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troops also failed to render effective assistance. The rebel forces were then withdrawn toward Fort Smith and in the direction of the Canadian river, where, in the latter part of August, General Steele had concentrated the troops of Cabell, Cooper and Stand Watie. General Blunt moved in this direction and at Perryville, in the Choctaw Nation, had a skirmish with some of Cabell's troops. Perryville was a regular military post and an important depot of the Confederates, being the only point between Boggy Depot and North Fork Town. As nearly every building contained government stores (according to the report of the Union general), the entire town was set on fire. The Confederates were now in general retreat, Cooper and Steele retiring toward Red river, while Cabell made an effort to hold Fort Smith. Col. W. F. Cloud, of the Second Kansas Volunteers, pursued him to Fort Smith, whence Cabell retired before him, and overtook him at Devil's Back Bone, a ridge of the Poteau mountains. After three hours' fighting, the enemy continued their retreat, and Colonel Cloud returned to Fort Smith, of which post he then assumed command (in September, 1863).12

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not discover the location of their artillery, as it was masked in the brush. While engaged in this reconnaissance, one of my escort was shot.
   As my men came up, wearied and exhausted, I directed them halted behind a little ridge, about one-half mile from the enemy's line, to rest and eat a lunch from their haversacks. After two hours' rest, and at about 10 a. m., I formed them in two columns, one on the right of the road, under Colonel (William R.) Judson, the other on the left, under Colonel (William A.) Phillips. The infantry was in column by companies, the cavalry by platoons and artillery by sections, and all closed in mass so as to deceive the enemy in regard to the strength of my force. In this order I moved up rapidly to within one-fourth of a mile of their line, when both columns were suddenly deployed to the right and left, and in less than five minutes my whole force was in line of battle, covering the enemy's entire front. Without halting, I moved them forward in line of battle, throwing out skirmishers in advance, and soon drew their fire, which revealed the location of their artillery. The cavalry, which was on the two flanks, was dismounted, and fought on foot with their carbines. In a few moments the entire force was engaged. My men steadily advanced into the edge of the timber, and the fighting was unremitting and terrific for two hours, when the center of the rebel lines, where they had massed their heaviest force, became broken, and they commenced a retreat. In their rout I pushed them vigorously, they making several determined stands, especially at the bridge over Elk Creek, but were each time repulsed. In their retreat they set fire to their commissary buildings, which were 2 miles south of where the battle commenced, destroying all their supplies. I pursued them about 3 miles to the prairie south of Elk Creek, where my artillery horses could draw the guns no farther, and the cavalry horses and infantry were completely exhausted from fatigue. The enemy's cavalry still hovered in my front, and about 4 p. m. General Cabell came in sight with 3,000 reenforcements [reinforcements]. My ammunition was nearly exhausted, yet I determined to bivouac on the field and risk battle in the morning if they desired it, but the morning revealed the fact that during the night they had retreated south on the Canadian river.
   The enemy's loss was as follows: Killed upon the field and buried by my men, 150; wounded, 400; and 77 prisoners taken, 1 piece of artillery, 1 stand of colors, 200 stands of arms and 15 wagons, which I burned. My loss is 17 killed, 60 wounded, most of them slightly. My forces engaged were the First, Second, and Third Indian; First Kansas (colored), detachments of the Second Colorado, Sixth Kansas, and Third Wisconsin Cavalry, Hopkin's battery of four guns, two sections of Second Kansas Battery, under Capt. E. A. Smith, and four howitzers attached to the cavalry.
   12From his camp on Little Boggy in the Choctaw Nation, on August 28, 1863, the Confederate General Steele made the following report: "I arrived at this place yesterday, having been obliged to fall back before superior numbers. We were closely pursued until we left Perryville, since which time we have not been molested. On the 26th shots were exchanged frequently between their advance and my rear, and in the evening it was necessary to use my whole force to hold them in check until my train could get away. The advance of General Bankhead's command is now within a few miles, in consequence of orders sent direct to the regimental commanders. I retired on this road to meet the troops that I expected,

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   December 11, 1863, General Steele was relieved, at his own request, of the command of Indian Territory, and Brig.-Gen. S. B. Maxey assigned to that command. The position of the Confederate troops in Indian Territory at the close of 1863 was even as discouraging as at the time General Steele took command. GeneralMaxey reported (December 26, 1863, "War of Rebellion," Ser. I, Vol. 22, Part ii) that his men were armed with guns of almost every variety, and that over a thousand were without arms. The only forces that could be counted on for fighting were Cano's brigade, of a little more than a thousand men, and the Indian brigade. Stand Watie, the Cherokee chief and commander of an Indian regiment, in August, 1863, in communications to the southern commissioner of Indian affairs and to the governors of the adjoining Indian nations, described the wretched condition of the southern Indians and the deplorable effects of the war. He charged that the Indian troops who had been true to the south from the very first had been treated in many instances as though it were immaterial whether or not they were paid as promptly and equipped as thoroughly as other soldiers. Many of the Indians charged the Confederate government with neglect, and the official reports show that the southern troops among the Indians were never properly equipped with arms and supplied with clothing and provisions.
   Since the invasion of the Cherokee country by northern troops in April, 1863, and the seizure of Fort Gibson, Stand Watie claimed that no vigorous efforts had been made on the part of the southern troops to dislodge them. Continuing, he said, in his letter to the Creek Nation: "They have desolated the land and robbed the people, until scarcely a southern family is left east and north of the Arkansas river. . . . The promised protection of the Confederate government, owing, I am compelled to say, to the glaring inefficiency of its subordinate agents, has accomplished nothing; it has been a useless and expensive pageant; an object for the success of our enemies and the shame of our friends. I fear that we can reasonably look for no change for the better, but that the Indians will have at last to rely upon themselves alone in the defense of their country. I believe it is in the power of the Indians unassisted, but united and determined, to hold their country. We cannot expect to do this without serious losses and many trials and privations; but if we possess the spirit of our fathers, and are resolved never to be enslaved by an inferior race, and trodden under the feet of an ignorant and insolent foe, we, the Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws, Seminoles and Cherokees, never can be conquered by the Kansas jayhawkers, renegade Indians, and runaway negroes."
   In 1863 of the Cherokees remaining about the agency of Tahlequah, nearly all the able-

