Proceedings & Collections - NSHS - Vol. IV

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HON. GILBERT LAFAYETTE LAWS.

March 4th, 1889--March 4th, 1891.

Gilbert Lafayette Laws, of McCook, was born March 11, 1838, near Olney, Richland County, Illinois; removed with his parents to Iowa County, Wisconsin, in 1845; received his primary education in the common schools; subsequently attended Haskell University, Wisconsin, and Milton College, Wisconsin; while in college he worked during summers at the lumber business to procure money to prosecute his studies during winter; after leaving college he taught school till the spring of 1861, when he enlisted in the 5th Infantry, Wisconsin Volunteers; was wounded in the battle of Williamsburg, Virginia, May 5th, 1862, on account of which his left leg was amputated below the knee; after his discharge in July, 1862, he returned to Wisconsin and located in Richland County, whither his parents had moved during his absence; was elected clerk of that county in November, 1862, to which position he was twice re-elected; during a part of this time he edited the Richland County Observer, a Republican paper; disposing of his newspaper he engaged in the manufacture of lumber, bedsteads, and wagon materials, was chairman of the county board; was elected mayor of Richland Centre in 1870; was appointed postmaster in 1869 and served till 1876, when he resigned and removed to Orleans, Nebraska. While postmaster he was captain of the United States steamer Winneconne, employed in the improvement of the Fox and Wisconsin Rivers. Immediately after locating in Nebraska, he became editor of the Republican Valley Sentinel, a staunch Republican paper, and continued this work till 1881; was appointed Register of the U. S. Land Office at McCook, Nebraska, in 1883, and served in that official capacity till November 1, 1886; was elected Secretary of State November 2, 1886, and re-elected in 1888, and was elected to the 51st Congress to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of the Hon. James Laird, as a Republican, receiving 27,000 votes against 21,000 for Charles D. Casper,

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Democrat, and 1800 for Rev. E. Bentley, Prohibitionist. Entering Congress as the successor of Mr. Laird, whose failing health had caused a large accumulation of unfinished business, prior to his decease, Mr. Laws was at once overwhelmed with a correspondence independent of the current duties of his own term of office. And yet, during that single term (for he was not a candidate for re-election), the Record shows twenty-six bills and joint resolutions offered--forty petitions presented, and thirty-eight reports made by him from the Committee on Invalid Pensions.
On the occasion of "Funeral Honors" to his predecessor he addressed the House as follows:

DEATH OF HON. JAMES LAIRD, APRIL 12, 1890. MR. LAWS: Mr. Speaker, in asking this House to suspend for a time its usual and appropriate labors, to pay tribute of respect to the memory of a friend, late a member of this body, it is proper that some acknowledgement of this mark of esteem should be extended to this House, and to those so kindly contributing by their presence and by their words to the dignity and solemnity of this occasion. The highest honor man can confer upon his fellow man is the privilege of making laws for their common government; when that privilege has been used and the consequent duty discharged with such fidelity as to meet the repeated approval of those conferring that high trust, it would seem that the reasonable expectation of friends and a laudable ambition had been met, and that such a life, no matter when terminated, had been to an eminent degree honored and successful. But death comes to most men at an unexpected moment, and very often, to our weak judgment, at an unfortunate and inappropriate time, and, while our lips are taught to say, "Thy will be done," our hearts rebel in silent anguish, and our souls refuse to be comforted by the most ardent faith in the sweetest promises of the life to come. James Laird, late a member of the 51st Congress, died at his home in Hastings, Nebraska, August 17, 1889, aged 40 years. He was born at Fowlerville, N. Y., June 20, 1849; removed with his parents to Michigan, where he was educated at Adrian College and Michigan University, and graduated from the law school of the latter in: 1871. He enlisted in the Union army at the age of 13 and served till the close of the war.

