Copyright 2000 - 2003 - Janine M. Bork
This page is part of the
Union County, OR AGHP
Campaign of Regulars East of Cascade Mountains - General Wool's Instructions to Colonel Wright - Attack on the Cascades - Massacre of Whites - Siege of the Bradford Store at Upper Cascades - Gallant Defense of Middle Blockhouse by Sergeant Kelly and Eight Men - Attack on Lower Cascades - Lieutenant Phil Sheridan to the Rescue - Trial and Execution of Indians Engaged in Cascade Massacre - Inhuman Massacre by Whites of the Spencer Family - Kamiakin's Design in Stimulating the Uprising of Cascade Indians, and the Raid Upon the Cascade Settlements - Peaceable Excursion of Colonel Wright Into the Yakima Country - The Indians Avoid Him - Efforts of the Washington Territory Volunteers to Co-operate with Colonel Wright - Peace in the Yakima Country Announced - Governor Stevens' attempt to Hold a Council with the Hostile Tribes - Terms of the Treaty - Volunteers Attacked by the Hostiles - Steptoe Asks Governor Stevens and Volunteers to Return and Escort Him to the Umatilla - Colonel Wright Ordered by General Wool to March Into the Walla Walla Country - He Delivers Leschi, Quiemuth, Kitsap, Nelson and Stehi to Governor Stevens for Trial - Treaty of Peace with the Hostiles - General Wool Announces the War at an end in Oregon and Washington.
ON THE 29th of January, 1856, General Wool, commanding the Department of the Pacific, gave orders to Colonel George Wright (1) of the Ninth Infantry, commanding the Columbia River district:
"As soon as the season will permit, preparatory for operations in the Indian country east and north of the Cascade Mountains, you will establish the headquarters of your regiment at Fort Dalles, where all the troops intended for said country will be concentrated. The points which I intend as the base of operations are the Selah Fishery, on the Yakima river, and some point in the neighborhood of Walla Walla. It is my intention to establish a permanent post in that region at the most eligible point for controlling the surrounding Indian tribes. Between Fort Dalles and Selah Fishery, an intermediate post, with one company, may be necessary to prevent the Yakimas from taking fish on the tributaries of the Yakima and Columbia." A memoir and sketches of the country accompanied. Referring thereto, General Wood proceeded: "You will perceive it is one hundred miles from Fort Dalles to Selah Fishery, and seventy from the
(1) General George Wright was born in Vermont in 1803. He graduated at West Point in the class of 1822, and was assigned to the Third Infantry, U.S. Army. He was promoted to a first lieutenancy September 23, 1827, and to a captaincy October 30, 1836, and was transferred to the Eighth Infantry. He served during the Canada trouble, and at Sacket's Harbor till 1840. He served in the Florida War with the Eighth Infantry until 1844, having been brevetted major. In the war with Mexico, he was in the siege of Vera Cruz and on Scott's line to Molino del Rey, where he commanded the storming party and was severely wounded. He was brevetted colonel May 4, 1848. He was appointed lieutenant-colonel of the Fourth Infantry in 1855. On the 3d of March, 1855, he was appointed colonel of the Ninth Infantry, in which capacity he came to Washington Territory in 1856, and conducted General Wool's campaign in the Yakima country and Walla Walla country during that year. In 1858, he conducted a short, sharp and brilliant campaign against the Spokanes, in which he taught the Indians to respect the United States government, and that they could not with impunity murder American citizens. That campaign ended Indian outbreaks in Washington Territory. At the opening of the Civil War, he was commander of the Department of Oregon, and was transferred, September 28, 1861, to the command of the Department of the Pacific, with the rank of brigadier-general of volunteers. He served in that capacity till 1864, when he was brevetted brigadier-general, U.S. Army "for long, faithful and meritorious services." He was assigned to the command of the Department of the Columbia, and on his passage thither to take command went down in the steamer Brother Jonathan, off Crescent City, on the 30th of July, 1865.
(596)
fort to the Atahnam Mission. This latter position may be important as the intermediate post between The Dalles and the Fishery. From Fort Dalles to Fort Walla Walla, it is one hundred and forty-two miles; and, from the latter place to Selah Fishery, it is ninety-five miles by the road to Fort Steilacoom. With boats to cross the Columbia, your forces at either point could be in a few days concentrated.
"Expeditions should be prepared at the earliest moment, that is, as soon as grass can be obtained for Walla Walla and the Selah Fishery. As the snow will not probably allow the expedition to the latter so early by three or four weeks, the one to the former will be undertaken as soon as the season will permit, with four or five companies and three howitzers. It is desirable that this expedition should be conducted with reference to selecting a proper position for a post, and to ascertain the feelings and dispositions of the several tribes in that section of country. I do not believe they will continue the war a great while. The occupation of the country between the Walla Walla, Touchet and Snake rivers, and the opposite side of the Columbia, will very soon bring those tribes to terms. The occupation at the proper time of the Yakima country from the Atahnam Mission, and that on the Yakima river above and below the Selah Fishery, will compel the Yakimas, I think, to sue for peace or abandon their country."
Those instructions illustrate the war policy of General Wool, - not a word as to chastising the perfidious murderers of our citizens, nor the enforcement of the treaties, nor for the punishment of hostile acts which had destroyed the business of the country and retarded its settlement, - not a word as to checking raids and depredations on isolated settlers. But the regiment sent out from the Eastern states "is to select a proper position for a military post, and ascertain the feelings and dispositions of the several tribes." They are to be located near a fishery station, to keep Indians from fishing. The hope is entertained that their presence will keep the Indians from procuring their food; and that they will sue for peace. Such were the instructions given the gallant officer who had come here to make war against those Indians who had defied the authority of the nation, - to conquer peace, - but who was handicapped by his superior, and instructed to starve, not fight, the Indians. Instead of carrying war into the enemy's country, after that enemy had been in open arms for months, this regiment was to visit them and "ascertain their dispositions." Indeed, Colonel Wright was instructed by General Wool to protect the hostile Cayuses, and make war against the volunteers of Oregon.
In the memoir accompanying those war-prohibiting instructions, particular attention had been invited to the importance, for military purposes, of the portage between the Lower and Upper Cascades of the Columbia river, forty-five miles east of Fort Vancouver.
The rush of miners to the Colville
diggings in 1855, with the corresponding growth of the Cascades and The
Dalles as distributing points and centers of trade, and also as keys to
Eastern Oregon and Washington, had necessitated not only open communication
across the portage between the Cascades of the Columbia, but had invited
the supplying of improved facilities for travel, and the transportation
of merchandise. The growing trade at The Dalles, the increased number of
troops concentrated at that point, the presence of volunteers and regulars
in the Yakima and Walla Walla country, and the necessary transportation
of munitions of war and supplies for troops, had induced the putting on
of steamers to ply between Portland and the Lower Cascades, as also upon
the Columbia river above the Upper Cascades, running from thence to The
Dalles. Such lines established, the trans-shipment of merchandise, and
its conveyance over the portage, required
appliances for handling and transportation. For these objects, Daniel F. Bradford, and Putnam his brother, late in the fall of 1855, commenced the construction of a tramway between the Upper and Lower Cascades, five miles in length, which was well-nigh completed in the early spring of 1856. During the previous winter (1855-56), a strong guard had been on duty at the blockhouse located a mile below the Upper Cascades landing, which had been erected by Major Rains in the fall of 1855; and from the name of its builder it had been uniformly but unofficially called Fort Rains.
Although restrained by General Wool's orders from making war, Colonel Wright was in command at Fort Vancouver of eight companies of the Ninth Infantry, a company of the Fourth Infantry commanded by Second Lieutenant Philip H. Sheridan, now of immortal memory, a company and part of a company of U.S. Dragoons, and a company of the Third Artillery. Under later instructions of General Wool, it was the intention to displace the Oregon mounted volunteers. Embraced within that order was the characteristically malignant innuendo against the Oregon citizen soldiery: "Should you find, on the arrival of the troops in the Cayuse country, that a company is necessary to give protection to the Cayuse Indians from the volunteers, you will leave a company there with a howitzer and ammunition." Colonel Wright had made provision to leave the necessary garrisons at Forts Vancouver and Dalles.
On the 6th of March, a band of
Klikitats made a raid upon the Jocelyn settlement at the mouth of the White
Salmon, and drove off a large number of stock. Upon receiving information
of those depredations, Colonel Wright dispatched Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe,
Ninth Infantry, with two companies, from Fort Vancouver to White Salmon.
Upon the seventh and eighth, the troops designed to operate east of Fort
Vancouver followed. Upon the eleventh, Colonel Wright himself arrived at
Fort Dalles, where he established his headquarters. On the twentieth, Lieutenant
Bissell, who had been in command of the stations at the Upper Cascades,
was withdrawn with all his forces except Sergeant Kelly and nine men, who
were left in charge of the blockhouse (Fort Rains). The orders to Sergeant
Kelly were simply to guard government property, and keep open the line
of communication between Forts Dalles and Vancouver. A howitzer had been
mounted, and ammunition supplied. Just below the Lower Cascades, the Cascade
Indians, numbering about fifty, had their homes. They depended for a livelihood
upon fishing, and occasional employment as boat-hands in the transportation
of merchandise and travelers. No fears were entertained that they could
be induced to become hostile. Neither did any one apprehend any danger,
even should they become unsettled. They were so insignificant, so few,
so dependent, that their presence excited no consideration. That band doubtless
would have continued friendly had the Yakimas remained away. But as soon
as Colonel Wright had moved eastward from Fort Dalles towards the Walla
Walla country, Kamiakin, chief of the Yakimas, advised of his every operation,
made a flank movement towards Fort Vancouver. With his horde of hostile
Klikitats, he overawed that little Cascade camp, and forced those Indians
to co-operate in the raid against the Cascade settlements. The Cascade
Indians did the bidding of Kamiakin, and in the end alone received all
the immediate penalties for an outbreak to which they had been stimulated
by their more powerful neighbors, and to which, perhaps, they had reluctantly
assented. Had Colonel Wright marched into the Yakima country against the
concentrated hostile tribes there marshaled under their ablest leader,
instead of first proceeding towards Walla Walla to protect the hostile
Cayuses and to drive out the
Oregon volunteers, Kamiakin could not have returned to the settlements gain to devastate them and massacre the citizens of the territory of Washington, peaceably residing at the Cascades. There would have been no Cascade massacre, - no three days' siege of the citizens at the Upper and Middle Cascades, - had the orders to Colonel Wright been to reduce the hostiles to submission, instead of directing him to ascertain their feelings and disposition.