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and to enable me to concentrate. The Creeks, who were encamped above North Fork Town, were ordered to join at Perryville, which they had ample time to do, but failed to do so. I have not heard from them. A Choctaw regiment joined, but about half of its numbers were unarmed. Col. Stand Watie, who was on a scout to Webber's Falls, where the enemy were reported crossing, has not joined. Many of the Cherokees have left to look after their families. Of the two regiments, there are probably not more than 100 in camp. General Cabell's brigade has been ordered to the vicinity of Fort Smith to resist a threatened movement from Cassville, and in the hope that the movement in that direction would arrest the desertions of the Arkansas troops. My communications by way of Fort Smith have been rendered very uncertain by recent movements. (War of the Rebellion, Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. Series I Vol. XXII, pp. 599-600.)

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bodied men were in the army, and the labor of planting and cultivating devolved almost entirely on the women and children.13 It had been represented that the country was clear of rebels, and under that assurance a large body of refuges had returned to their country, relying on the protection of the regiment at Fort Gibson under Colonel Phillips. But the rebel forces were still active under the leadership of Stand Watie. The loyal Indians had barely succeeded in getting their crops under way, when, about May 21, Stand Watie and his band entered the Territory and, according to the report of the United States agent, robbed the women and children of everything they could find, and took off horses, cattle, wagons, farming utensils, etc., drove off the inhabitants. Robbing, sometimes murdering and burning, continued without abatement until July. Most of the inhabitants fled to Fort Gibson, where they had to be subsisted by government supplies sent down from Fort Scott, over a road constantly beset by guerrilla bands.
   Early in 1864 the Union Forces, under Col. W. A. Phillips, commanding the Indian brigade, started on a campaign toward southern Indian Territory with the purpose of driving the enemy into Texas. From Little Rivertown, near old Fort Arbuckle, Colonel Phillips reported on February 16, 1864, that all the Canadian valley and its tributaries had been swept clear of the rebels, and that it was his intention to leave no subsistence for a rebel army, or forage, so that all the supplies would have to come from Red river in any movement undertaken against Arkansas. Later in the same month (February 24), after returning to Fort Gibson, he reported: "I do not hesitate to say that the expedition has been more eminently successful than any ever undertaken in the Indian country. So far as the rebel Creek, Seminole, and Chickasaw nations are concerned, the war is over. They have been destroyed or driven from their country. Those who are not seeking peace are fleeing to Mexico, and the Choctaw Nation is in council. The severity of the blow has stricken terror to the enemy. My command reached a point near Red river valley, 165 miles south-southwest of this place. We marched about 400 miles; killed, as nearly as I can get information, in the different fights and skirmishes, 250 men, and have only four wounded, all of whom will recover."14

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   13Exec. Doc., 1st Sess., 38th Cong.
   14During this campaign Colonel Phillips addressed letters to the governor of the Choctaws, to the Choctaw council and to the chief of the Seminoles, declaring that the end of the rebellion was near and demanding the return of the southern Indians to their old allegiance. In his letter to the Choctaw council, he said: "I want to say to you who are acting for the Choctaw Nation and people that the president of the United States has issued a proclamation offering peace and mercy. The rebellion is coming to an end, its paper money is worthless, its means destroyed, but little of it left, and that fast going to destruction. I should not write to you, but I know you have been grossly deceived by those rebels, who made this wicked and unnecessary war to overthrow a good government, a government under which all had their rights, and which you know never wronged you. The president does not wish to destroy you, but everything will be destroyed that stands in the way of peace to the great republic. As your friend and the friend of peace in the Indian Territory, I write to you to think of these things, and to see whether your people want to be destroyed in the vain hope of giving aid to a wicked rebellion. There is no possible reason why you should want to rebel against the government that fed and protected you, and under which you had peace. Peace you will never have again until you come back to its shelter. Do not deceive your people. God will curse and they upbraid you if you do. You have to choose between peace and mercy and destruction. Bad men have deceived you and bought you with a little money that never did you any good. It will not be long before destruction comes. I think you understand I am in earnest. Do you want peace? If so, let