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   He was five times wounded and promoted to the rank of Major before reaching the age of 17.
   Always prominent in state affairs, he bore a conspicuous part in forming the present constitution of his adopted state, whence he was three times elected a member of Congress, and by increasing majorities at each succeeding election, doubly attesting the fact that his official life was approved by his constituents. Endowed with a profusion of nature's choicest gifts, a vigorous and comprehensive intellect, a lively and well sustained imagination, wit, humor, eloquence, courage, and tender sentiment, a fine physique, health, strength, and manly bearing--he ought to have lived to a round old age, and should have been gathered as the shock fully ripened for the harvest. But he was taken at the noontime; when the shadows fall nearest the pathway; when life was most desirable and life's work most useful; when the summons to one of the youngest and strongest of his fellows was a surprise and a sorrow to his friends and to his colleagues upon this floor.
   No extended delineation of his character will be attempted by me. Standing in this presence, to say that he had no faults would be to claim for him that he was not human, and would be as offensive to him living as untruthful of him dead. He despised shams and pretenses in all their forms. What he seemed, he was, what he thought, he said, what he felt was right, he did. He sought the foe in the open field, refused ambush, and practiced no disguise. To achieve success or promote a personal end he never compromised, with an enemy and never betrayed a friend. He feared no man nor hated one. He believed in God and loved his fellow man. The generosity of, his nature was as boundless as the prairies of his home, where the sun sets as on the sea. In the softer charities of human weal, in the relation of husband and father, he never lived. Two brothers fell fighting by his side on the battlefield, and another was killed by accident on the western plains. An aged father, then a widowed mother left him, some years ago, the sole surviving member of his family, "to walk the path of life alone."
   As a citizen, James Laird was public spirited, progressive, liberal and wise. As a lawyer, he was able, earnest, industrious and faithful to the interest of those he served. As a soldier, he was ever found at the post of duty, displaying the highest form of moral courage, seeing and knowing a danger, yet daring to meet it. Bold, dashing and impetuous, he was a born leader of men, inspiring confidence by the exhibition of his own courage, commanding obedience

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by this strong and unyielding will, and winning admiration by the quickness and correctness of his judgment. Like every true soldier, the flag of his country was ever the object of his veneration. To him that flag was not simply a few yards of tri-colored bunting, but a symbol of majesty and power. It was the emblem of his country, her greatness, her beneficence, and her power, her people, her institutions, and her laws; with every rod of territory, where might be seen or felt the print of human foot, the touch of human hand or the beat of human heart, sacredly dedicated to liberty, justice and right. But, Mr. Speaker, the fires of passion that burned unceasingly in his being are quenched. The currents of the rich red blood of health that coursed through his veins are choked at the fountain. The warm glow of health, that literally flowed off his finger ends, is chilled. And during the long weary months of pain and sickness, when strength failed, when the strong will was bowed and broken, when the bright and powerful intellect was clouded, when burdened with the weight of public cares and duties undischarged for want of health, worn and worried because of promises yet unfulfilled and useful work uncompleted, friends, in kindness all, could not be made to feel that he whose strong right arm had turned aside the blow not aimed at self, that he who oft had met the storm of battle undismayed, indeed was faint and weak.
   Under such a strain endurance ceased, the mind was turned, the heart was grieved, and in solitude he sought relief.
   He closed his door for rest and peace and thus to him came death.
   Of him I say what I believe. He kept a faithful friendship with his friends, whom loyally he served before himself. He locked his lips too close to tell a lie. He washed his hands too white to touch a bribe.

Occupying only one congressional term, the above was the only lengthy address presented by Mr. Laws, to the Housean address so honest in utterance, so pure in taste, and eloquent in language, as to be a veritable surprise and charm.

MEMBERS OF U. S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

443

HON. W. J. CONNELL.

March 4th, 1889--March 4th, 1891.