As Colonel Wright moved towards The Dalles, Kamiakin massed his Klikitats and Yakimas, and moved down the Columbia towards the Cascades. Upon the day that Colonel Wright's Walla Walla expedition moved out from Fort Dalles and marched eastward, Kamiakin's forces, in three parties, simultaneously attacked the Upper, Middle and Lower Cascades.
Lawrence W. Coe, an intelligent and reliable eye-witness, interested in business with the Bradford Brothers of the Upper Cascades, wrote at the time a letter to Putnam F. Bradford, then in Massachusetts, in which was perpetuated the records of the incidents of that Indian raid upon the Bradford store at the Upper Cascades:
"On Wednesday, March 26th, at about 8:30 A.M., after the men had gone to their work on the two bridges of the new railway, most of them on the bridge near Bush's house, the Yakimas came down on us. There was a line above us from Mill creek to the big point at the head of the falls, firing simultaneously at the men; and the first notice we had of them was the firing and crack of their guns. At the first fire, one of our men was killed and several wounded. Our men, on seeing the Indians, all ran for our store through a shower of bullets, except three, who started down the stream for the middle blockhouse, distant one and a half miles. Bush and his family ran to our store, leaving his own house vacant. The Watkins family came into our store after a Dutch boy (brother of Mrs. Watkins) had been shot in the house. Watkins, Finlay and Bailey were at work on the new warehouse on the island, around which the water was now high enough to run about three feet deep under the bridges. There was grand confusion in the store at first; and Sinclair, of Walla Walla, going to the door to look out, was shot in the head and instantly killed. Some of us commenced getting the guns and rifles, which were ready loaded, from behind the counter. Fortunately, about an hour before, there had been left with us for shipment below nine government muskets, with cartridge boxes and ammunition. These saved us. As the upper story of the house was abandoned, Smith, the cook, having come below, and as the stairway was outside, where we dare not go, the stovepipe was hauled down, the hole enlarged with axes, and a party of men crawled up; and the upper part of the house was secured.
"Our men soon got shots at the Indians on the bank above us. I saw Bush shoot an Indian, the first one killed, who was drawing a bead on Mrs. Watkins as she was running for our store. He dropped instantly. Alexander and others mounted into the gable under our roof; and from there was done the most of our firing, as it was the best place for observation. In the meantime, we were barricading the store, making loopholes, and firing when opportunity presented itself. I took charge of the store, Dan Bradford of the second floor, and Alexander of the garret and roof.
"The steamer Mary was
lying in Mill creek; and the wind was blowing hard down stream. Then we
saw Indians running towards her and heard shots. I will give you an account
of the attack on her hereafter. The Indians now returned in force to us;
and we gave everyone a shot who showed himself. They were nearly naked,
painted red, and had guns and bows and arrows. After awhile, Finlay came
creeping around the lower point of
the island towards our house. We halloed to him to lie down behind a rock; and he did so. He called that he could not get to the store, as the bank above us was covered with Indians. We saw Watkins' house burn while there. The Indians first took out everything they wanted, - blankets, clothes, guns, etc. By this time the Indians had crossed in canoes to the island; and we saw them coming, as we supposed, after Finlay. We then saw Watkins and Bailey running around the river side towards the place where Finlay was, and the Indians in full chase after them. As our own men came around the point in full view, Bailey was shot through the arm and leg. he continued on, and plunging into the river swam to the front of our store and came in safely, except for his wounds. Finlay also swam across and got in unharmed, which was wonderful, as there was a shower of bullets around him.
"Watkins came next, running around the point; and we called to him to lie down behind the rocks; but before he could do so he was shot through the wrist, the ball going up the arm and out above the elbow. He dropped behind a rock just as the pursuing Indians came around the point; but we gave them so hot a reception from our house that they backed out and left poor Watkins where he lay. We called to him to lie still, and we would get him off; but we were not able to do so until the arrival of the troops, - two days and nights afterwards. During this time he fainted several times from cold and exposure, the weather being very cold; and he was stripped down tot he underclothes for swimming. When he fainted, he would roll down the steep bank into the river; and, the ice-cold water reviving him, he would crawl back under fire to his retreat behind the rock. Meantime his wife and children were in the store in full view, and moaning piteously at his terrible situation. He died from exhaustion two days after he was rescued.
"The Indians were not pitching into us 'right smart.' They tried to burn us out, - threw rocks and firebrands, hot irons, pitchwood- everything onto the roof that would burn. But as the bank for a short distance back of the store inclined towards us, we could see and shoot the Indians who appeared there. So they had to throw from such a distance that the largest rocks and bundles of fire did not quite reach us; and what did generally rolled off the roof. Sometimes the roof got on fire; and we cut it out, or with cups of brine drawn from pork barrels put it out, or with long sticks shoved off the fire balls. The kitchen roof troubled us the most. How they did pepper us with rocks! Some of the biggest ones would shake the house all over.
"There were now forty men, women
and children in the house, - four women and eighteen men who could fight,
and eighteen children and wounded men. The steamer Wasco was on
the Oregon side of the river. We saw her steam up and leave for The Dalles.
Shortly after the steamer Mary also left. She had to take Atwell's
fence-rails for wood. So passed the day, during which the Indians had burned
Inman's two houses, Bradford's sawmill and houses, and the lumber yards
at the mouth of Mill creek. At daylight they set fire to Bradford's new
warehouse on the island, making it as light as day around us. They did
not attack us at night, but on the second morning commenced again lively
as ever. We had no water, but did have about two dozen of ale and a few
bottles of whisky. These gave out during the day. During the night, a Spokane
Indian, who was traveling with Sinclair and was in the store with us, volunteered
to get a pail of water from the river. I consented, and he stripped himself
naked, jumped out and down the bank, and was back in no time. We weathered
it out during the day, every man keeping his post, and never relaxing his
vigilance. Every moving object, bush, shadow or suspicious thing on the
hillside, received a shot. Night came again; we saw Sheppard's
house burn. Bush's house near by was also fired, and kept us in light until four A.M., when, darkness returning, I sent the Spokane Indian for water from the river; and he filled four barrels. He went to and fro like lightning. He also slipped poor James Sinclair's body down the slide outside, as the corpse was quite offensive.
"The two steamers having exceeded the length of time which we gave them to return from The Dalles, we made up our minds for a long siege, and until relief came from below. The third morning dawned; and lo! the Mary and the Wasco, blue with soldiers, and towing a flatboat loaded with dragoon horses, hove in sight. Such a halloa as we gave! As the steamers landed, the Indians fired twenty or thirty shots into them; but we could not ascertain with what effect. The soldiers, as they got ashore, could not be restrained, and plunged into the woods in every direction; while the howitzers sent grape after the retreating redskins. The soldiers were soon at our doors; and we experienced quite a feeling of relief in opening them.
"Now as to the attack on the steamer Mary on the first day of the fight. She lay in Mill creek, - no fires, and wind blowing hard ashore. Jim Thompson, John Woodard and Jim Herman were just going up to her from our store when they were fired upon. Herman asked if they had any guns. No. He went on up to Inman's house, the rest staying to help et the steamer out. Captain Dan Baughman and Thompson were on shore, hauling on lines on the upper side of the creek, when the firing of the Indians became so hot that they ran for the woods past Inman's house. The fireman, James Lindsay, was shot through the shoulder. Engineer Buckminster shot an Indian with his revolver on the gangplank, and little Johnnie Chance went climbing up on the hurricane deck, and killed his Indian with an old dragoon pistol; but he was shot through the leg in doing so. Dick Turpin, half crazy, probably, taking the only gun on the steamer, jumped into a flatboat alongside, was shot, and jumped overboard and was drowned. Fires were soon started under the boiler, and steam was rising. About this time, Jesse Kempton, shot while driving an ox-team from the mill, got on board; also a half-breed named Bourbon, who was shot through the body. After sufficient steam to move was raised, Hardin Chenoweth ran up into the pilot-house, and, lying on the floor, turned the wheel as he was directed from the lower deck. It is almost needless to say that the pilot-house was a target for the Indians. The steamer picked up Herman on the bank above. Inman's family, Sheppard and Vanderpool all got across the river in skiffs, and boarding the Mary, were taken to The Dalles."
The middle blockhouse (Fort Rains), with its little garrison of nine soldiers of Company H, Fourth U.S. Infantry, Sergeant Kelly commanding, was simultaneously attacked. The incidents of the siege are well narrated by Sergeant Robert Williams, one of the besieged:
"I discovered that the Indians
were preparing for mischief on the day previous to the attack, while carrying
a message from Mr. Griswold, who lived at the Middle Cascades, to Mr. Hamilton,
who lived on a farm a little below the landing at the Lower Cascades. In
passing each way by the Indian camp, as I had to do in going to and from
carrying the message, my attention was particularly attracted at seeing
Indians standing together in council, and dressed in warlike costumes,
while some few were playing at a game outside. Their actions fully confirmed
my belief that they were planning mischief. The movements of some of them
in particular, going in a half-circle through the timber, thus to flank
me, awakened a very strong suspicion that they were trying to catch me
to kill me. So, I hurried back to the blockhouse with my utmost speed,
and then told Sergeant
Kelly and my comrades my suspicions. But, by reason of our belief in the strength of our position, we did not dread any danger from Indians, or even think any more about it.