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   In the fall of 1864 occurred the last important movement of the Confederates into Missouri and Kansas. The main part of the campaign was Price's expedition into Missouri. With a large force he moved up from Arkansas toward the Missouri river, threatening St. Louis, and then turning westward advanced along the river to the Kansas line. His aggressive movement was checked at Independence, Missouri, and in a series of engagements along the Kansas line he was forced back into Arkansas, without having effected any important advantage by his campaign, nor succeeding in drawing away any portion of the federal armies from their operations east of the Mississippi.
   As a co-operating movement with the Price expedition, the Confederate forces in Indian Territory planned and carried out their last effective raid north of the Arkansas. It was planned to send Stand Watie up the Neosho valley into Kansas, his forces acting as a flanking movement in conjunction with the Missouri expedition. As the first stage of this scheme, Generals Watie and Gano were ordered, in September, north of the Arkansas to raid towards the Kansas line, and perhaps intercept the federal train coming south from Fort Scott.
   The outcome of this excursion was the capture, by General Gano, of a big train of supplies at Cabin Creek, which was one of the notable exploits of the southern troops in Indian Territory during the war. The value of the train was estimated at a million dollars, and was specially useful in furnishing the southern Indians supplies of clothing and other equipment of which they had been sorely in need from almost the beginning of the war.
   Major Henry Hopkins, of the Second Kansas Cavalry, who commanded the supply train from Fort Scott to Fort Gibson, had a force of about 600 whites and Indians. He reached Horse creek on the night of September 17th, and, here learning of the approach of the enemy, hastened on to a position on Cabin creek, where he arrived on the 18th. The enemy were strongly posted in a hollow on the prairie, according to his report, and shortly after midnight they attacked. At the beginning of the fight the teamsters stampeded, and taking with them one or two mules from each wagon, it became impossible to move the train. The federal guard succeeded in holding their position till morning, when the Confederates charged and drove them from the train, which thus fell into the possession of Gano's men. Major Hopkins, failing to receive reinforcements, made good his retreat in the direction of Fort Gibson. General R. M. Gano's interesting report of this raid north of the Arkansas is given below.15

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me know before we come to destroy." (War of Rebellion," Ser. I, Vol. XXXIV, Pt. I.)
   15I left camp on the morning of the 14th with 1,200 men from my brigade and Howell's battery. Was accompanied by General Watie, with a detachment of 800 men from his brigade to make an expedition north of the Arkansas River. We proceeded to Prairie Springs and encamped on the night of the 14th.
   About noon on the 15th instant we arrived at the Arkansas River and found it swollen so as to make it a difficult passage. It required six hours to cross the river; hard work. All the artillery ammunition had to be packed over by hand, and many of our brave boys were plunged beneath the waves in consequence of quicksands. We encamped in the river bottom, two miles above Redbank's Ford and thirteen miles northwest from Fort Gibson.
   On the 16th we proceeded on our way, crossing the Verdigris at Sand Town Ford, about eight miles from the hay camp at Flat Rock. From this point I sent Gurley's regiment, accompanied and piloted by a detachment from General Watie's

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   Colonel Phillips, from Fort Gibson, on January 8, 1865, reported the condition of the Indian country at that time. He says: "The rebels have still a military organization numerically much greater than ours. We have about two-thirds of the people and fighting men of the Cherokee Nation. The Second and Third Indian Home Guards are Cherokees (full and half-breed). We have about half of the Creeks. The First Indian is Creek, except one company of Seminoles and one of Uchees. The rebels have two Cherokee regiments. They still have an

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command, around to the rear of the enemy's camp, while we proceeded slowly toward the camp. General Watie and staff, with my staff, accompanied me to the top of a mountain, while the command was halted below, and from our elevated position we could view their camps, and with spy glasses could see them at work making hay, little dreaming that the rebels were watching them. From thence we moved to within one mile of their camp unperceived, and I sent Lieutenant-Colonel Welch to the right with a column composed of the Twenty-ninth and Thirty-first Texas Cavalry (De Morse's and Hardeman's), while General Watie conducted the Indian column to the left, while I carried forward the center, with Howell's battery supported by Martin's regiment, the Gano Guards, under Captain Welch, and Head's and Glass' detachment of companies. I could distinctly see Captain Strayhorn formed in the enemy's rear. The clouds looked somber and the V-shaped procession grand as we moved forward in the work of death. Then commenced a running fight with the enemy's cavalry, while with the center I moved down and engaged their infantry. I sent Major Stackpole with a captured Federal lieutenant under flag of truce to demand surrender, but they fired upon my flag and then commenced the work of death in earnest. The sun witnessed our complete success, and its last lingering rays rested upon a field of blood. Seventy-three Federals, mostly negroes, lay dead upon the field.
   We captured 85 prisoners and left 5 badly wounded. We captured and destroyed their camps and stores with large quantities of hay. Our loss was 3 wounded.
   We slept upon the battle-ground and found next morning the enemy at sunrise on the 17th advancing from north and south. I sent Hardeman's battalion, under Major Looscan, southward to meet the force from Fort Gibson, while we proceed northward and drove off the cavalry without a fight. Major Looscan engaged the enemy, killing one and losing none. We now proceeded with the whole force northward toward Fort Scott to meet the expected train. We proceeded almost to Rock Creek, and hearing nothing of the train we feared lest they might have taken the road east of Grand River We encamped on Wolf Creek midway between the roads; scouted both and learned that the train had not passed.
   On the morning of the 18th, I proceeded with 400 men and two pieces of artillery toward Cabin Creek, leaving General Watie in command of the camp. I found the enemy at Cabin Creek with a train of 255 wagons and an immense herd of mules grazing on the prairie. We were as yet undiscovered, and I despatched [dispatched] a courier to General Watie to bring up the balance of our force and the other four guns, which he did without delay. The enemy found us before dark, but my force was secreted and their efforts to ascertain our strength was ineffectual.
   General Watie arrived about 12 o'clock, and I immediately moved the whole column forward, Lieutenant-Colonel Welch's command in front with the Gano Guards and Head's company as flankers. When within half a mile of the enemy I formed in line of battle, Colonel Welch on the right, second Major Mayrant, third Howell's battery, supported by the Gano Guards, Head's and Glass' companies; fourth Major Looscan and Captain Strayhorn, commanding Gurley's regiment, on the left. General Watie's command was formed on the left of my brigade. Having ascertained that the enemy were about moving their train, I advanced the entire line to within 500 yards of the enemy's position. An officer came out in the darkness to hold converse, and having informed us that they were Federals and learned that we were rebels, he called on God to damn us, and invited us forward.
   I asked him if he would receive a flag from us. He said he would answer in five minutes. I waited fifteen, and hearing some wagons moving I advanced my line about 3 a.m., and when within 300 yards or less of their fortifications they opened fire. We replied with small arms and artillery. The teamsters, demoralized, fled and left their teams to tangle up in the timber and break off wagon tongues. Some teams ran over the cliffs and the wagons crushed the teams to death. Not being able to see the fortifications and having accomplished my design of stopping the train, I moved my command back under the brow of the hill and awaited daybreak. There was a rest for