William J. Connell, of Omaha, was born at Cowansville, Canada, July 6, 1846; removed to the village Schroon Lake, New York, when 11 years of age; received an academic education; in April, 1867, located at Omaha, where he has since resided; was admitted to the bar in 1869, and has been actively engaged in the practice of his profession since; was elected District Attorney of the third Judicial District of Nebraska in 1872, and re-elected in 1874; was appointed city attorney of Omaha in 1883 and occupied that position until 1887; is married, was elected to the 51st Congress, as a Republican, receiving 32,926 votes, against 29,510 for J. Sterling. Morton, Democrat, 2,962 for E. B. Graham, Prohibitionist, and 650 for J. W. Edgerton, Labor Union Candidate.
The debut of Mr. Connell in the House of Representatives was in the role of scholarly eulogist, rather than that of political orator. The occasion being memorial services in honor of his predecessor, Mr. Connell addressed the House as follows:

Mr. Speaker, once more the busy turmoil of the House is hushed in memory of the dead. All differences, political or sectional are silenced. Contentions and controversies are forgotten while with a common sorrow we offer our tributes to the memory of a departed brother. In summing up the life and character of my late colleague from Nebraska I would not, if I could, paint a picture free from blemishes. Frailties are incident to the most exalted characters. Faults and failings are the shadows which nature, no less than art, demands for her most perfect work. As a new member I had hoped to have received the friendly counsel of my colleague in place of joining in this memorial service. During the three terms of a member of the 48th, 49th, and 50th Congresses he was a striking and picturesque character on the floor of this House. He was a remarkable combination of extremes. His character was of the composite type, having in it the ruggedness and grandeur of the mountain, with the genial

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warmth and beauty of the valley. He was a true child of the prairie. Like a western cyclone he carried everything before him with. irresistible force. His physique was powerful and his manner intensely dramatic. He was a tower of strength. His strength, however, was his greatest weakness. He seemed to know the laws of nature only to violate them. Like a powerful engine, with steam at double pressure, he failed to heed the warning of the brakes until the collision came. After the close of his labors at the last session of Congress he immediately entered upon the work of the political campaign in Nebraska with his characteristic zeal and earnestness. Neither sleep nor rest seemed to be required by him. On all sides were his services demanded, and to every call he made response. A few days prior to the election in November, when the work which he had outlined for himself was well nigh completed, he was suddenly prostrated and rendered unable to fill his engagements for the last days of the campaign. This work was unnecessary so far as his own election was concerned, as the large majority he received will attest. For a time he seemed to rally, but he was never again the "Jim Laird" of old. He returned to Washington, but not to active service. The fire which had burned with intensity had become smoldering embers. The light which had shown with brilliancy bad become a flickering flame.
Once more he sought his old home in Nebraska, where with freedom from care and perfect rest it was hoped the old flush of health would return. When his hope seemed in fair way of realization, a surgical operation of supposed slight consequence was deemed necessary. It was, however, attended with fatal results. On the morning of August 7, 1889, James Laird passed to his eternal rest. He was born June 20, 1849, at Fowlerville, Livingston County, New York. As a mere boy, when only 13 years of age, he entered the army, enlisting as a private in the 17th Michigan Infantry. He served with the Army of the Potomac until the close of the war.
Upon receiving an honorable discharge, July 8, 1865, he returned to his home near Hudson, Michigan. He soon afterwards entered the Michigan University at Ann Arbor, and graduated from the law college in 1871. The following year he removed to Juniata, Nebraska, where he entered upon the active practice of his profession. He subsequently removed to Hastings, Nebraska, which place continued his home until the time of his death. It was my privilege, in company with my colleagues, Congressmen Laws and Dorsey, to attend his funeral.

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The day was beautiful and the services impressive. In the soft twilight of the afternoon, the emaciated form of our departed friend and brother was lowered to its final resting place. His life work on earth is ended, his career is cut short. May we not hope that in the world beyond will be witnessed the rounding of a life so brilliant, so brief, and so incomplete. Surely there is a life immortal, where may be realized the pure ideal which few, if any, this side of the ocean which separates the present from the future, have ever attained.