"On the morning of the attack, Sergeant Kelly sent one of the men, Frederick Bernaur, to the Upper Cascades for a canteen of whisky. Unfortunately, the Indians had commenced their attack on the blockhouse before he returned, preventing him from getting back to us. They shot him through both legs, He managed, however, to get tot he bank of the river, and there hide from sight. He fainted several times from loss of blood; but the whiskey he had in his canteen supported his strength. When night came, he left his hiding-place and got in safety to the blockhouse. When the attack began, nearly all of the detachment were scattered around the vicinity. There were but three of us in close proximity to the blockhouse, - Sheridan, McManus, the cook and myself. We all heard the shooting; but, even after what I saw the day previous, I nor the other two had not the least suspicion that we were attacked by Indians. My first feeling was that of indignation at such foolish conduct, thinking all the while that somebody was firing off their revolvers. But the cook quickly found out that it was no play, by seeing the door of the cookhouse riddled with bullets. He immediately gave the alarm by crying, "Indians." McManus and myself were standing close together near the blockhouse; but, on the instant of the alarm, we cast our eyes towards the hills and timber which loosely surrounded us in front; and then we beheld, to our horror, the painted and half-naked savages, exultantly firing. McManus, who stood by my side, was shot in the groin. He died shortly after, in the army hospital at Vancouver, from the effects of the wound.
"My wounded comrade and myself lost no time in getting inside of the blockhouse. I then quickly got on my accoutrements and gun, and immediately commenced the defense. The incessant firing and racket of the Indians gave unmistakable warning of deadly danger to those of my comrades who were strolling around. They all got to the blockhouse in safety, excepting Lawrence Rooney, who was captured upon the hill while cutting wood. The two or three unfortunate families who were living close by the blockhouse ran to it for safety; but several were severely wounded in running the gauntlet. We had with us seven wounded and three killed. Among the latter was Mr. Griswold, who might have escaped his death but for his over-confidence in the friendliness of the Indians towards him. The German boy, Kyle, mentioned in Mr. Coe's narrative, was killed while riding on horseback down the road on the hill in front of us. The Indian that shot him stood by the side of a tree close by the road, his gun almost reaching to the poor boy, who fell instantly upon being shot.
"Tom McDowell and Jehu Switzler,
and another man to me before unknown, were on their way from the Upper
to the Lower Cascades; but before they had proceeded far they discovered
hostile Indians. Being themselves unarmed, they made a desperate effort
to each the blockhouse which they did in safety. They proved to our small
force a valuable acquisition. The three gallantly aided us during the defense.
After they had got in, the door was made secure by a bolt; and then a strong
chain was drawn tightly across. That being completed, we gave our savage
enemies a treat of canister shot, fourteen rounds in all, from our six-pounder
gun, after which they precipitately retired. But we still, while in reach,
presented them with a few shells. They retired back of the hills, out of
range of our guns, to torture and put to a horrible death our unfortunate
comrade whom they had captured. We could not see them at it, but we heard
his piercing screams. After they had accomplished that last inhuman and
diabolical cruelty, the main portion left and went to the lower landing.
"The second day the Indians were still besieging us, and thus preventing us from getting water, which by that time all of us greatly needed, especially the wounded. But close by there happened to be a saloon owned and kept by one of the Palmer brothers, who, with his brother who kept a store at the foot of the hill by the river bank, luckily made their escape immediately after the Indians made the attack, locking the doors of both buildings before they left. My army comrade, Wm. Houser, suggested that somebody should be allowed to go to the saloon and get whatever they might find that would alleviate hunger and thirst. I seconded his motion. Sergeant Kelly then permitted him and me to go. The door being locked, my comrade had to break it open with an axe. We procured within one dozen bottles of English porter, one decanter of brandy, the same of whisky and wine, and a small box full of oyster crackers. We failed to get water; but the articles mentioned satisfied every requirement except surgical aid until we would get relief, which we knew was close at hand by hearing the report of gallant Phil Sheridan's guns firing upon the enemy at the Lower Cascades. After that signal of relief, we all relaxed the ceaseless vigilance we had all the time kept, for the purpose of allowing a portion of our guards to take a little rest and sleep. The next morning, Brevet Lieutenant-colonel Steptoe, Ninth Infantry, commanding Companies A, E, F and I, same regiment, and detachments of Company E, First Dragoons, and Company L, Third Artillery, in all two hundred men, and some of the officers, came to the blockhouse. The sergeant told them how we had managed. The colonel then complimented all for admirable conduct.
"Now that relief had come, the citizens who had taken refuge with us left for their homes. We soldiers endeavored to find traces of the injury we had done to the enemy. We failed to perceive any signs of Indians having been hurt; but myself and comrade Hiram Smiley found, horribly mutilated the body of Lawrence Rooney, our murdered companion. The Indians had hanged him with a willow withe, the same being yet around his neck. They had also mashed his nose flat with his axe. We now called out to our other comrades to bring up a blanket to carry the body down to the blockhouse, where we soon made a rude box, and placed the remains therein. Lieutenant Sheridan then came up with his command, Company H, Fourth Infantry (to which company we of the detachment belonged). He also had the cavalry bring up to us the twenty-eight Indians whom he had captured. Each had his arms securely tied with pieces of strong cord. After accomplishing that duty, the lieutenant and his command returned to Fort Vancouver, taking with them the remains of our murdered comrade for burial at the military cemetery (1)."
The legislature of Washington Territory, on the 24th of January, 1857, passed a joint resolution instructing their delegate in Congress to use his influence to procure the passage of an Act granting to Sergeant Kelly, and Privates Houser, Roach, Sheridan, Bernaur, Smiley and Williams, the extra pay allowed during the Mexican War to such non-commissioned officers and privates as received certificates of merit for distinguished services, as a mark of commendation for their efficient aid in protecting the citizens who escaped massacre at the Cascades on the 26th of March, 1856, and gallant conduct in defending the blockhouse at that place for three days, against attacks of Indians.
An attack was also made upon the Lower Cascades at the same time, which was thus narrated by Lawrence W. Coe, in the letter before quoted:
(1) General
Orders, U.S. Army, November 13, 1857, thus noticed the gallantry of that
little band: "Par. 4. In March, 1856, Sergeant M. Kelly, Company H, Fourth
Infantry, with eight men, gallantly defended a small blockhouse, and protected
all the public property at the Cascades, Washington Territory, for two
days, against a body of fifty Indians. He had one man, Private L. Rooney,
killed, and two privates, F. Bernaur and O. McManus, wounded, the latter
since dead of his wounds."
"Geo. Johnson was about to get a boat's crew of Indians, when Indian Jack came running to him, saying the Yakimas had attacked the blockhouse. He did not believe it, although he heard the cannon. He went up to the Indian village on the sandbar to get his crew, and saw some of the Cascade Indians, who said they thought the Yakimas had come; and George now hearing the muskets, ran for home. E.W. Baughman was with him. Bill Murphy had left the blockhouse early for the Indian camp, and had nearly returned before he saw the Indians or was shot at. He returned, two others with him, and ran for George Johnson's, with about thirty Indians in chase. After reaching Johnson's, Murphy continued on and gave Hamilton and all below warning; and the families embarked in small boats for Vancouver. The men would have barricaded in the wharf-boat, but for want of ammunition. There was considerable government freight in the wharf-boat. They stayed about the wharf-boat and schooner nearly all day, and until the Indians commenced firing upon them from the zinc-house on the bank. They then shoved out. Tommy Price was shot through the leg in getting the boats into the stream. Floating down, they met the steamer Belle with Sheridan and forty men, sent up on report of an express carried down by Indian Simpson in the morning. George and those with him went on board the steamer and volunteered to serve under Sheridan, who landed at George's place and found everything burned."
No white person was killed at the Lower Cascades, as an opportunity for escape was afforded, after the alarm had been given by the firing at the blockhouse. The Indians upon their arrival burnt every house, and destroyed a vast amount of government stores.
Rescue and relief came with the appearance of Lieutenant Phil Sheridan and a detachment of forty men of the Fourth U.S. Infantry. let the annalist, as remarkable for clearness of statement and comprehensiveness of expression, as for military genius and courage, describe the check of the savages by his command:
"On the morning of March 26th,
the movement began; but the column had only reached Four Mile creek when
the Yakimas, joined by many young warriors, - free lances from other tribes,
- made a sudden and unexpected attack at the Cascades of the Columbia midway
between Vancouver and The Dalles, killed several citizens, women and children,
and took possession of the portage by besieging the settlers in their cabins
at the Upper Cascades, and those who sought shelter at the Middle Cascades
in the old military blockhouse, which had been built for refuge under just
such circumstances. These points held out and were not captured; but the
landing at the Lower Cascades fell completely into the hands of the savages.
Straggling settlers from the Lower Cascades made their way down to Fort
Vancouver, distant thirty-six miles, which they reached that night, and
communicated the condition of affairs. As the necessity for early relief
of the settlers, and the establishment of communication with The Dalles,
were apparent, all the force that could be spared was ordered out; and
in consequence I immediately received directions to go with my detachment
of dragoons, numbering about forty effective men, to the relief of the
middle blockhouse, which really meant to retake the Cascades. I got ready
at once, and, believing that a piece of artillery would be of service to
me, asked for one; but, as there proved to be no guns at the post, I should
have been obliged to proceed without one had it not been that the regular
steamer from San Francisco to Portland was lying at the Vancouver dock
unloading military supplies; and the commander, Captain Dall, supplied
me with the steamer's small iron cannon, mounted on a wooden platform,
which he used in firing salutes at different ports on the arrival and departure
of the vessel. Finding at the arsenal a supply of solid shot that would
fit the gun, I had it put upon the steamboat
Belle, employed to carry my command to the scene of operations, and started up the Columbia river at two A.M. on the morning of the twenty-seventh. We reached the Lower Cascades early in the day, when, selecting a favorable place for the purpose, I disembarked my men and gun on the north bank of the river, so that I could send back the steamboat to bring up any volunteer assistance that in the meantime might have been collected at Vancouver.