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organization of two Creek regiments, a battalion of Chicasaws, one of Seminoles, a company of Caddos, and the whole Choctaw Nation, except about 100 persons, men, women, and children. They have had, and are still reported to have, the organization of three Choctaw regiments. The rebel refugees, or women and children and non-combatants, are clustered in camps or colonies they have been making on Kiamichi, Boggy, Blue and Washita rivers. Their soldiers are mostly mounted, and the country between is overrun with hostile forces, and desert, so far as crops are concerned, but there is still plenty of stock there. With the rebel Indian soldiers, in the rebel

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near one hour, when the wagons began to stir again. I moved forward and gave them several more volleys and retired again.
   Soon day broke and the dawn revealed to us what appeared to us to be immense earth-works, but afterward proved to be immense hay ricks, ten in number, and just in the rear of said ricks, a strong fortification constructed of logs set up in the earth. To the left the timber along the bluff of Cabin Creek was filled with wagons and mules, and from behind all these the enemy sent missiles of death. I changed the position of the artillery so as to command the hay ricks and wagons, and got General Waitie to send Colonel Vann with the two Cherokee regiments across to capture all wagons that might have left before day. I dismounted Colonel Jumper's command to assist in supporting the battery, and afterward ordered Gurley's regiment to that post and Jumper in the timber to flank the enemy's right. He doubled back their right and drove them full 150 yards, when they came to a stand. Now appeared a crisis, and I charged them with Gurley's regiment, leading them in person, and would have carried the position but for a gully some twenty-five yards in the rear filled with armed men who had not yet participated. They were not visible until within twenty-five or thirty yards of them. We were compelled to fall back, but not one man of the gallant Thirteenth started from that murderous fire until I ordered them to do so. I then ordered Captain Strayhorn, Lieutenant-Colonel Weleh, and Major Mayrant to take the timber and drive the right, the Creeks and Seminoles having exhausted their ammunition, while Howell, Looscan, and Captain Welch poured their fire into the original front, now the enemy's flank. Crash after crash of shell swept Yankees, negroes, Pins, and mules away from the land of the living, while every regiment and company poured in volley after volley, and the brave Indians, having replenished with ammunition, came again to the work, and all with a loud shout rushed on to victory, driving the enemy beyond their fortifications, from where they fled in wild confusion to the densely timbered bottoms.
   At 9 o'clock (six hours after the first volley was fired) the field was ours, with more than #1,000,000 worth of Federal property in our hands. We burned all the broken wagons and killed all the crippled mules. We brought off 130 wagons and 740 mules. We clothed 2,000 men of the expedition so as to make them comfortable for the present and have some commissaries on hand.
   The killed of the enemy at Cabin Creek numbered about 23; the wounded not known; captured 26. The jaded condition of our already weak horses prevented us from capturing as many as we might have done. Our loss was 6 killed, 45 wounded, 3 mortally. (Gano's account—War of the Rebellion, Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Vol. XLI, pp. 788-791.)

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Indian department, there is a brigade of Texas and Arkansas troops, under General Gano. Generals Cooper and Stand Watie are also in command. Their artillery is at present rather better than ours. Around Fort Gibson are from 8,000 to 10,000 refugees, the larger portion of whom are Creeks, or people whose homes are south of the Arkansas river. Some 7,000 or 8,000 of these later were brought down here by the superintendent last June, too late to raise a crop.
   "Scattered through the Cherokee Nation, at their homes, are as many more loyal non-combatants. In all, upward of 20,000 persons depend for protection on the military force here. The refugees here were brought in hired transportation and left here, and cannot move as they are. An order to move my force elsewhere would leave them at the mercy of the rebels, if, indeed, it would be possible at all to move these soldiers away, to leave their women, children, old and sick people. Under the orders received it was necessary, since my return, for the Fifty-fourth U. S. Colored and the First Arkansas Infantry to march below. This leaves me simply the Indian command. My tri-monthly of the 31st ultimo shows that to be an aggregate of 2,112; 1,463 are present for duty; 382 escorting train. The evacuation of Fort Smith will leave this place rather weak, but I think I can hold my own until you determine what is to be the future of this command. The orders I have received so instruct me. For the future I make no recommendation, being ignorant of the policy determined about the Indian Nation. With the present Indian force, a good infantry regiment and good battery, and mounting half of the Indians, I think the country north of the Arkansas river, in the Indian Nation, could be held by making a vigorous use of the force. Unless the country north of the river be held it is doubtful about our holding any foothold in the Indian Nation, and the probabilities are that it would be organized against us. Efforts have been made, and are made by the enemy, to get these civilized and half-civilized Indians into a sort of neutrality league, which would, of course, eventually operate to their benefit."
   The raiding armies from both sides that for four years swept back and forth between Kansas and the Red river, the disunion of tribes, the losses of killed and wounded in battle, and the desolation and suffering caused by actual warfare, were disastrous to the settled prosperity and to continued advancement of the Indian Territory. But these were not the only ills from which the territory suffered in consequence of the war. To the horrors of war were added the greed and rapacity of unscrupulous men. Individual and sporadic crime would have been expected, but during 1864 and 1865, under cover of the distractions of war, an organized and wholesale system of thievery sprang up that completed the desolation that the contending armies had partially wrought. The description of this phase of the war is not a pleasant one, but has a place with other records.
   In his report for 1864 the commissioner of Indian affairs says: "There is perhaps no portion of the country, of equal extent, within our territorial limits, better adapted to the business of stock-raising than is the country owned by these people [referring particularly to the Cherokees]. Prior to the rebellion they had engaged in this business very extensively and many of them owned herds of cattle numbered by thousands. When the people were driven forth their stock was necessarily left behind, and to