"O life, what mystery thy birth enshrouds,
For ages past hath man in vain essayed
This mystery to solve, thy origin to learn,
O soul! my soul! Speak out and tell me clear
Whence camest thou here?
Whence thy deep yearnings for immortal life?
Methinks I hear thee say
'Be still and trust. In God we live, and move
And have our being: more we cannot know.'"

FREE COINAGE.

Though Mr. Connell's debut in the House was in the role of scholarly eulogist rather than that of political orator, on the 21st day of June, 1890, on a bill involving free coinage of silver, he indulged in a strain of wit and irony.

Mr. Speaker--Like my friend from Nevada (Mr. Bartine) am a new member from "the wild and wooly West."
I am free to admit that I have only a limited knowledge regarding national legislation. I confess that I am inexperienced so far as the rules and practices of this House are concerned. It may be that it is due to such limited knowledge and inexperience that I am unable to understand the position of Republican members about me who declare in favor of free coinage and vote in the opposite direction. There is much regarding the rules and procedure of this House which I do not understand. But I do not propose in the brief space of two minutes, which has been yielded to me, to undertake to tell all I do not know, as that would be impossible. I do wish, however, to refer to one thing I can not understand, and that is, why this is made a political question. I can not see why a line should be drawn through the center of this hall, dividing Democrats and Republicans. I deny that this is a political question. It is above and beyond that, and if you wait until the roll is called you will hear members on the other side voting according to their convictions, not their political convictions, but according to their belief on this question of free coinage.

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   Then why, on this side, should not members who are in favor of free and unlimited coinage of silver vote according to their convictions, vote as the representatives of the people who sent them here? Why do not the western members, who know the sentiment of the West, stand up like men and vote according to their convictions and not vote according to the speeches they have been delivering here in this House?
    Now, Mr. Speaker, there is one other thing I do not understand, and that is why those who favored limited debate when the silver bill was originally discussed are now pleading for time for its further consideration. If not for the purpose of "burying" the bill, it must be to suspend it, like Mohammed's coffin, "between high heaven and earth."
   I am in favor of meeting all questions arising under the amendments proposed by the Senate right here and now.
AN UNMITIGATED STEAL.

July 14, 1890, Mr. Connell entered an emphatic protest against a bill granting additional special privileges to the Baltimore & Potomac Railroad.

Mr. Chairman, I am in favor of this amendment. When it (the bill) first came up for discussion a few weeks ago, after carefully reading its provisions, I was a good deal puzzled to understand how any member of this House, having any regard for the interest of the people, or the rights of the public could approve it. It seemed to me to indicate on its face that it was an unmitigated steal. I could not but regard it as a bold attempt to obtain something for nothing.
I do not know where the bill originated, but if we can judge by the ear-marks. it is safe to assert that it was prepared by some salaried attorney of the Pennsylvania Railroad Company, solely in the interest of that great corporation, and in utter disregard of the rights of the people.
GAG RULE.

August 9, 1890, on a bill touching the interests of a small remnant of an Indian tribe in his district, he demanded independent action on questions non-political and non-partisan in the following strain:

Mr. Speaker, I might talk here for three hours instead of fifteen minutes. I might read at length the voluminous testimony which is before me, but what avail would it be,

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when we are prevented from taking any action with reference to this senate amendment? This resolution, which I have opposed, has the effect of a gag rule. Now I fail to see, in consideration of matters of this kind which are not political in their character, why such a resolution should be supported by the members on this side of the House, merely because it comes from the committee on rules, a majority of which are Republicans.
EIGHT HOUR LAW.