"The Columbia river was very high at the time; and the water had backed up into the slough about the foot of the Lower Cascades to such a degree that it left me only a narrow neck of firm ground to advance over towards the point occupied by the Indians. On this neck of land the hostiles had taken position, as I soon learned by frequent shots, loud shouting and much blustering; then, by the most exasperating yells and indecent exhibitions, they dared me to the contest.
"After getting well in hand everything connected with my little command, I advanced with five or six men to the edge of a growth of underbrush to make a reconnaissance. We stole along under cover of this underbrush until we reached the open ground leading over the causeway or narrowneck before mentioned, when the enemy opened fire and killed a soldier near my side by a shot, which, just grazing the bridge of my nose, struck him in the neck, opening an artery and breaking the spinal cord. He died instantly. The Indians at once made a rush for the body; but my men in the rear, coming quickly to the rescue, drove them back; and Captain Dall's gun being now brought into play many solid shot were thrown into the jungle where they lay concealed with the effect of considerably moderating their impetuosity. Further skirmishing at long range took place at intervals during the day, with but little gain or loss, however, to either side; for both parties held positions which could not be assailed in flank; and only the extreme of rashness in either could prompt a front attack. My left was protected by backwater driven into the slough by the high stage of the river; and my right rested secure on the main stream. Between us was the narrow neck of land, to cross which would be certain death. The position of the Indians was almost the counterpart of ours.
"In the evening, I sent a report of the situation back to Vancouver by steamboat, retaining a large Hudson's Bay bateau which I had brought up with me. Examining this, I found it would carry about twenty men, and made up my mind that early next morning I would cross the command to the opposite or south side of the Columbia river, and make my way up along the mountain base until I arrived abreast of the middle blockhouse, which was still closely besieged, and then at some favorable point recross to the north bank to its relief, endeavoring in this manner to pass around and to the rear of the Indians, whose position confronting me was too strong for a direct attack. This plan was hazardous; but I believed it could be successfully carried out if the boat could be taken with me. But, should I not be able to do this, I felt that the object contemplated in sending me out would miserably fail, and the small band cooped up at the blockhouse would soon starve or fall a prey to the Indians; so I concluded to risk all the chances the plan involved.
"On the morning of March 28th,
the savages were still in my front; and, after giving them some solid shot
from Captain Dall's gun, we slipped down to the river bank; and the detachment
crossed by means of the Hudson's Bay boat, making a landing on the opposite
shore at a point where the south channel of the river, after flowing around
Bradford's island, joins the main stream. It was then about nine o'clock;
and everything had thus far proceeded favorably. But an examination of
the channel showed that it
would be impossible to get the boat up the rapids along the mainland, and that success could only be assured by crossing the south channel just below the rapids to the island, along the shore of which there was every probability we could pull the boat through the rocks and swift water until the head of the rapids was reached, from which point to the blockhouse there was smooth water.
"Telling the men of the embarrassment in which I found myself, and that, if I could get enough of them to man the boat and pull it up the stream by a rope tot he shore, we would cross to the island and make the attempt, all volunteered to go; but, as ten men seemed sufficient, I selected that number to accompany me. Before starting, however, I deemed it prudent to find out, if possible, what was engaging the attention of the Indians, who had not yet discovered that we had left their front. I therefore climbed up the abrupt mountain side which skirted the water's edge, until I could see across the island. From behind the line they had held against me the day before. The squaws decked out in gay colors, and the men gaudily dressed in war bonnets, made the scene most attractive; but, as everything looked propitious for the dangerous enterprise in hand, I spent but little time in watching them; and, quickly returning to the boat, I crossed to the island with my ten men, threw ashore the rope attached to the bow, and commenced the difficult task of pulling her up the rapids. We got along slowly at first; but soon striking a camp of old squaws, who had been left on the island for safety, and had not gone over to the mainland to see the races, we utilized them to our advantage. With unmistakable threats and signs, we made them not only keep quiet, but also give us much needed assistance in pulling vigorously on the tow-rope of our boat.
"I was laboring under a dreadful strain of mental anxiety during all this time; for, had the Indians discovered what we were about, they could easily have come over to the island in their canoes, and, by forcing us to take up our arms to repel their attack, doubtless would have obliged the abandonment of the boat; and that essential adjunct to the final success of my plan would have gone down the rapids. Indeed, under such circumstances, it would have been impossible for ten men to hold out against the two or three hundred Indians; but, the island forming an excellent screen to our movements, we were not discovered; and, when we reached the smooth water at the upper end of the rapids, we quickly crossed over and joined the rest of the men, who in the meantime had worked their way along the south bank of the river parallel with us. I felt very grateful to the old squaws for the assistance they rendered. They worked well under compulsion, and manifested no disposition to strike for higher wages. Indeed, I was so much relieved when we had crossed over from the island and joined the rest of the party, that I mentally thanked the squaws, one and all. I had much difficulty in keeping the men on the main shore from cheering at our success; but hurriedly taking into the bateau all of them it would carry, I sent the balance along the southern bank, where the railroad is now built, until both detachments arrived at a point opposite the blockhouse, when, crossing to the north bank, I landed below the blockhouse some little distance and returned the boat for the balance of the men, who joined me in a few minutes.
"When the Indians attacked the
people at the Cascades on the twenty-sixth, word was sent to Colonel Wright,
who had already got out from The Dalles a few miles on his expedition to
the Spokane country. He immediately turned his column back; and, soon after
I had landed and communicated with the beleaguered blockhouse, the advance
of his command arrived under Lieutenant-Colonel Edward J. Steptoe. I
reported to Steptoe, and related what had occurred during the past thirty-six hours, gave him a description of the festivities that were going on at the Lower Cascades, and also communicated the intelligence that the Yakimas had been joined by the Cascade Indians. When the place was first attacked, I also told him it was my belief that when he pushed down the main shore the latter tribe, without doubt, would cross over to the island we had just left, while the former would take to the mountains. Steptoe coincided with me in this opinion, and, informing me that Lieutenant Alexander Piper would join my detachment with a mountain howitzer, directed me to convey the command to the island, and gobble up all who came over to it. Lieutenant Piper and I landed on the island with the first boat-load; and, after disembarking the howitzer, we fired two or three shots to let the Indians know we had artillery with us, then advanced down the island with the whole of my command, which had arrived in the meantime. All of the men were deployed as skirmishers, except a small detachment to operate the howitzer. NEar the lower end of the island we met, as I had anticipated, the entire body of Cascade Indians, - men, women and children, - whose homes were in the vicinity of the Cascades.
"They were very much frightened and demoralized at the turn events had taken; for the Yakimas, at the approach of Steptoe, had abandoned them as predicted, and fled to the mountains. The chief and head men said they had had nothing to do with the capture of the Cascades, with the murder of men at the upper landing, nor with the massacre of men, women and children near the blockhouse, and put all the blame on the Yakimas and their allies. I did not believe this, however, and, to test the truth of their statement, formed them all in line with their muskets in hand. Going up to the first man on the right I accused him of having engaged in the massacre, but was met by a vigorous denial. Putting my forefinger into the muzzle of his gun, I found unmistakable signs of its having been recently discharged. My finger was black with the stains of burnt powder; and, holding it up to the Indian, he had nothing more to say in the face of such positive evidence of his guilt. A further examination proved that all the guns were in the same condition. Their arms were at once taken possession of; and, leaving a small force to look after the women and children and the very old miscreants, crossed the river to the lower landing, and placed them in charge of a strong guard. Late in the evening, the steamboat which I had sent back to Vancouver returned, bringing to my assistance from Vancouver Captain Henry D. Wallins' company of the Fourth Infantry and a company of volunteers hastily organized at Portland; but, as the Cascades had already been retaken, this reinforcement was too late to participate in the affair."
The three day's fighting ended, the army officers caused a thorough search to be made of the surrounding timber. A trail through the woods, by which the Klikitats and Yakimas had retreated, was followed for ten miles. No Indians were overtaken or captured, though a number were ascertained to have been killed. It being established that the savages had been driven off, Colonel Wright caused to be erected two additional blockhouses, one at the Upper Cascades, and the other near the lower landing, and stationed an adequate force at each.
Some features of interest may
yet be gleaned from the "Coe" letter before quoted, which seem necessary
to complete the reminiscences of that memorable attack, massacre, siege
and repulse:
"The Indians whom Sheridan had taken on the island were closely guarded. Old Chenoweth (chief) was brought up before Colonel Wright, tried, and sentenced to be hanged. The Cascade Indians, being under treaty, were adjudged guilty of treason in fighting. Chenoweth died game. He was hanged on the upper side of Mill creek. I acted as interpreter. He offered ten horses, two squaws and a little something to every 'tyee' for his life, said he was afraid of the grave in the ground, and begged to be put into an Indian deadhouse. He gave a terrific warwhoop while the rope was being put around his neck. I thought he expected the Indians to come and rescue him. The rope did not work well; and, while hanging, he muttered, 'Wake nica quas copa mamelouse!' He was then shot. The next day, Tecomeoc and Captain Jo were hanged. Captain Jo said all the Cascade Indians were in the fight. The next day, Tsy, Sim Lasselas and Four-fingered Johnny were hanged. The next day, Chenoweth Jim, Tumalth and Old Skein were hanged, and Kanewake sentenced, but reprieved on the scaffold. Nine in all were executed. Banaha is prisoner at Vancouver, and decorated with ball and chain. The rest of the Cascade Indians are on your island, and will be shot if seen off of it. Such are Colonel Wright's orders. Dow, Watiquin, Peter, Mahooka John and Kotzue, - maybe more, - have gone with the Yakimas.
