should pause for a sufficient length of time to permit three of those states to be fully represented here?

On September 30th he is heard on the subject of a double standard:

MR. ALLEN: If a dollar, of whatever material it be composed, possesses debt-paying qualities, is it not as good as every other dollar? Would it not be as wise to say of a watch, composed of steel, brass and gold, that it is three watches instead of one, as to say that we have a double or different standard of money?

On the 3rd of October, when there was a disposition to deny certain information to congress he proclaimed:

That except in mere matters of diplomacy, which are in charge of the executive branch of the government, the legislative branch is entitled to all information essential to assist it in the discharge of its duty upon a resolution or request, not merely that it may have it in the grace of another department, but that it has a constitutional right to it, without any equivocation on the part of the other branch of the government?

October 4th, on the subject of contraction he said:

I wish to call attention to the fact that in 1866 the government commenced the process of contracting its currency, and before 1873 it had called in over $600,000,000 of its paper money and destroyed it.

October 11th, on the subject of majority rule he was very explicit:

Mr. President--It is quite true that a majority have a right to rule in this country, but they have a right to rule only when the minority have expressed their opinion according to legal methods and in accordance with the constitution or the statutes creating and giving power to the minority to express themselves. Nothing is better settled in this country (and I diverge at this point for a moment) than that this is a government of laws, not of men; and whenever the constitution gives a minority the right to contest the ground occupied by a majority and eventually bring them to their senses, if they have lost their senses upon any public question, the minority have a right to do that without being charged with being filibusters or obstructing the orderly conduct of the government.
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PRELUDE TO SPEECH OF OCTOBER 7, 11 AND 12.

   The real question at issue was, Shall an act be passed denying the right of the government to further purchase silver for coinage, without restoring to the people the right of "unlimited coinage," which they had possessed for 81 years prior to 1873?
   Half the Democrats of the Senate, with a majority of the Republicans, making a small majority of the whole body were willing to repeal the purchasing clause of the Sherman act of 1890, without restoring "free coinage," while the balance of the Democrats, with a minority of Republicans and the four Populists, were willing to repeal the act, and in the same bill restore the "unlimited coinage of silver."
   In behalf of the last proposition Senator Allen delivered the introduction of his astonishing speech October 7th, and on the 11th commenced again and continued it from 5 P. M. to 8 A. M., October 12th - fifteen hours.
   The supposed majority could not stop debate, because the Senate had no rule allowing a call of the previous question. So they determined to keep the Senate in perpetual session till, overcome for want of sleep and rest, the silver advocates should submit to a final vote.
   They further determined that they should not transact any other business during the time they were exhausting their energies, and hence refused to adjourn the Senate for two weeks but used a recess to carry them over from day to day.
   So when the chaplain opened the Senate with prayer October 1st, they dismissed him for the time being, as that day was to last till they could force a vote.
   Of this parliamentary strategy Mr. Allen spoke as follows:

Mr. President--Another singular thing is that there has not been a legislative day since ten days ago. One week ago last Tuesday we started upon a legislative day and we are continuing that day now.
It has been a time-honored custom--whether it is a rule or not I do not know--that the proceedings of this body should be opened by prayer. There has not been a prayer offered in this chamber in ten days. I desire to say, Mr. President, that in my judgment it was fitting that this Sen-

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ate should cease listening to prayers at the time it did and when it started into the accomplishment of this most iniquitous of all legislation in our national history; and I suppose after a time, when this unconditional repealing act takes place and gold is set up as the single standard and the sole god of some, the men of Wall Street and Lombard Street, whose sympathizers are here and elsewhere outside of this chamber, will come together and sing that good old song

"Nearer, my God, to Thee,
Nearer to Thee,"

for gold is their god. Not only so, but in consequence of not having another legislative day, this government is put at the absolute mercy of one man. It is a complete revolution of our government. It takes here, for instance, unanimous consent for the last ten days to get a measure, however important it may be, before this body. Suppose something should occur requiring our instant attention, it would require the unanimous consent of Senators here to enable us to consider it. There is a complete change in the organization. The right of petition, held sacred under our constitution, regarded as sacred by every citizen of this land, is cut off here in consequence of this continuous session. Every safeguard guaranteed to the people of this country by the constitution must be abandoned or imperiled for the instant accomplishment of this infamous This is something that in my judgment ought not to exist in a legislative body of the dignity and responsibility of this.