On the 28th day of August, 1890, he called up a bill prescribing eight hours as a legal day's work for laborers, workmen and mechanics employed by the Government of the United States. In his management of the affirmative side of the debate he evinced a very commendable degree of efficiency for a new member in his first term, and in debate displayed much research, abounding in faultless statement, deep conviction and well chosen periods, meriting and receiving the hearty applause of the House.
The closing paragraphs of the argument were as follows:

   Mr. Speaker, on one occasion, many years ago, in the consideration of a great financial problem by this House, the brilliant but eccentric Randolph, of Roanoke, tragically exclaimed: "I have found it. I have discovered the philosopher's stone. It is pay as you go." I do not claim to be a Randolph, or to be possessed of the remarkable gifts which made him such a striking and picturesque character in the history of our country. I do claim, however, that the philosopher's stone has again been discovered, and that a remedy for the evils of the present labor system has been found which will bring happiness to the wage worker and peace and prosperity to capital. It is to so raise wages and reduce the hours of toil as will make life worth living and give work to the unemployed.
   Why should not the wage worker have some of the sunshine and leisure of life to enjoy the beauties of nature and the comforts of his home?
   The poet Goethe has truly said: "Every man should hear a little music, read a little poetry, and see a fine picture every day of his life, in order that the worldly cares of life may not blot out the sense of the beautiful implanted by God in the soul." As the tired laborer drags himself homeward after 10 or 12 hours of weary toil, what are these words of the poet to him but hollow mockery? Where is

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his opportunity for recreation and enjoyment, where the time for cultivating the sense of the beautiful? The sky may be azure blue; the heavens may be studded with sparkling gems; and all nature may rejoice; but the weary wage worker trudges along his way unconscious of it all; the sense of the beautiful has well nigh been blotted out of his soul.

"All hail the. dawn of a new day breaking,
When a strong-armed nation shall take away
The weary burdens from backs that are aching
With maximum labor and minimum pay."

Having served his party acceptably for one Congress, he was renominated in 1890; but the cyclone of reform swept every Republican district, while one Democrat and two Independents became Nebraska's representatives in the 52nd Congress.
During his first session he indicated his ability to defend his opinions and pleasantly add to the discussions of the House, while his last one, of ninety days, was given to the dryer details of the committee room and the perfecting of bills previously introduced.

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HON. GEORGE W. E. DORSEY.

March 4th, 1885--March 4th, 1891.

   George W. E. Dorsey was born in Loudon County, Virginia, January 25th, 1842; removed with his parents to Prescott County in 1856; was educated at private schools and Oak Hill Academy; recruited a company and entered the Union Army in August, 1861, as first lieutenant Sixth West Virginia Infantry; was promoted to the rank of captain and of major, and was mustered out with the Army of the Shenandoah, in August, 1865; removed to Nebraska in 1866; studied law and was admitted to the bar in 1869; in 1874 engaged in banking at Fremont, and continued in the business, achieving very great success; was a member of the Board of Trustees of the Insane Hospital, a member and vice-president of the State Board of Agriculture of Nebraska; was also chairman of the Republican State Central Committee; and in 1884 was elected a Representative from Nebraska to the 49th Congress.
   During the 49th Congress Mr. Dorsey received his initiation into the mysteries of national legislation, and addressed the House in a contested election case, also upon a bill to protect the dairy interest from that of oleomargarine, and in the interest of settlers upon public lands, and in behalf of pensioners.
   A recapitulation, from the index: to the Record of the 50th Congress, gives a fair average of the current duties, of the Nebraska member in the twentieth year of the State's existence. Bills and joint resolutions introduced were fifty-three, and petitions and papers fifty-two. Where bills, petitions, and resolutions were opposed by lobby agents or attorneys before committees the member had as arduous duties to perform as an attorney before a court. In case of a favorable report, he had often to duplicate his labors in committee of the whole, and then again in the House on final action.
   So that the mere enumeration of subjects introduced by Mr. Dorsey could not clearly indicate his services during that session. Add to these reports from committees, and a discussion of a
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tariff bill, and of one for a public building in Omaha, and in relation to Indian lands and army forts, and the conclusion must be that Mr. Dorsey was an efficient and faithful public servant.
   By the end of the 51st Congress his list of current work was increased; including the presentation of seventy-one bills and joint resolutions, sixty-six petitions and papers, fourteen committee reports, and the discussion of banks and tariffs, the admission of the State of Idaho, Civil Service, Pure Lard, and a eulogy upon the public character of his former colleague, James Laird; with incidental remarks on many other themes.
   A bill to put wool on the free list being under consideration, May 1st, 1888, Mr. Dorsey opened his discussion of the subject with a history of the wool interest of the United States from 1610, the date of sheep importation.
   In announcing his conclusion he said:

Mr. Chairman, it will be seen from these facts that under an ample protective tariff the wool interest has increased as it never had done under an insufficient tariff, while there is, literally speaking, no precedent for free wool, for never since 1816 has wool entered the ports of the United States free of duty. Why should this great interest of the farmers be suddenly taken out of the protective system and placed upon a free-trade basis? There is no good reason for it.

Turning attention to the benefits of protection to the interests of agriculture, he placed great reliance upon a. report of "J. R. Dodge, the statistician of the Agricultural Department for more than a generation"; a man, however, who has been severely criticised for his attempt to warp and construe national figures to the interest of his favorite party. The historical argument was also reinforced by reference to the repeal of the corn laws of Great Britain, from which he claimed that the promises of Cobden and Bright, members of Parliament, were not realized. Taking up the tariff reform messages of President Cleveland, attention was called to many of his declarations.

We are told that
"Millions of our people who never use and never saw any of the foreign products purchase and use things of the

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same kind made in this country, and pay therefor nearly or quite the same enhanced price which the duty adds to the imported articles."
   This is a serious error if intended to apply generally to manufactured necessaries in common use, as a little attention to facts will show.
   We are further told that
   "The worker in manufactures receives at the desk of his employer his wages, and perhaps before he reaches his home is obliged, in his purchase for his family use of an article which embraces his own labor, to return in the payment of the increase in price which the tariff permits the hard-earned compensation of many days of toil."
   If this were a common occurrence, as is intimated, it would be a serious matter. But what are the facts? What manufactures are chiefly consumed by "workers in manufactures?" Their food is for the most part necessarily of home production. The cost of meat and bread can be very little affected by the tariff. The tariff upon sugar is more considerable than that upon any other article of food and affects the cost of living of wage workers more than that upon all other food products combined.
   Doubtless all will agree with the President that such articles as do not in any way compete with our own products should be placed upon the free list. Probably we might safely, also, place upon the free list some things which we produce to a very limited extent, but for any considerable production of which our soil, climate, or other conditions are unfavorable.
   The President has received much praise in certain quarters for his courage in advocating radical tariff reduction. This Congress may well hesitate before entering upon a course fraught with such apparent peril, even if it fails to receive like approbation from the same source. In endeavoring to steer our financial bark from the Scylla of treasury accumulation we should be careful to avoid wrecking it in the Charybdis of gold exportation.
   Mr. Chairman, we all agree upon two propositions, namely, that the surplus should be reduced and that our revenue laws should be revised.
   Then what is our duty? Should we not deal with these questions in a businesslike manner? I think so. Then let us do those things which are for the best interests of the country, and at all times be guided by the experience of the past. Let us follow the course so plainly marked out, turning away from the seductive pleadings of the theorist and following the advice of the practical business men of the