"I forgot to mention that your house at the Lower Cascades, also Bishop's, was burned; also to account for Captain Dan Baughman and Jim Thompson. They put back into the mountains, and at night came down to the river at Vanderpool's place, fished up an old boat and crossed to the Oregon side. They concealed themselves in the rocks on the river bank opposite, where they could watch us, and at night went back into the mountains to sleep. They cam in safely after the troops arrived. We do not know how many Indians there were. They attacked the blockhouse, our place, and drove Sheridan, all at the same time. We think there were not less than two or three hundred. When the attack was made on us, three of our carpenters ran for the middle blockhouse, overtook the cars at the salmon-house, cut the mules loose, and, with the car-drivers, all kept on. They were not fired on until they got to the spring on the railroad; but from there they ran the gauntlet of bullets and arrows to the fort. Little Jake was killed in the run. Several were wounded.
"I append a list of killed and wounded: Killed - George Griswold, shot in leg; B.W. Brown and wife, killed at the sawmill, bodies found stripped naked in Mill creek; Jimmy Watkins, driving team at mill; Henry Hagar, shot in Watkins' house, body burned; Jake Kyle, German boy; Jacob White, sawyer at mill; Bourbon, half-breed, died on the Mary going to The Dalles; James Sinclair, of the H.B. Company, Walla Walla; Dick Turpin, colored cook on steamer Mary; Norman Palmer, driving team at mill; Calderwood, working at mill; three United States soldiers, names unknown; George Watkins, lived four days; Jacob Roush, carpenter, lived six days. Wounded - Fletcher Murphy, arm; P. Snooks, boy, leg; J. Lindsay, shoulder; Jesse Kempton, shoulder; Tommy Price, thigh, two soldiers U.S. Army; H. Kyle, German; Moffat, railroad hand; Johnny Chance, leg; M. Bailey, leg and arm; J. Algin, slightly."
Lieutenant Sheridan finished
his description of operations at the Cascades by recounting the dastardly
murder of the family of Spencer, a friendly Indian, with such words of
condemnation as will find a response in every human breast. And yet that
horrible crime is too often a concomitant of Indian war, which finds palliation
by the excitement which grows out of witnessing the mangled, mutilated
and outraged bodies of the victims of Indian hate. That Indian wars should
so transform our race, because of
the manner they are waged, is the best of evidence of the fiendish malice with which they operated in that intended extermination made by them in 1855-56.
"While still encamped at the lower landing, after the events recounted, I met Mr. Joseph Meek, an old frontiersman and guide for emigrant trains through the mountains, who came down from The Dalles on his way to Vancouver, and stopped at my camp to inquire if an Indian named Spencer and his family had passed down to Vancouver since my arrival at the Cascades. Spencer, the head of the family, was a very influential, peaceable Chinook chief, whom Colonel Wright had taken with him from Fort Vancouver, as an interpreter and mediator with the Spokanes and other hostile tribes against which his campaign was directed. He was a good, reliable Indian, and, on leaving Vancouver to join Colonel Wright, took his family along to remain with relations and friends at Fort Dalles until the return of the expedition. When Wright was compelled to retrace his steps on account of the capture of the Cascades, this family, for some reason known only to Spencer, was started by him down the river to their home at Vancouver.
"Meek, on seeing the family leave The Dalles, had some misgivings as to their safe arrival at their destination, because of the excited condition of the people about the Cascades; but Spencer seemed to think that his own peaceable and friendly reputation, which was widespread, would protect them. So he parted from his wife and children with little apprehension as to their safety. In reply to Meek's question, I stated that I had not seen Spencer's family, when he remarked, 'Well, I fear that they are gone up,' a phrase used in early days to mean that they had been killed. I questioned him closely to elicit further information, but no more could be obtained; for Meek, either through ignorance or the usual taciturnity of his class, did not explain more fully; and when the steamer that had brought the reinforcement started down the river, he took passage for Vancouver to learn definitely if the Indian family had reached that point. I at once sent tot he upper landing, distant about six miles, to make inquiry in regard to the matter; and in a little time my messenger returned with the information that the family had reached that place the day before, and, finding that we had driven the hostiles off, continued their journey on foot towards my camp, from which point they expected to go by steamer down the river to Vancouver.
"Their non-arrival aroused in
me suspicions of foul play; so, with all the men I could spare, and accompanied
by Lieutenant William T. Welcker of the ordinance corps, a warm and intimate
friend, I went in search of the family, deploying the men as skirmishers
across the valley, and marching them through the heavy forest, where the
ground was covered with fallen timber and dense underbrush, in order that
no point might escape our attention. The search was continued between the
base of the mountain and the river, without finding any sign of Spencer's
family, until about three o'clock in the afternoon, when we discovered
them between the upper and lower landing, in a small open space about a
mile from the road, all dead, - strangled to death with bits of rope. The
party consisted of the mother, two youths, three girls and a baby. They
had all been killed by white men, who had probably met the innocent creatures
somewhere near the blockhouse, driven them from the road into the timber,
where the cruel murders were committed without provocation, and for no
other purpose than the gratification of the inordinate hatred of the Indians
that has so often existed on the frontier, and which on more than one occasion
has failed to distinguish friend from foe. The bodies lay in a semi-circle;
and the bits of rope with which the poor wretches had been strangled to
death were still around their necks. Each piece of rope - the unwound strand
of a heavier
piece - was about two feet long, and encircled the neck of its victim with a single knot, that must have been drawn tight by the murderers pulling at the ends. As there had not been quite enough rope to answer for all, the babe was strangled by means of a red silk handkerchief, taken, doubtless, from the neck of the mother. It was a distressing sight. A most cruel outrage had been committed upon unarmed people, - our friends and allies, - in a spirit of aimless revenge. The perpetrators were citizens living near the middle blockhouse, whose wives and children had been killed a few days before by the hostiles, but who well knew that these unoffending creatures had had nothing to do with those murders.
"In my experience, I have been obliged to look upon many cruel scenes in connection with Indian warfare on the plains since that day; but the effect of that dastardly and revolting crime has never been effaced from my memory. Greater and more atrocious massacres have often been committed by Indians. Their savage nature modifies one's ideas, however, as to the inhumanity of their acts; but when such wholesale murder as this is done by Whites, and the victims not only innocent but helpless, no defense can be made for those who perpetuated the crime, if they claim to be civilized beings. It is true the people at the Cascades had suffered much, and that their wives and children had been murdered before their eyes; but to wreak vengeance upon Spencer's unoffending family, who had walked into their settlement under the protection of a friendly alliance, was an unparalleled outrage which nothing can justify or extenuate. With as little delay as possible after the horrible discovery, I returned to camp, had boxes made, and next day buried the bodies of those hapless victims of misdirected vengeance.
"The summary punishment inflicted on the nine Indians, in their trial and execution, had a most salutary effect on the confederation, and was the entering wedge to its disintegration; and, though Colonel Wright's campaign continued during the summer and into the early winter, the subjugation of the allied bands became a comparatively easy matter, after the lesson taught the renegades who were captured at the Cascades."
At the trial of the Cascade murderers, it became manifest that Chenoweth, the chief of the Cascade Indians, and those who were executed with him, hitherto regarded friendly and so treated by the Whites, had been guilty of co-operating with the Klikitats in the raid upon the Cascade settlements; that the Klikitats were the principal actors; that Kamiakin, head chief of the Yakima nation, had instigated and planned it; and that his scheme had been to capture the Cascades, destroy the steamboats navigating the river, so as to cut off communication, and, before Colonel Wright with his forces, whom he supposed was on his way to the Walla Walla country, could have returned, killed every White inhabitant upon the Columbia river.
Upon the 10th of April, 1856,
Colonel Wright advised Governor Stevens: "The temporary success the enemy
met with at the Cascades has not given him confidence. My sudden return
and total dispersion of all the Indians at that point, with a loss of twelve
or fifteen of their warriors, with all of their baggage and animals, will
have convinced them that they are safe only in their mountain retreat.
We must keep an eye on the friendly Indians. I am well satisfied
that they knew full well at the Cascades that an attack was to be made,
and that many of them joined the hostile party. However, I have given them
a lesson which they will long remember. Ten of those Indians, including
their chief, have been hanged by a sentence of a military commission. The
residue, some forty men, and seventy or eighty women and children, have
been placed on an island without any means of leaving it, and under the
observation of troops. As soon as our
lines of communication are well secured, and quiet and confidence established in the settlements, I shall be prepared to advance into the country of the Yakimas. A strong post must be established in the heart of that country. It will not do to march through an Indian country simply. We should make them understand that we are going to make a permanent settlement with them, break up their fisheries, and harass them constantly, in order that they shall have no time for laying in a supply of food. By this course I think they may be brought to terms, - perhaps not until next winter. It is only a question of time. It must be accomplished in the end."
A correspondence ensued between the governor and Colonel Wright as to the co-operation of the volunteers with the latter, and as to plans of campaign, all of which was referred to Major-General Wool, commanding the district.
General Wool again visited Fort Dalles in April. Previously to starting on the Yakima expedition, Colonel Wright addressed a letter to Governor George L. Curry, in which this language occurred: "I am much embarrassed by these wanton attacks of the Oregon volunteers on the friendly Indians. Under these circumstances, and presuming that you still retain authority over the Oregon volunteers, although at present beyond your territorial jurisdiction, I have to request that they may be withdrawn from the country on the north side of the Columbia river."