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roam at large without ostensible owners. The rebels have availed themselves of this condition to furnish themselves with immense supplies of beef for their armies; and to the disgrace of our own people, it must be said that many of them have also engaged in the nefarious business of stealing cattle from these defenseless, unfortunate and truly loyal people.
   Col. W. A. Phillips addressed the following communication to General Canby, dated at Fort Gibson, Feb. 16, 1865: "I desire to notify you of encroachments on the rights of the people of Indian Nation from the department of Kansas by citizens thereof and volunteer officers and soldiers stationed there. I desire that you communicate with the major-general commanding the Division of Missouri, to secure his assistance in putting a stop to evils that have assumed fearful proportions, and for the protection of interests so justly entitled to. I desire to state that for nearly a year past there has been a systematic and wholesale plundering and driving of stock from the Indian Nation to Kansas. Part of this is the property of loyal soldiers in our service, part of loyal citizens, and part of disloyal persons now in arms against us or aiding those who are. The devastations of war have depopulated the Creek Nation; two-thirds of the homes in the Cherokee Nation are abandoned. The rebel or disloyal Indians are clustered in colonies on the streams tributary to the Red river. The loyal Indians, who adhere to our cause, are clustered around Gibson, or in colonies depending upon it for protection. The stock, or herds, of all, or what is left of it, is, of course, scattered or unwatched on its range. This condition of affairs invited the somewhat wholesale enterprises by which it has been driven to Kansas. The Arkansas river for the past two years may be said to have been the boundary between the belligerents. Since the siege of Gibson was raised in July, 1863, by General Cooper, no rebel army has camped on its southern lands. It is true considerable mounted parties have crossed it. A train was captured sixty miles in the rear of this place in September last by a large mounted force; but north of the river, or even fifty miles south of it, any rebel occupancy is only of the character of raids. I obtain all the beef for the command and for the many refugees from south of the river, or from the stock subject to be taken by the enemy. I merely desire to show that there is no necessity for commands of troops to enter the nation, 150 miles in my rear, on the pretext of scouting, which really drive off cattle. I would inform you that a very considerable portion of such stock was driven off by troops from Kansas. I will mention one or two cases in which there is ample and clear testimony. Captain Vittum, of the Third Wisconsin Cavalry, last April entered the nation with a train. On his return he gathered a her of 500 or 600 and drove it out. The same officer entered the nation about the last of May or first of June as escort for two officers coming down to Fort Smith. He stopped forty miles above Gibson and went back, driving out a large herd. He is now provost-marshal at Fort Scott, which will give you an idea of the police regulations on the northern border of the nation, on which I have to lean. On application to General Curtis last summer I was informed that the matter was merely one for adjudication in the courts. In the nation there is no federal court in time of peace—not even the Indian courts exist now. The necessary protection is dependent to a great extent on the military power temporarily existing. I think I can stop it here; if I had

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horses for my men at least, I could, with co-operation from above, or [sic] respect from them to orders issued here. The Indian soldiers are more to be trusted for their own protection than others. They are amenable to each other as well as to the government. Most of the white regiments that have entered the Indian Nation commit more or less depradations. They treat it as if it were an enemy's country. I, however, desired to secure through you sufficient protection from the department above to stop the nefarious system which appears to have a thorough organization in the state of Kansas, believing that unless prompt steps were taken the same nefarious transactions would be continued this season.
   The depradations committed in the Indian country by unprincipled white men acting or assuming to act in official capacity were noted by the commissioner of Indian affairs in his report for 1865, in reviewing conditions in the territory during the last months of the rebellion. Referring to that time, he says: "Serious complaints were being made to the department that stock owned by the Indians, and necessary for their subsistence, and the small crops of corn raised by those who had been able to till the ground, were being taken from them by unprincipled speculators. Some of the military officers had laid the blame for this state of things upon the Indian agents, but an investigation of these charges showed them to be without foundation. The most stringent rules and regulations in regard to the sale of stock from the Indian country were adopted and issued, but it is apparent that the practice of running stock out of the country has continued, the keenness of the speculators enabling them to elude the vigilance of the officers, and it is believed that an immense amount of such stolen stock has been purchased at large prices by the government. The information given by Superintendent Sells,a s given in his report16 furnishes some idea of the enormous extent as well as profit of the business, where contractors obtain ready sale for the plunder at such rates as they have received from the government."
   Many prominent men, merchants, military officers, Indian agents, traders and others, were charged with being implicated in this traffic. But, said the commissioner, such "an obliquity of conscience had affected the