During the night sessions the majority learned that "chickens come home to roost," for silver party advocates decided that a quorum of the Senate should be present at all times, and as often as the repealers betook themselves to cots and lounges in the cloak rooms for slumber, a call of the Senate was ordered, and they had to return and answer to their names.
At 8 o'clock on the morning of the 12th the majority saw their theory of wearing out Silver Senators completely exploded by the "bright and early" Senator from Nebraska.

MR. ALLEN: Mr. President--There are many other interesting features of this question which I have failed to discuss, yet I think a sense of duty to other Senators, who have not yet had an opportunity to speak upon this question, requires that I should give way this morning to Senators who are prepared and who are desirous of being heard.

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I shall take occasion hereafter, if the opportunity offers itself, to submit some observations upon some important branches of this very important question which I have not yet discussed.

   During the delivery of the speech twenty-two Senators, by the courtesy of the speaker, entered the list with questions and replies until they consumed half his time with pertinent, impertinent and irrelevant issues.
   Mr. Allen sustained his positions with extracts from twenty-four accredited authors upon financial and economic questions, showing great and patient research.
   His time was broken in upon by about a dozen roll calls. Intending to be courteous and fair in all things, but pertinaciously beset by Senators of both the old parties, a reformer's aggressiveness and tact stood him in good demand, and evinced a willingness to select his own weapons and stand by his colors.

TART AND POINTED.

   In reply to Mr. White of Louisiana he said: "Mr. President, I do not propose to stand here and answer such questions as are put to me by the Senator from Louisiana. The Senator from Nebraska will pursue his own course in this debate."
   To Mr. Squire: "I do not think I will permit the Senator from Washington to inject anything into my speech."
   To Mr. Hoar: "I do not know what the Senator from Massachusetts means, whether he means to insult me. I do not think that his question calls for an answer."
   To Mr. Gallinger: "I do not care anything about what the Senator from New Hampshire believes. He should be more careful of his language. The Senator from Nebraska understands the ordinary English language and its use."
   To Mr. Palmer: "Several Senators have attempted to make me assault my own state. It is not only disagreeable, but it is not true."
   Mr. Allen having called Senator Palmer to order, for charging him with speaking against time, said, "I will not suffer an imputation of that kind to be made without a denial."

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MR. PALMER: The Senator will deny if he chooses. I have expressed the belief that no mortal man who intends simply to instruct can speak twelve or fourteen hours.
MR. ALLEN: I am not here with a brass collar around my neck as some other Senators are in this chamber. I am not here to do the bidding of some man who puts chains upon my neck and tells me what to do.

Long as this prelude is, it only gives a mere glimpse at the concomitants of a speech of national fame.

INTRODUCTION.

Mr. Allen said:

   Mr. President--The first time I appeared in the Senate I felt as though I ought to apologize for doing so. The first time I had occasion to submit some observations upon the measure now under consideration I felt that I was under an obligation to apologize to the Senate for doing so and for breaking what I understand is an unwritten rule which has been in force in this body for many years, that a new member shall listen rather than talk. I presume if any apology is due from me to-day it is not to the Senate or the United States, but to Wall Street and Lombard Street for delaying somewhat the passage of the measure now before the Senate.
   I have no desire, Mr. President, to consume unnecessary time.
   MR. STEWART: Will the Senator from Nebraska yield that I may suggest the want of a quorum?
   MR. ALLEN: No, I do not care for a quorum.
   MR. STEWART: All right; but I think Senators would learn something if they would come here.
   MR. ALLEN: I will make them hear me whether they are here or not.
   Proceeding at once to grapple with what he denominated political fallacies, he announced as the first: THE FALLACY OF INTRINSIC VALUE.    Mr. President--Our friends upon the other side have taught many political heresies, and one of the heresies taught by them in this discussion has been the chief of heresies, intrinsic value. My friend, the Senator from Oregon (Mr. Dolph), on two separate days sent out for a dictionary, had it brought in here, and read it to us to show that there was such a thing as intrinsic value in money.