On the 28th of April, Colonel Wright, with his expedition of five companies, crossed the Columbia river from Fort Dalles and advanced into the Yakima country. On the 18th of May, he encamped on the Nahchess river. The stream was so high that it was impassable for his command. Upon the opposite side, the Yakima Indians had collected in great numbers, asking for peace. Their chiefs Owhi and Te-i-as had, upon the 11th of June, assured him that within five days they would bring in all their people. They then left the north side of the river. Up to the 18th of June, Colonel Wright had heard nothing of them or either of the chiefs. On that morning, having bridged the Nahchess, Colonel Wright crossed that river with eight companies, had been left to occupy the position on the Nahchess, called Fort Nahchess. On the 20th of June, Colonel Wright encamped in the Kittetass valley. Still no Indians had been seen or heard of by his command. He, however, wrote to the commanding general: "I do not despair of ultimately reducing these Indians to sue for peace. I believe they really desire it; and I must find out what outside influence is operating to keep them from coming in."
"Colonel Shaw's expedition of Washington Territory volunteers, en route to the Walla Walla country, crossed the Nahchess Pass and camped June 20th on the Wenass river, after Colonel Wright's command had marched northward from that point. Before Colonel Shaw had set out on his Eastern-Washington campaign, he had suggested co-operation with Colonel Wright; but the latter not only declined but also informed Colonel Shaw that he had ample force of regular troops to operate in the Yakima country. Colonel Wright evidently acted upon the belief that the presence of the volunteers had tended to disperse the Yakimas. He said in an official communication at that time: "I have not overlooked, from the first, the evident determination of the volunteers to co-operate with the regular forces to bring this war to a close; and I have steadily resisted all advances. My efforts have been retarded, but not defeated, by what was done."
On the 18th of June, Governor
Stevens, from The Dalles, had notified Colonel Wright at his camp on the
Nahchess: "Lieutenant-Colonel Shaw, on Thursday last (June 12th),
marched from Camp Montgomery over the Nahchess. It is supposed he will camp on the Wenass to-night. His orders are to co-operate with you in removing the seat of war from the mountains to the interior, and for reasons effecting the close of the war on the Sound obvious to all persons. He will then push to the Walla Walla valley, crossing the Columbia at Fort Walla Walla. The Walla Walla valley must be occupied immediately to prevent the extension of the war in the interior. Kamiakin has, since your arrival on the Nahchess, made every exertion to induce the tribes thus far friendly to join the war. He has flattered the Spokanes where he was on the 25th of May, and has endeavored to browbeat the Nez Perces. The Spokanes have answered in the negative; and the Nez Perces will, I am satisfied, continue friendly. I am ready, as the superintendent of Indian affairs, to take charge of any Indians that may be reported by yourself as having changed their condition from hostility to peace. I am ready to agree to any arrangement which may be for the good of the Indian. I presume your views and my own do not differ as to the terms which should be allowed the Indians, viz., unconditional submission, and the rendering up of murderers and instigators of the war for punishment. I will, however, respectfully put you on your guard in reference to Leschi, Nelson, Kitsap and Quiemuth from the Sound, and to suggest that no arrangement be made which shall save their necks from execution."
On the 18th of July, 1856, Colonel Wright reported to General Wool: "Notwithstanding the numerous difficulties and embarrassments I have encountered, the war in this country is closed. We have penetrated the most remote hiding-places of the enemy, and have forced him to ask for mercy. Deserted by their chiefs Kamiakin and Owhi, and perseveringly pursued by our troops, the Indians have no other course left them but to surrender. So long as troops simply moved through their country and retired, it had little effect. The Indians were generally the gainers by it. But a speedy advance over the whole country, rendering it necessary to move their stock and families, had a different effect, understanding, as they do, that the country is to be permanently occupied."
Without a gun fired, an Indian captured, or voluntarily coming in and submitting, peace is declared to exist, or rather war not to exist, because the Indians have been able to elude and keep out of the way of the force marching through, and nominally occupying, their country. It is very true that war cannot be made without some opposing force to make resistance; and it is equally true that peace cannot be restored unless some party hitherto an enemy shall agree to be at peace, or give some positive indications to that effect. On the 2d of August, General Wool issued an order to Colonel Wright, in which he said: "The general congratulates you on your successful termination of the war with the Yakimas and Klikitats. * * With the least possible delay you will conduct an expedition into the Walla Walla country. No emigrants or other Whites, except the Hudson's Bay Company, or persons having ceded rights from the Indians, will be permitted to settle or remain in the Indian country, or on land not ceded by treaty, confirmed by the Senate, and approved by the President of the United States, excepting the miners at the Colvile mines. Those will be notified, however, that, if they interfere with the Indians or their squaws, they will be punished and sent out of the country. It appears that Colonel Shaw from Puget Sound, with his volunteers, has gone to the Walla Walla country. Colonel Wright will order them out of the country by way of Fort Dalles. If they do not go immediately, they will be arrested, disarmed and sent out."
Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe, with
four companies, left Fort Dalles on the 20th of August for Walla Walla,
and reached there early in September. Governor Isaac I.
Stevens, Superintendent of Indian Affairs of Washington Territory, was in the valley, prepared to hold a council with the Nez Perces and the tribes who had been hostile. On the 5th of September, Colonel Steptoe's command encamped five miles below the council ground. In a letter to the Secretary of War, Governor Stevens wrote: "On reaching Walla Walla valley, I made the necessary arrangements for sending home the volunteers, to be mustered out of the service on the arrival in the valley of the regular troops under Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe."
On the evening of the 10th of September, the Indians being all in, except the Yakimas, and none of them friendly except a portion of the Nez Perces, and orders having been given for all the volunteers to go home the next day, Governor Stevens mae a requisition on Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe for two companies of troops and his mountain howitzers. He answered that he had moved his camp to a point on Mill creek, seven or eight miles above Governor Stevens' camp; and that General Wool's orders to him did not allow a compliance with the requisition.
Governor Stevens, before the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe, had addressed him, urging that they should camp near each other, "to show the strength of our people and the amity of our councils." Captain David N. Russell, on his way from Yakima, was addressed by Governor Stevens to the same effect. On the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe, Governor Stevens personally urged the same course. The governor, on being refused, called back Captain Goff's company, sixty-nine men, rank and file, and retained them as guards to his camp. The council opened on the eleventh, and continued for two days. On the thirteenth, so alarming had become the condition of affairs, that the governor addressed a confidential note to Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe, advising him that one-half of the Nez Perces were unquestionably hostile that so were all the other tribes with very few exceptions, and that a company of his troops was essential to the security of the governor's camp. Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe replied: "I regret extremely that you think a company of my troops to be 'essential to the safety' of your camp. In a previous communication, I suggested that, if you distrusted the safety of your position, the council might be adjourned to a more convenient time and place. As you know, my camp for the winter is in preparation. The train has been unloaded and sent back to The Dalles; and much valuable property, which cannot now be removed, lies on my camp ground. If the Indians are therefore really meditating an outbreak, it will be difficult for me to provide for the defense of my camp, and impossible to defend both camps. Under these circumstances, if you are resolved to go on with your council, does it not seem more reasonable that you shall move your camp to the vicinity of mine?" He then offers a company of dragoons to bring up the governor, and closes by advising him as to the embarrassment occasioned by a request for troops, as he cannot detach any, in execution of certain instructions received from General Wool.
At the suggestion of Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe, Governor Stevens moved his party, train and supplies, with Goff's company of volunteers, to the vicinity of Steptoe's camp. On his way to camp, the Governor met Kamiakin and his band. The governor reported to the Secretary of War (1): "It is probably owing to no one being advised of my intention to move till the order was given an hour before I started, that I was not attacked on the road. Kamiakin had unquestionably an understanding as subsequent events showed, with all the Indians except the friendly Nez Perces (about one-half the nation), and a small number of friendly Indians on the other tribes, to make an attack that day or
(1) See Governor
Stevens' message to Washington Territory legislature, 1856-57, page 89
et
seq.
evening upon my camp. He found me on the road to his great surprise, and had no time to perfect his arrangements. I had learned in the night that Kamiakin had camped on the Touchet the night before, and that he would be in this day. The council opened on the tenth. All the Indians were camped near. Kamiakin and his band were only separated from the council ground by a narrow skirt of woods in the bottom of Mill creek." All efforts to effect a treaty proved abortive. The propositions submitted by Governor Stevens to the tribes present were "unconditional submission to the justice and mercy of the government, and the surrender of murderers for trial."
That afternoon, Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe informed those Indians that he came there to establish a post, not to fight them; and that he hoped they would get along friendly. The next afternoon was appointed for a conference; but the Indians failed to appear. They had followed Governor Stevens, who started for The Dalles about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, and attacked him about one o'clock in the afternoon within three miles of Steptoe's camp.
In the official report of the governor to the Secretary of War before quoted, the governor proceeded: "so satisfied was I that the Indians would carry into effect their determination in the councils in their own camps for several nights previously to attack me, that, in starting, I formed my whole party, and moved in order of battle. I moved on under fire one mile to water, when, forming a corral of the wagons, and holding the adjacent hills and the brush by pickets, I made my arrangements to defend my position and fight the Indians. Our position, in a low, open basin, some five or six hundred yards across, was good; and, with the aid of our corral, we could defend ourselves against a vastly superior force. The fight continued till late in the night. Two charges were made to disperse the Indians, the last led by Lieutenant-Colonel Shaw in person, with twenty-four men. But, whilst driving them before him, - some one hundred and fifty Indians, - an equal number pushed into his rear; and he was compelled to cut his way through them towards camp. Drawing up his men, and aided by the teamsters and pickets, who gallantly sprung forward, he drove the Indians back in full charge upon the corral. Just before the charge, the friendly Nez Perces, fifty in number, who had been assigned to holding the ridge on the south side of the corral, were told by the enemy: 'We came not to fight the Nez Perces, but the Whites. Go to your camp or we will wipe it out.' Their camp with the women and children was about a mile distant, to which I directed the Nez Perces to retire, as I did not require their assistance; and I was fearful that my men might not be able to distinguish them from the hostiles, and thus friendly Indians might be killed.