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   16The report referred to says: "I was convinced that there was in successful operation a regularly organized band of cattle operators, which organization had its plans so completely systematized, with sentinels and scouts, together with its numerous employes [employees] as drivers, that they generally succeeded in driving off with impunity all the herds of cattle coming within the range of their operations. . . . It is utterly impossible to effectually break up this system of plunder from the Indians as long as the state, civil and military authorities are in sympathy with the parties engaged in this species of brokerage. . . . I think it is not doing violence to the truth to say that since the commencement of the rebellion three hundred thousand head of cattle have been driven from the Indian country without the consent of the owners and without remuneration, which at an average value of fifteen dollars per head will amount to the enormous sum of four million five hundred thousand dollars. There are two classes of operators connected with cattle-driving from the Indian country. The first are those who take the risk of driving from their original range—the home of the owners—who are generally men of no character and wholly irresponsible. They usually drive to the southern borders of Kansas, where the second class are waiting, through their agents, to receive the stolen property. These cattle brokers, claiming to be legitimate dealers, purchase at nominal prices, taking bills of sale, and from thence the cattle are driven to market, where enormous profits are made. These brokers have met with such unparalleled success that the mania for this profitable enterprise has become contagious. The number directly and remotely engaged is so numerous, the social standing and character of the operators secure so much power, that it is almost fatal to interpose obstacles in the way of their success.

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whole community on the border," that it seemed scarcely worth while to attempt to prosecute them before any court in Kansas, because, as one investigator reported, "they openly make their boasts that they can buy men enough to swear to anything they want them to, and I know they speak the truth from experience."
   Agent Harlan of the Cherokees reported the methods of the cattle raiders as follows: " A man, wishing to get Indian cattle, went to some general of the post commander, or to the superintendent of the Indian affairs, and got a license to buy cattle in the Indian Territory; he then arrived with his license, without money, and only a cattle whip, raised a company of some white men, and mostly Osage and Wichita Indians. They went on until cattle began to be plenty; the gentleman of the license came to Fort Gibson, proclaimed his business was to buy cattle. He did not come to steal, not he! He intended to buy and pay a fair price; went to the post commander, showed his license, proclaimed his intentions not to be as others were, to steal; he could make by fair trade as much as he wanted. He had a little money, and had concluded to turn it into cattle. He wanted to see the country, and perhaps he could make as much as would pay his expenses, and a little for his time. He was not seeking to get rich, only wanted to 'live and let live,' and any amount of just stuff.
   "They were all alike. It looked as if they had all been educated in the same school; flattered the commanding officer and got his license endorsed. They would hang around Fort Gibson ten or twelve days, still inquiring where there were large herds for sale, where he could buy at a living price. One fine morning the man was missing, and nobody knew when he went or where he was gone. In about ten days some gentleman coming to Fort Gibson had on his way down met the licensed gentleman with a drove of cattle, from five to fifteen hundred head, on his way to Kansas. Some with license to buy never presented their license, but at once commenced gathering their cattle, running what little risk there was of being caught, and then escaping under their license. Others, more bold, went at it without any disguise of a license, and stole all they could find, and sold them to those who were glad the stealing was done . . . ."
   The condition of the Indian country at the close of the war, in contrast to its comparative prosperity and advancement in 1860, was described by the commissioner of Indian affairs in 1865. Most of the tribes, he declares, "had advanced far in civilization, and their country was well provided with good schools and academies. Many of their leading men are today thoroughly educated men, of statesmanlike views, fully able to express those views in our language, in a manner which can be excelled in few of our deliberative assemblies. Their people were rich in real and personal property, living in the enjoyment of everything needed for their comfort; and considerable wealth had accumulated in the hands of some of them—the slaveholders—so that they lived in a style of luxury to which our thriving northern villages are mostly unaccustomed. Their crops were abundant, but their chief element of prosperity was stock-raising, and vast herds of cattle were in their hands as a means of wealth. The change is pitiful. Their land has been desolated by the demon of war till it lies bare and scathed, with only ruins to show that men have ever dwelt there. A perusal of the reports herewith will satisfy you that these remarks are no exaggeration, particularly as to the Cherokee, Quapaw, and part of the Creek bands; the condition of