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country. Each member upon this floor has fixed opinions upon the questions under consideration, and probably no two could agree in all details as to what is the true policy. Notwithstanding this fact, it is the duty of every member to submit for consideration the views he may entertain and then try to reconcile the differences that may exist. In my judgment it is the duty of the President to at once expend the surplus now in the treasury in purchasing and retiring our bonds.
   Then Congress should authorize the disbursement of the one hundred millions of gold now held in the treasury for the redemption of the legal-tender notes. The holding of this vast sum is the height of folly. Why should the Govment (sic) be required to hold within its own vaults any sum to make good its promise to pay? Using the surplus now in the treasury and the one hundred millions of gold he would at once put into circulation over $200,000,000 that are now hoarded, and the obligation of the government upon which we are paying interest would be decreased that amount less the premium upon the bonds.
   To prevent such accumulations in the treasury in the future, we should have a fair, just and equitable revision of our revenue laws. This should be done after a careful investigation and a patient hearing of all the interests affected by the changes proposed. The principle of protection to the interests that have been developed in this country should never be forgotten. If we could place lumber, coal and salt on the free list, and reduce the duty on sugar and molasses so the revenue arising therefrom should not exceed $10,000,000 per annum, and use the portion of that sum necessary to encourage sugar-growing in the country, the revenues would be reduced to the extent required and the people of the country benefited and no industry injured.
   If we pass the bill under consideration, we strike down and destroy one of our most important agricultural industries, in which over one million of our people are interested; we will force a reduction of the compensation paid to over two millions of wage workers in the different industries affected by the reductions in duty made in the bill; we give the Canadian farmer a market for his products, and place him upon an equal footing with our farmers of the North and West. Time will not allow me to show all the vicious provisions of this bill. It should and would be defeated. This country is not yet ready to take the first step in the direction of free trade. This Congress will not make glad the hearts of those who for the past thirty years have yearned for the markets of the great Republic. [Applause.]

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BEET SUGAR.

On the 20th of May, 1890, Mr. Dorsey argued:

   I think we should encourage the beet-sugar industry, that is attracting so much interest at this time. Germany did that and is doing it now and also the Republic of France. Germany not only lays a duty upon sugar, but pays a bounty upon the domestic product from beets. France does the same, and if gentlemen on this committee will take the time and will carefully read the report made by the Senate Committee on Agriculture and notice what is said by the Agricultural Department regarding the capabilities of this country, I am sure they will agree with me, that in fifteen years, if we do not strike down the protective system and put sugar upon the free list, the States of Iowa, Kansas, Nebraska, California and South Dakota can produce all the sugar consumed in the United States. Mr. Chairman, the farmers of my district will ask, if I vote for this bounty, which I may have to do [Laughter and applause on the Democratic side.]
   MR. DOCKERY: Why do you feel obligated to?
   MR. DORSEY: I say, while I may have to vote for this bill, they will ask why have you not given us a bounty upon corn?
   MR. DOCKERY: Yes, of course they will, and very properly.
   MR. DORSEY: Corn is not profitable in Nebraska, and has not been for years; and they may ask why we do not put a bounty upon honey and protect the little busy bee. [Laughter.]
   MR. OUTHWAIT: But you put bees-wax on the free list.
   MR. DORSEY: I am opposed to that. I think the bee ought to be protected.
   I am a protectionist and a Republican; and I think if the Republican party puts sugar on the free list and strikes down the protective system they make an argument stronger than any that may be made by an advocate of free trade on the floor of the Houses.

Again, upon the same day, Mr. Dorsey, the protectionist, was found advocating free lumber,--"In obedience to the wishes of the people of Nebraska, as expressed by joint resolution passed by the Legislative Assembly of the State."
In the last days of his congressional term Mr. Dorsey, as chairman of the Committee on Banks and Currency, called up a bill

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for an increase of bank issues, to the full amount of deposited bonds, instead of the former maximum of 90 per cent. Said he:

Some gentlemen upon the floor of the House and in private conversation have claimed that the national banks are close corporations. This is not so now. Any five gentlemen of standing in any town or city of this country can, if they will raise $50,000, organize a national bank. Of course, there is not much money in the business now. The banking interests of the country have served the business interests of the country. Now if the House pass this bill it will be an encouragement of the national banks to continue to hold the bonds that they are holding to-day at a positive loss, and it will give them cause to hope that this Congress will pass such a measure as will perpetuate the national banking system of the country. I know it was popular some years ago, especially in the West, to cry out against the national banks, but I am happy to say that day has passed. Now, as I have said, to pass this measure will encourage the national banks, and will encourage other private banks and state banks to go into the national system; and I ask the House, as a matter of justice to the banks, to pass this bill.
His final contribution to the literature of Congress was on the last day of his third term, when through the Congressional Record he introduced a voluminous newspaper article eulogizing the first two years of the administration of President Harrison.