"Towards night I notified Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe that I was fighting the Indians, that I should move the next morning, and expressed the opinion that a company would be of service."
To this Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe replied:
GOVERNOR STEVENS,
"CAMP, Sept. 19, 1856.
Council Ground,
Governor: I have just
received your note asking that the dragoons be sent to your aid. Now, the
Cayuses have burned all the grass near me. I shall have to send my animals
quite a distance for grass; and, if I send the dragoons to you, I shall
be unable to herd them. Besides that, the company could not return to me
for some time; and the Indians would probably turn all their attention
to the few men left with me. I have no blockhouses, and shall expect to
be annoyed much. Under these circumstances, do you
not think I had better use your train and move with you to the Umatilla, or some point beyond, where you would be safe from molestation and I could find grass abundant? If I had my train, I would not hesitate a moment, but would join you in the morning with my whole command rather than part with the only mounted men I have. What do you think of returning to this camp to-night or in the morning, taking my baggage up in your wagons, and our moving off together? Let me hear from you by Richard. I cannot help thinking that, if you abandon (burn up) your wagons, you can easily get through with your pack animals. But what think you of my plan of going together?
"Yours in haste. E.J. STEPTOE.
"I could probably send you Fletcher's company with most ease; but I think it is best for both of us that you lose a day and take up our baggage.
"LIEUTENANT-COLONEL E.J. STEPTOE."
This arrangement was assented to by Governor Stevens; and his report proceeds: "Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe sent to my camp Lieutenant Davidson, with detachments from the companies of dragoons and artillery, with a mountain howitzer. They reached my camp about two o'clock in the morning. Soon after sunrise, the enemy attacked the camp, but were soon dislodged by the howitzer and a charge by a detachment from Steptoe's command."
Lieutenant-Colonel Steptoe built a blockhouse and stockade on Mill creek, where a company was left to defend it. The governor started for The Dalles on the 23d of September, reaching there October 2d. In the governor's engagement on the ninteenth, his force consisted of Goff's company, sixty-nine men, rank and file, and fifty teamsters and employés. The train consisted of five hundred animals, not one of which was lost. He estimated the Indian force at four hundred and fifty. The loss of the governor's command was one man mortally, one dangerously, and one slightly wounded. The Indian loss was thirteen killed and wounded.
It will have been remembered
that, in June last, Governor Stevens, as superintendent of Indian affairs
for Washington Territory, had announced to Colonel Wright his readiness
to receive and provide for such hostiles as should come in and disavow
further hostility, and consent ot live on the reservations as friendly
Indians. He had excepted from the general amnesty certain hostile chiefs
of Puget Sound, who had signed the treaties and almost immediately thereafter
had instigated hostilities, and had participated in the horrible murders
and massacres at and near Puget Sound in the fall of 1855. The names of
those who were denied immunity were Leschi, Quiemuth, Kitsap, Nelson and
Stehi. For prudential reasons, Colonel Wright declined action at that time
upon the governor's demand for the surrender of those murderers for trial.
On the 19th of August, the governor renewed his demand for the delivery
of the Indian chiefs above-named for trial. On the 4th of October, Colonel
Wright advised the governor: "I delayed action to have a personal interview
with you. You know the circumstances under which the Indians referred to
were permitted to come in and remain with the friendly Yakimas. Although
I have made no promises that they should not be held to account for their
former acts, yet, in the present unsettled state of our Indian relations,
I think it would be unwise to seize them and transport them for trial.
I would, therefore, respectfully suggest that the delivery of the Indians
be suspended for the present."
Governor Stevens immediately answered Colonel Wright: "I have received your letter of this date, in answer to my requisition for the delivery of Leschi, Nelson, Quiemuth, Kitsap and Stehi, to be sent to the Sound to be tried by the civil authorities. Those men are notorious murderers, and committed their acts of atrocity under circumstances of treachery and blood-thirstiness almost beyond example. All belong to bands with whom treaties have been made; and, in the case of all except Nelson, the treaty has been sanctioned by the Senate; and the execution of the treaty has been placed in my hands. Whether a treaty has been made or not, I am of the opinion that men guilty of such acts should be at least tried, and, if convicted, punished. More especially should this be done in cases where, by treaty stipulations, provision is made for the punishment of such offenses. If the condition of things is so unsettled in the Yakima that the seizing of these men, after such arrangements as to time, etc., as necessarily comes within the discretion of the force making the seizure, will lead to war, the sooner the war commences the better. Nothing, in my judgment, will be gained by a temporizing policy. The war commenced on our part in consequence of the attempt to arrest the murderers of Bolon, Mattice and others, on the requisition of the acting governor of the territory of Washington. If this demand is not inflexibly insisted upon, and peace is made on milder terms, it will be, it seems to me, a criminal abandonment of the great duty of protecting our citizens, will depreciate our standing with the Indians, and pave the way for wars hereafter. I must, therefore, again respectfully make requisition for the delivery of the Indians mentioned, in order that they may be sent to the Sound to be tried by the civil courts. The particular mode and the special time of making the seizure rests with your discretion. I shall send Special Agent Shaw to the Yakima to take charge of the Indians you have officially reported to me to be friendly, and of Indians that I propose to incorporate with them. He will have instructions not, under any circumstances, to receive those Indians on the reservation."
On the 16th of October, Colonel Wright addressed Major Garnett, Ninth Infantry, commanding Fort Simcoe: "I have received a requisition from Governor Stevens, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for Washington Territory, for the delivery of Leschi, Nelson, Quiemuth, Kitsap and Stehi, to be sent to the Sound to be tried by the civil authorities. I have determined to comply with the requisition of the governor. You will therefore deliver up the Indians named (1) at the earliest moment practicable, having a due regard to the condition of affairs in the Yakima country. I have the assurance of the governor that these Indians shall be fairly dealt with. Make a full explanation to the chiefs and friendly Indians, and assure them that it is for their interest that these Indians should be delivered up and tried."
On the 19th of October, General Wool directed Colonel Wright to proceed in person to Walla Walla as soon as possible, to attend to the establishment of the post, as before directed, in that vicinity, and sent Captain Wyse's company, Third Artillery, to reinforce his command. "It is also of the highest importance that you, the senior officer (the chief man), should see and talk with all the tribes in that region, in order to ascertain their wants, feelings and disposition towards the Whites. Warned by what has occurred, the general trusts you will be on your guard against the Whites, and adopt the most prompt and vigorous measures to crush the enemy before they have time to combine for resistance, also check the war, and prevent further trouble by keeping the Whites out of the Indian country."
(1) The
Indians named were sent to the Sound. All were indicated for murders by
them committed. Leschi was convicted and hanged. Quiemuth was assassinated
by the son-in-law of Lieutenant James McAllister, whom he had treacherously
murdered in October, 1855. The others were severally tried and acquitted.
On the 31st of October, Colonel Wright reported: "I have selected the position on Mill creek, six miles above its junction with the Walla Walla river, for the post." The Indians dispersed after Governor Stevens' abortive effort to treat with them in september. About forty attended a council convened by Colonel Wright, among whom were the chiefs Red Wolf, Eagle from the Light, Howlish-wampum, Tinton-metey, Stickus, two sons of Looking Glass, besides several sub-chiefs and head men of the Nez Perces and Cayuse nations. They all inveighed against the treaty of 1855, and denounced Lawyer as having sold their country. Eagle of the Light said: "I understand that Colonel Wright came here to straighten out things, and to know whether the bloody cloth was to be washed and made white, and all that is past forgotten, or whether the war was to be continued between the Whites and red men. For my part I am for peace. I desire to see the good talk of the white chiefs and the Indians planted in good soil and grow up together. I desire to live in peace and harmony with the white people."
Colonel Wright replied: "The bloody cloth should be washed; and not a spot should be left upon it. The Great Spirit, who created both the Whites and the red men, commanded us to 'love one another.' All past differences must be thrown behind us. The hatchet must be buried; and, for the future, perpetual friendship must exist between us. The good talk we have this day listened to should be planted and grow up in our hearts and drive away all bad feelings and preserve peace and friendship between us forever. Put what I say in your hearts; and, when you return to your homes, repeat it to all your friends."
In reporting the proceedings of that council to the commanding general, Colonel Wright also added: "I am fully satisfied that, with all that has been said, peace and quiet can easily be maintained. The Indians are perfectly satisfied with the establishment of a military post here (Walla Walla). All they want is quiet and protection. I must express my decided opposition to the Treaty of Walla Walla, and pray it may never be confirmed. All the chiefs in this and the Yakima country whom I have seen are violently opposed to it. Give them back those treaties, and no cause of war exists. They proclaim that unfair means were used; whether so or not, they will not be contented until those treaties are restored. (1).
On the 21st of November, Governor Stevens, when he had been advised of the action of Colonel Wright, in treating with the party of hostiles who but a short time before had attacked him when returning from a council held by him as superintendent of Indian affairs for Washington Territory, made this earnest protest to the Secretary of War: "It seems to me that we have, in this territory, fallen upon evil times. I hope and trust that some energetic action may be taken to stop this trifling with great public interests, and to make our flag respected by the Indians of the interior. They scorn our people and our flag They feel that they can kill and plunder with impunity. They denominate us a nation of old women. They did not do this when the volunteers were in the field. I now make the direct issue with Colonel Wright, that he has made a concession to the Indians which he had no authority to make; that by so doing he has done nothing but get a semblance of peace; and that, by his acts, he has in a measure weakened the influence of the service having the authority to make treaties, and having charge of the friendly Indians. He has, in my judgment, abandoned his own duty, which was to reduce the Indians to submission, and has trenched upon and usurped a portion of mine."