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affairs in the Choctaw and Chickasaw country is not so serious, for the reason that those tribes went almost unanimously with the rebellion, and of course had no object in destroying their own property; though even there the effects of the ware are distinctly visible. But in the Cherokee country, where the contending armies have moved to and fro—where their foraging parties have gone at will, sparing neither friend nor foe—where the disloyal Cherokees, in the service of the rebel government were determined that no trace of the homesteads of their loyal brethren should remain for their return, and where the swindling cattle-thieves have made their ill-gotten gains for two years past, the scene is one of utter desolation. Of course, the loyal portions of these tribes have suffered most; for they became refugees from their homes, leaving them in the hands of the enemies, and everything that they left was destroyed. A large number of the loyal Indians of all the tribes entered the service of the United States, and many of them sealed their fidelity with their life-blood, while many others are maimed for life. Now that the war is over, the survivors of these loyal bands claim the sympathy and aid of the government. They are anxious to return to their country, but the have no homes there, and no subsistence. They are utterly destitute, and entirely dependent upon the government for food and clothing. In another season, if timely assistance in the way of agricultural implements and other aid is afforded them, they may become self-sustaining by tilling the ground; but for the present, at least, they must be dependent upon the government."
   "The Seminoles numbered before the war nearly 2,500, of whom more than half came out with the loyal Creeks and took refuge in Kansas, their able-bodied men joining the United States army. There are about 2,000 of the tribe left. Some 500 of them were furnished with seed and a few agricultural implements last spring, and, upon land near Fort Gibson, in the Cherokee country, labored diligently and with some degree of success for the means of subsistence, having raised produce to the value of $2,500. The records of their old agency have been preserved through the war, and are safe at Fort Washita. They are anxious to go to their own country south and west of the Creek region, but matters there are not sufficiently settled as yet, and the agent thinks that they should be removed to some point among the Creeks and subsisted there, to be near their own lands at the opening of spring. About 1,000 of them are now drawing rations from government. They are very poor and destitute, and must be fed and clothed, or suffer and starve. Agent Reynolds says that they wish to settle upon individual lands, where they can own and enjoy the fruit of their own labors. As they are closely allied to the Creeks, and speak that language, they might perhaps be consolidated with them; or, if not, it is thought that they would be glad to dispose of their lands, to be used for a home for other Indians, and thus procure the means for establishing themselves again in a condition to become self-supporting, and educate their children.
   "Agent Reynolds has been especially active in efforts to stop the plundering of Indian stock, and thinks that his efforts have been successful.
   "Of the Cherokees, all of the nation at first joined the rebels, including all factions, of full and mixed blood. Regiments were raised by the order of the party in power, then and now the majority, called the Ross party, which regiments fought against the

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Union forces at Pea Ridge and on other occasions.
   "All seem to have agreed as to their course of action down to the fall of 1862, when a portion of the troops, under Colonel Downing, 2d chief, and a majority of the nation, abandoned the rebel cause and came within our lines. About 6,500 of the more wealthy portion still continued to co-operate with the south till close of the war; and about 9,000, early and late, came back to their allegiance.
  "Two regiments of these people, numbering 2,200 men, deserted the rebel cause as above stated, and since that time, to the end of the war, have fought on the side of the Union. The total population of the nation is now estimated at about 14,000.
   "Bad as is the condition of all these southern Indians, that of the Cherokees is much worse than the remainder of the tribes. They have a domestic feud, of long standing, which prevents them from coming together for mutual aid and support in their manifold troubles. In 1863 a portion of them had gone back to their country, expecting to be protected by the United States troops in raising a crop for their support; but the were driven from their fields by rebel parties; and while their former brothers were plundering them from one direction, their white friends from Kansas were stripping the country of their stock from the other. The account given by Agent Harlan of the modus operandi of cattle-thieving business would be amusing, if the thing described were not outrageously criminal. Some idea of the extent of this business may be obtained when it is seen that the agent estimates the losses of the Cherokees in stock alone at two millions ($2,000,000) while Superintendent Sells thinks that the losses of all the tribes have amounted to full four millions.
   "About 9,000 Cherokees are now receiving rations from government, and a large portion of those lately disloyal are suffering greatly for the necessaries of life. They need food, clothing, tools, everything in fact, to begin life again; and their condition must be that of extreme destitution until they can again realize the fruits of their labor upon their own soil. The Cherokees own a tract of 800,000 acres in the southeast corner of Kansas, which should be made available for their benefit; and have, besides, a vast tract of land below the Kansas line, very largely beyond their possible wants. All beyond those wants should be purchased by government, and the avails used for the benefit of the whole people. Superintendent Sells doubts whether the loyal and disloyal Cherokees can ever live in friendship together, and suggests that in case this proves to be impossible, the latter can easily make terms with the Chickasaws to join them.
   "I have already alluded to the condition in which this southern portion of the nation is left by the action of the party in power, and will only add here, that the sweeping act of confiscation passed by the council takes from them every acre of land, and all of their improvements; and that by the hasty action taken under the law, everything has been sold for the most trivial consideration, improvements which were worth thousands selling often as low as five dollars; and when the repentant rebel party, no more guilty at first than the Ross party, came back and proposed to submit and live in peace and harmony with them again, they were told that they might all return, except their leaders, and go upon new lands and begin the world again; but no hope was held out to them of any restoration of property. They are thus left entirely dependent,

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being stripped of everything by the act referred to.
   "The Creeks were nearly divided in sentiment at the opening of the war; about 6,500 having gone with the rebellion, while the remainder, under the lead of brave old chief Opothleyoholo, resisted all temptations of the rebel agents and of leading men, like John Ross, among the Indians, and fought their way out of the country northward, in the winter, tracked by their bloody feet upon the frozen ground. They lost everything—house, homes, stock, everything that they possessed. Many joined the United States army. A large number have been constantly subsisted, often with scanty rations, by government. A part having gone this year to the Indian country, have raised some crops under many difficulties, and about one-half of those who thus went south again will have enough corn to carry them through the winter; the others must be subsisted by government, while 5,000 are now receiving rations. A large number of the southern Creeks are in the same deplorable state. The aggregate number of the tribe is now stated at 14,396. Agent Dunn says that the buildings of the old Creek agency are in ruins, but the valuable mission buildings are standing, though badly injured. He thinks that a new location should be selected for the agency, at a point where there is water and timber; but as there may be other arrangements made as to the final settlement of the tribe, he suggests that such temporary shelter for the agency as is necessary should now be provided.
   "The Choctaws and Chickasaws, who now number respectively about 12,500 and 4,500, or 17,000 in all, are supposed to have had a population of 25,000 at the beginning of the war, including slaves. They have regularly organized governments and legislatures, written laws, and a regular judiciary system.
   "They possessed admirable schools, and education had made great progress among them. Nearly the whole of these tribes proved disloyal, under the various influences brought to bear upon them. Agent Coleman ascribes their disloyalty, in a great degree, to the influence of the whites living among them, some of whom have had the assurance to apply for licenses to remain in the country as traders; but I am entirely satisfied, as the result of my inquiries when lately in Indian country, that the disloyal action of these tribes is mostly, if not altogether, to be ascribed to the influence of the then superintendent Mr. Rector, and the agents appointed by the United States government. The tribes are educated to respect authority and be guided by the directions of these representatives of the government; and when, in the spring of 1861, these men, appointed under President Buchanan, came back from Washington and told the Indians that there was no longer a United States government to protect them, that its organization was broken up, and that they must join with the new government (which by its location and its slave-holding basis would be in sympathy with them), or be ground to powder, they readily acceded. They now see their error. No men were ever more penitent; and since they learned at the Fort Smith council the wishes of the government, their own council has met and taken prompt action upon the proposition submitted to them, and appointed a delegation to visit Washington to sign a final treaty. This appears more fully in the despatch [dispatch] from General Hunt, commanding Fort Smith, dated October 24, communicating a letter