(1) This language evidently means:
Until the lands to which the Indian title had by those treaties been extinguished
shall be restored to the condition which existed before the treaties were
made.
On the 18th of December, 1856, General John E. Wool, the commanding general of the Department of the Pacific, made official announcement: "The mail has arrived from Oregon, bringing the gratifying intelligence from Colonel Wright and Lieutenant-Colonel Casey that all is peace and quiet in the two territories, Oregon and Washington. Under present arrangements, I don't believe that the war can be renewed by the Whites. The posts are well arranged to preserve peace and to protect the inhabitants from any hostility on the part of the Indians residing in the territories."
Chief among the sprits who had set on foot that far-reaching conspiracy to check white appropriation of the territory of the great Northwest, which culminated in the Oregon-Washington Indian war of 1855-56, and embraced so many hostile Indian bands within the area north of the Calipooia Mountains, were those two old and crafty chieftains, Peu-peu-mox-mox and Kamiakin. The former to a great extent, if not entirely, was animated by the desire to avenge the death of a son murdered years before by white men in California. Against the white race he had declared unrelenting hostility. The latter was the unchanging and persistent foe of white occupancy of the country. Kamiakin, with the vaster aim, was the great projector of the hostile combination, and of the methods which he believed would contribute to its success. Through his direct instigation of the Klikitats, who, dwelling east of the Cascade Mountains, yet crossing constantly that mountain chain and intermingling with the western tribes, and with whom close relations had been formed by intermarriages, he had succeeded in enlisting such bold, restless and insidious chieftains as Kanaskut, Leschi, Quiemuth, Kitsap, Nelson and Stehi to commence the outbreak against the defenseless settlements of Puget Sound and its unsuspecting, unarmed settlers. That uprising on Puget Sound rendered it necessary that all available troops should be required west of the Cascade Mountains to protect the Sound settlements. Thus also was erected a barrier to the approach of the Whites into the Yakima country, which was effectual to deter any white man from entering the country of Kamiakin. Having murdered in cold blood all the unwary and unarmed white travelers as they journeyed alone or in small parties through the Yakima country, and the Walla Wallas and Cayuses, under the lead of Peu-peu-mox-mox, having robbed and dismantled old Fort Walla Walla, in the country of the latter chief, an effectual Indian interdict had been established against the white settlement or occupancy eastward of the Cascade Mountains. To continue such a condition of affairs, to regain, perpetuate and maintain the integrity of the sole and exclusive Indian occupancy of that region, the old chiefs and the coadjutors set about to enforce the continuance of that interdict. For such purpose and object, war was commenced by the Indians and waged by the confederate hostile tribes. Those chiefs and their observing people were thoroughly acquainted with the fact that there were comparatively no United States forces present in the territory, - none within the area of hostile operations. None better than they appreciated that the number of troops was entirely insufficient to accomplish the purpose of their presence, and that their distribution and the location of posts were entirely inadequate even to check, much less overcome, a hostile combination of any material portion of the native population. And so those wary chieftains, seconded by lieutenants of consummate skill in Indian warfare and strategy, made haste to profit by the condition of affairs, a condition of things for which the government of the United States, through the culpable inefficiency of the general commanding the Department of the Pacific, was directly responsible.
Kamiakin incited the confederate
hostile Indian tribes to go to war to keep the Whites out of the country.
In
that purpose he was ably supported by the sullen and revengeful Peu-peu-mox-mox,
who but impatiently awaited his opportunity for vengeance against the
race who had slayed his first born; who, at the Walla Walla council, had accepted largesses to secure his good will and his influence with his people; who had pretended that his anger had been placated, and that he had become conciliated; who subscribed his name to that treaty with apparent cordiality; who then retired to his lodges to plot against those whom he had so egregiously deceived, and whom at that council ground, with his compeer in duplicity, the great Kamiakin, he had already conspired to betray.
That quasi peace was but the proclaimed continuance of the assurance by the U.S. Army officers to the hostile Indians, "We came not into your country to fight, but merely to establish posts." It now officially announced the close of a war by General Wool, which he had never commenced to prosecute as war. It was but the unblushing publication of a policy inspired alone by him, and executed under his orders by officers whom he had handicapped in the enemy's country by instructions, the observance of which was but the triumph of Kamiakin. It was the official humiliating concession to the hostiles of everything that they had demanded, or had inaugurated the war to accomplish, viz., the keeping of white settlers out of their country; - save alone the isolated fact, that the Indians had made no resistance to or protest against the establishment of military posts within their territory. That failure to protest against the erection of posts was the only evidence of passive submission by the hostiles; yet with what avidity was the fact seized by General Wool to assure him that he was occupying the Indian territory by his troops, and that those troops were remaining there in peaceable possession! What a naked and barren victory, which proved too much; for it meant nothing except that armed troops within fortified posts were the only white men who could occupy such country. It too palpably demonstrated a suspension of hostilities patched up by appealing to the Indian: "Let my troops stay here; and I will protect you and keep out the white settler."
General Wool, in the execution of his plan of campaign by his army of occupation, not for making war, had effectually accomplished the aim of Kamiakin in the instigation of the outbreak. The commanding general had avowed upon several occasions his policy of protecting the hostile Indians against the Whites, and of expelling them from, and keeping them out of, the country. In fact, there appears to have been a common object actuating both Kamiakin and General Wool: Both were equally determined that the Whites should not settle in nor occupy the country of Kamiakin or Peu-peu-mox-mox; both were equally hostile to the volunteers of the two territories, who sought to save the country for white settlement; both were averse to any hostile demonstration against the Indians; both were willing that Governor Stevens should be cut off and his party sacrificed, when official duty compelled his presence in the Indian territory; both alike cordially hated the people of the two territories. Could Kamiakin have asked more than the performance of Wool's orders? - "Leave a company and a howitzer to protect the Cayuse Indians against the volunteers." * * * "Warn Colonel Shaw and his volunteers to leave the country; and, should they fail to comply, arrest, disarm and send them out." How it must have delighted old Kamiakin when he had interpreted to him that interdict against white settlement: "No emigrant or other white person will be permitted to settle or remain in the Indian country." Glorious duty for American troops to protect the blood-stained murderers of our people, to stand guard that the spirit of treaties shall be violated, that Americans may not occupy America and every part of its domain!
Thus through the direct agency
of, and in the execution of the orders issued by, the major-general commanding
the department, Kamiakin amply and effectually secured
every result for which he had made contention. Yes, that inglorious campaign, or rather its most "lame and impotent conclusion," illustrated that the war policies of Kamiakin and General John E. Wool were respectively one and the same; that their purposes and objects were in unison. Barring the fact that he had consented by treaty to white occupancy, it was patriotism in Kamiakin to hate the presence of white settlers in the country of his ancestry, to inspire him to resist the absorption of his territory, and "to welcome them with bloody hands to hospitable graves." With General Wool the case was entirely different. His exalted position afforded the opportunity to have accomplished so much. The people expected his protection. He denied them even his sympathy. In that important trust with which he had been invested, his avowed hostility to our people was vastly more dangerous and damnifying than Kamiakin and his hosts. Our volunteers had met in the field and successfully resisted the further advance of the hostile legions. But they and all of us were powerless to secure the sympathy of General Wool, or to withstand the evil effects of an administration of military affairs while he was the commanding director. He refused to repress Indian hostilities himself; nor would he allow the gallant officers and troops under his command to do any act which savored of making war against the Indians, or of administering chastisement to the murderers of our people.
History will accord to him whatever
merit may be due in securing the accomplishment of Kamiakin's purposes,
and for the adoption of Kamiakin's policy to govern his campaign. But,
while it will award credit to the Indian projector because of his sagacity
in accomplishing Indian purposes, it will fail to find reason for lauding
the motives or the efforts of one whose highest duty was to defeat the
accomplishment of Kamiakin's scheme to exterminate the white settlers of
Washington and Oregon. To the one, measurably extenuating even murder and
robbery when perpetrated by a savage in obedience to his education, traditional
mode of making war and native instincts of character, it will cover his
acts, however brutal, with the mantle of charity, and credit him with patriotic
prompting. Would to God there was some extenuating circumstance to justify
the other in refusing to allow the punishment of the murderers of his race,
men, women and children, in cold blood, and who were afterwards immolated;
- something which could explain the origin and cause of that worse than
savage prejudice which never for a moment ceased to actuate the major-general
of the Department of the Pacific in that campaign which closed as it began.
It left all of Eastern Washington in the actual occupancy of unpunished,
unsubmissive, hostile Indians, who were reinforced by United States troops
at several military posts, present in the Indian country with the avowed
purpose of holding it against the entry or settlement by emigrants
or other white persons. In that campaign, no hostility had been so apparent
to the white settlers, authorities and volunteers of Oregon and Washington,
no vindictiveness so intense, no race-antipathy so malignant, as that which
marked the conduct and imbued the orders of General John E. Wool. How reluctantly
is performed this duty of chronicling. With that campaign was closed a
hitherto long, brilliant and patriotic career in the service of his country.
In it he fell short of what the people had a right to expect. With skillful
and experienced officers, and an ample sufficiency of troops to subdue
the hostiles, he preferred they should passively concede all that an insolent
savage foe demanded. His motive in such a course, as displayed by his acts
and the record he left, was actuated by persistent and unrelenting prejudice
which rose to enmity against the territories of Oregon and Washington,
their patriotic governors, their brave and sacrificing citizen-soldiery,
and their neglected people.