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from Governor Colbert, of the Chickasaw nation, which despatch [dispatch] will be found among the accompanying documents.17
   "Only 212 persons belonging to these tribes are known to have remained loyal to the government. The disloyal portion need some help to get through the winter without suffering, but their country having been held by the rebels all the time during the war, and not traversed by the contending armies, and rations having been issued to them till last March, they have not suffered as much as the other tribes. Two thousand of both tribes are now receiving government rations. I have elsewhere referred to the propositions in regard to accession of a portion of the Choctaw and Chickasaw lands.
   "Agent Snow has in charge the Neosho agency, comprising the Osages, and the small bands known as the Quapaws, Senecas, and Senecas and Shawnees.
   "The Osage lands are in Kansas, and comprise about 4,000,000 acres. In 1859 they had a population of 3,500; the agent thinks that their number does not exceed 2,800. About 1,000 of the tribe joined the rebellion. Some two hundred and forty of their warriors were at one time in the service of the United States, but left from some difficulty with their officers, and cannot understand the propriety of the rule by which they have forfeited their pay. The report of Superintendent Sells is very full in its information as to the habits and mode of life of this tribe, which is entirely nomadic in its character, using the bow and arrow in the chase, and hunting the buffalo in the ranges southwest of their country. . . . The sad example of the whites, who steal their stock, leads them to retaliate, and frequent collisions and difficulties with the settlers are the consequence. By the recent treaty with this tribe, their factions have become reconciled; and by the cession to the United States of a large body of land, it will be open to settlement, and they obtain from its avails the means of becoming civilized. In view of their nomadic habits, however, Agent Snow suggests their entire removal from Kansas and the neighborhood of the whites, and settlement upon lands in the western part of the Indian country, near the buffalo range; which suggestion I approve, and trust that within a few months their country will be so far at the disposal of the government, through the operation of the treaties now in progress, as the result of the recent council, that these and all the other Kansas Indians who do not elect to become citizens may be removed into the Indian country.
   "The Quapaws and other small tribes of this agency, number only 679 in all, never showed any sympathy with the rebellion, but came north, abandoning their homes, and continued as refugees upon the Ottawa reservation until last spring, when they were removed to a point eighty miles

[Footnotes]

   17The letter from Governor Colbert, here referred to, contains an interesting proposition, made by the Chickasaw legislature, to provide for the freed men under an "indentured servant' system, similar to the method adopted by slave-holders in the Mexican province of Texas to escape the Mexican laws forbidding slavery. The plan suggested by Governor Colbert was: to apprentice all free negroes under 21 years until of age, to their former owners, provide for the aged over fifty, infirm, and employ the middle-aged at fair wages. "This system," said the governor, "is the self-same under which Pennsylvania and other northern states got rid of slavery, and it is hoped will meet the approval of the president and people of the non-slave-holding states. It appears to cover the requirements of the United States government that when emancipated, the negroes shall be properly cared for."

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further south, where they have raised some small supply of vegetables this year. An exploration of their former reservation, just below the Kansas line, exhibited the usual desolation of war; and everything must be provided anew for them. They had attained a fair degree of civilization, and were prosperous and comfortable before the war; and they, like the other loyal Indians, think that the government for which they suffered the loss of everything, should in some degree compensate them for such loss. These people all receive rations at present from the United States.
   "The Catholic mission school at the Neosho agency has been continued in operation, though under great difficulties. On the occasion of the recent visit of Superintendent Sells to the agency, the school had in attendance sixty-five Osage and Quapaw boys, and fifty girls. The Indians regard this school with much favor.
   "The Wichita agency (Agent Gookins in charge) comprises about 500 Shawnees, absentees from their tribes in Kansas, and who, it is probable, will not return to that state to remain permanently, but who are now in Osage county, Kansas; and the Wichitas and fragments of the Caddoes, Commanches, and others, amounting to about 1,800. These last were, before the war, settled upon lands leased from the Choctaws. They have never had much attention given them by the government, and were driven from Texas by the greed of white men. Thus they have not for years had a settled home. About 1,000 of them are now near Fort Washita, having done but little towards subsisting themselves, a flood having destroyed most of their crops. They are very poor and miserable, and must have help; and they ask to be placed somewhere, where they can feel that they have a permanent home, and go to work in earnest next spring. Rations are issued to 1,400 of the Indians belonging to this agency."

 

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